CHALLENGES FROM WITHIN: THE RISE OF NEO …dtpr.lib.athabascau.ca/action/download.php?filename=mais/700/kevin... · popular descent allows the movements rise in popularity. When studying

CHALLENGES FROM WITHIN: THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL

POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN WESTERN EUROPE

By

KEVIN T. RODGERS

Integrated Studies Final Project Essay (MAIS 700)

submitted to Dr. Mike Gismondi

in partial fulfillment of the requirements for the degree of

Master of Arts – Integrated Studies

Athabasca, Alberta

August 2016

THE RISE OF NEO-NATIONAL POLITICAL MOVEMENTS IN EUROPE 2

ABSTRACT

Neo-nationalism is a political ideology that seeks to limit the effects of

globalization on the historically defined nation-states of Europe. Neo-

nationalism is growing rapidly and is not beholden to class based norms, nor

is it defined by a traditional ideological construct. This paper seeks to define

the factors that have led to the rise in the popularity of neo-nationalist parties

in Western Europe. To do this effectively, an interdisciplinary approach is

used that seeks to combine insights from across the disciplines of

anthropology, economics, gender studies, geography, sociology and political

science in order to better understand neo-nationalism’s popularity. I argue

that the rising popularity of neo-nationalist groups lies in their ability to use

an adaptive mythology that plays on pre-existing regional, religious, gender,

and economic sensitivities in order to stoke fears of either a real or a

perceived loss of political, cultural, and economic power.


Over the last thirty years globalization and space-time compression have

fundamentally altered our social, economic, and political worlds. Neo-liberalism and

globalization have since become interlinked as neo-liberal economic policies have come

to dominate globalization initiatives. Although globalization policies have connected the

world and shifted some regions out of poverty, globalization has also negatively affected

individuals and altered traditional class patterns. In Western Europe, a rise in neo-

nationalist sentiment has formed a challenge to the globalist policies of neo-liberal

institutions and organizations like the IMF, the World Bank, and the European Union.

Neo-national groups like the France’s National Front, Britain First, the United Kingdom

Independence Party (UKIP), and Austria’s Freedom Party have all dominated political

headlines in Western Europe, surprising academics and pundits alike with their swift rise

in popularity. This paper seeks to address the factors that have led to the rise in

popularity of neo-nationalist parties throughout Western Europe. I argue that the rising

popularity of Neo-nationalist groups in Western Europe, lies in their ability to craft an

adaptive mythology which plays on pre-existing regional, religious, gender, and

economic sensitivities, as a means to stoke fears of either a real or a perceived loss of

political, cultural, and economic power.

Supporters of neo-nationalism are united by their fear of the unknown and their

fear of a future they neither understand or control. The European Union, and the social

changes that have been brought about by neo-liberalism, provide an enemy that neo-

nationalists can frame as the negative force that has altered member nations’ economic

agendas, reduced the power of once powerful domestic unions, changed social and

cultural elites, altered ideas of masculinity, and encouraged economic migration. Like the


dangerous nationalist groups of the past, neo-nationalist groups deflect blame and hold

‘foreign’ others as being responsible for social and economic changes affecting their self-

defined nation. Neo-nationalism’s ability to present suitable scapegoats and cater to

popular descent allows the movements rise in popularity.

When studying social phenomena, like the rise of neo-nationalism, it is important

to incorporate a variety of disciplinary perspectives as individual adherence to neo-

nationalist ideologies can vary greatly between participants in the movements. It is not

simple to categorize individuals who may feel a connection to neo-national causes.

People participate in political movements in individual ways. Therefore it is important to

incorporate as many theories and perspectives as possible in order to come to a more

complete view of the factors leading to the popularity of neo-national movements.

Another challenge for this study lies in what Sager (2014) calls methodological

nationalism; a research phenomenon where investigation of global problems are often

addressed through the historical and cultural biases of the researcher’s national

perspectives (p. 62). The presence of the nation-state as an organizational tool still

represents a key assumption in fields like political science, history, geography and

economics. Scholars, politicians, and journalists study the GDP of a state, the population

of a state, and the history of a state – these assumptions fuel the dominance of the nation

in social research. Methodological nationalism plays an important role in our

understanding of neo-nationalist movements, since most citizens have been taught to

think of the nation as a foundational presence in our day to day lives - a belief that biases

many in the West towards discourses that rely on concept of ‘the nation’. In order to

avoid the pitfalls of methodological nationalism, and disciplinary biases / blind spots, this


paper uses an interdisciplinary research method that incorporates perspectives from both

the humanities and social sciences (from several national regions) in order to find

consensus and to better understand neo-nationalism as a transnational phenomenon. This

paper attempts to bridge gaps in discipline specific research by drawing on assumptions

and theories present in anthropology, economics, gender studies, geography, sociology

and political science. Interdisciplinary techniques allow for a more comprehensive

analysis of the growth in popularity of neo-nationalist parties over the last 15 years.

Although this paper focuses on events unfolding in Western Europe, nationalist

ideas are rising globally. Research into the popularity of neo-nationalism is key to

understanding fundamental political and social changes of our times. It appears that

nationalist sentiment - spread by groups like Britain First, the National Front, or even the

US Republican Party under Donald Trump- has been able to mobilize support and create

a new form of resistance to neo-liberalism. In Putin’s Russia, nationalism has replaced

Marxism as a force for social and political control. Neo-nationalism is a force that could

fundamentally alter political and economic policies around the world. Understanding the

motivations, politics, and aims, of neo-nationalist groups and their supporters is key to

understanding a potentially revolutionary period in world history.

We often associate nationalism with a historical phenomenon that peaked in the

1930s and led to two world wars. Yet nationalism, as a social and political ideology,

played an important role during the 19th and the 20th centuries through organizing

economies, cementing loyalties to the state, and providing individuals with a sense of

belonging in lieu of the feudal ties. In short, nationalism built the modern nation –state. It

is important to note that although nationalism and neo-nationalism are linked, both


movements are unique and are formed from a different set of underlying principles,

enemies, and aims. Delany (1996) states that: “nationalism today in fact represents

something substantively new and it is therefore legitimate to speak of ‘neo-nationalism’.

The emergence of new nationalism is indicative of a more general transformation of

political culture: a gradual shift from monolithic ideologies to a diffuse politics of

cultural identity and a concern with social themes” (p. 127). While sharing some

ideological similarities with nationalist movements of the past, neo-nationalists argue

against the new ‘others’ of global capitalism and economic migration, while believing

that supranational entities, like the EU, the World Bank and the International Monetary

Fund work to undermine the strength of their once dominant nation-states. Sociologists

Ager and Valdez (2015) indicate that neo-nationalism differs from its historical name

sake in that neo-nationalism is: “a boundary maintenance project rather than a nation

building project” (p. 127). In anthropology, Gingrich (2006) adds that while neo-

nationalism rejects some key ideas behind modern capitalism, neo-nationalism maintains

a link to capitalist ideas of individualism. He further suggests that to neo-nationalists,

individual exceptionalism can be widened to apply to the nation and stoke ideas of

national exceptionalism. (p. 198). Economist, Quentin Duroy (2014) echoes Gingrich’s

link between neo-nationalism and capitalism, stating: “The rise in neo-nationalism has

coincided with the increased influence of neo-liberal ideology on economic development

in Europe through policies of deregulation, privatization, austerity and / or European

Union membership” (p. 469). Thus emerges a clear cross disciplinary consensus (shared

by researchers in the fields of sociology, economics and anthropology) which denotes


neo-nationalism as something distinct from past nationalisms and is tied to capitalism and

neo-liberalism in historically specific ways.

In order for a political movement to grow and recruit, the movement must create a

palatable ideology. Each political or social ideology grows due to what Duroy (2014)

calls enabling myths. These myths can become the backbone of any political movement

and are important factors that are used to gain support in a population. Duroy writes:

“Myths are context-dependent and their salience hinges upon their cognitive

appeal in explaining, shaping or justifying aspects of current social conditions.

Myths are successfully transmitted if they provide producers and users with a

sense of ontological security which alleviates the fear and anxiety of losing a

sense of continuity in self-identity and the constancy of the surrounding social and

material environments” (p. 470).

In Western Europe, neo-nationalist have adapted the enabling myths of neo-liberalism to

gain support, while also taping into existing frustrations and local resentment associated

with some more controversial aspects of neo-liberal through in order to caste itself as an

ideology focused on the needs of people. By adapting existing ideologies, neo-nationalist

groups are able to maintain a comfort zone within their base while also proposing radical

reforms. Individualism and market discipline form key myths for both neo-liberalism and

for neo-nationalism (Duroy, 2014, p. 470). Neo-liberalism uses the myth of market

individualism to argue for deregulation and reduce government interference in ‘private

economic affairs’; while neo-nationalists use the same myths to argue for what they

believe is the necessary maintenance of their national exceptionality. To neo-nationalists,

national governments should encourage success within their own borders rather than


engage in globalization initiatives that benefit foreigners. By adapting individualism to

serve a collective purpose, neo-nationalists are able to use an already dominant discourse

to underpin their own ideological framework. This connection to already dominant

discourses aids group’s abilities to recruit, as possible adherents are already familiar with

some aspects of the group’s ideology.

While in support of a bastardized version of neo-liberalism’s individualism, neo-

nationalists place themselves in opposition to another less popular tenant of neo-

liberalism – ethno-cultural neutrality. According to Duroy: “neoliberalism is argued to

promote ethno-cultural neutrality by creating a level playing field for all individuals

regardless of race, class, gender, or any other marker of minority status” (Duroy, 2014, p.

472). These ideas are epitomized in the European Union’s migration policies that allow

citizens from one member state to seek work in any other member state. Ideologically, in

neo-liberalism (and in the EU) businesses should hire the most qualified regardless of

race, class, or gender. Gender and Ethno-cultural neutrality principles have led to

increased participation by minorities and women in the labour market over the last 30

years. To neo-nationalists, gender and ethno-cultural neutrality, goes against the basic

principles of individualism argued by modern discourses of capitalism and individual

rights. More employment competition can lower wages or raise entry level qualifications

for jobs. For segments of the population that have historically benefited from a stagnate

labour market, the world has become a more difficult place to practice individualism as

competition interferes with individual personal aims. As Allen (2014) points out in his

study of Britain First in the UK, “Britain First believes that it is a combination of these

factors [ethno-cultural neutrality as embodied in liberalism, and multiculturalism] that


have given preference to ethnic minorities at the expense of ‘genuine British citizens’,

who have subsequently been relegated to second class status in relation to housing, jobs,

education, welfare and health” (p. 357). Neo-nationalist groups like Britain First believe

that the gender and ethno-cultural neutrality espoused by multi-culturalism and neo-

liberalism are a key element in the deteriorating economic standing of formerly dominate

elements in society ( who especially? White male heads of households? See if you can

find a quote). The effects of globalization on local employment markets, has become an

important rallying point for neo-nationalist groups who seek to limit foreign participation

in the economy.

Economic changes resulting from globalization have led to the freer movement of

capital, space-time compression, and have promoted labour mobility. Within states,

inter-state migration has led to shifts in regional demand for workers and skills as well as

a shift towards more precarious and temporary work. Duroy argues that Neo-liberal

policies have actively worked to “alter the structure of post-industrial economies by

shifting the nature of working class occupations towards non-unionized, unprotected

secondary labour” (Duroy, 2014, 473). This policy has upset traditionally defined power

structures that played an important economic and political role in Western Europe before

the onset of globalization. Although developed states like those of Western Europe still

dominate the global economy, mainly with their service and tertiary sectors, large

segments of the population that had formally worked in manufacturing or resource

extraction now struggle to find comparable work in an increasingly competitive

environment. To Duroy, “The emergence of transnational capitalism has thus created

economic uncertainty and vulnerability which have been exploited by neo-nationalist


‘political entrepreneurs’ through an anti-immigrant and anti-EU populist propaganda

which has been increasingly appealing to working-class segments in cultural majorities

(Duroy, 2014, p. 474). European Union policies that encourage migration and promote a

reorganization of traditional economic aims, have created a distinction between the aims

of the supranational organization – that views Europe as a single market - and the

personal aims of large segments of the European population who are concerned about

how these policies will affect their personal wealth and social standing. This cleavage has

created a fracture between the aims of the EU and many citizens, neo-nationalist groups

aim to exploit this fracture in order to recruit new followers who are frustrated by the

current transnational discourse and fear the local effects of the trans-nationalization of the

European economy.

An ideological focus on individualism can focus one on the personal effects of

economic and political changes, as people fear losing the position within society that they

have worked to achieve. This fear can manifest on a potentially dangerous fixation with

‘the other’, a force that is responsible for the changes affected what some view as the

majority. Thus, the fear of loss helps foster the ‘us vs. them’ mentality that is a key factor

used to grow neo-nationalism in Western Europe. Gingrich (2006) notes that neo-

nationalist groups have been able to appeal to wider margins of voters by playing on a

perceived fear of two important others.

“Most importantly, these forms of nationalism share a basic, tripartite hierarchical

ideological pattern: a coherent culturally essentialised form of ‘us’ is positioned in

the centre, and is contrasted against two groups of ‘them’. One group of ‘them’ is

constructed in terms of power as being ‘above us’: the EU authorities in Brussels


and their mysterious associates elsewhere. A second stratum of ‘them’ is

perceived as being ranked, in terms of status, ‘below us’: local immigrants and

other cultural and linguistic minorities living in the EU, plus their ‘dangerous

associates’ in Africa, Asia and elsewhere” (Gingrich, 2006, p. 199).

By working to create a three stratum system where groups both above and below

represent a threat to the continuation of the status quo, adherents to neo-nationalism are

drawn together as the supposed victims of neo-liberalism. The creation of a new caste

system in neo-nationalist thought allows the movements to transcend traditional right, left

and center class boundaries. Without ideologically imposed class boundaries, the

movements are able to unite supporters who have traditionally been separated by social

standing, economic power and class. Eger and Valdez (2005) add: “A new and

increasingly salient division is the one that separates voters who seek economic, social,

and cultural protection from the forces of globalization from voters who seek further

supranational integration for the nation state” (p. 117). The reorganization of class in neo-

nationalist thought allows for the creation of an unlikely alliance of individuals as those

from working class pro-union backgrounds and anti-union business owners have become

allies against globalization and the EU. Eger and Valdez (2014) add that: “Globalization

has not erased traditional class cleavages, but it has certainly complicated them; so, rather

than appealing to workers or capital, parties may also attempt to appeal to the ‘winners’

and ‘losers’ of globalization (p. 117). Neo-nationalism’s re-organization of traditional

class based political norms allows the movements to grow and to recruit from across a

more diverse strata of society when compared to class based movements of the past.


Neo-nationalists have not only created an ideology that rejects the class based

status quo, but have also worked to form a new and more comprehensive ideology that is

rooted in populism. Eger and Valdez (2014) have found that right wing economics

(individualism and deregulation) have largely been abandoned by neo-nationalist groups

(117). Eger and Valdez (2014) go on to state that neo-nationalism, as a political ideology,

has dispensed with neo-liberal taxation and small state policies. Instead, these groups

identify as anti-immigrant, and anti-EU, while supporting the social welfare state – so

long as those receiving social welfare belong to the cultural majority (p.117). Although

racist, anti-immigrant and pro-domestic business, most neo-nationalist groups do not seek

to abandon the welfare state and instead see the welfare state as a necessary tool for the

continued survival of their follower’s social power. The decision to maintain ties with the

welfare state has created allies in the ‘left’ who value the redistribution of wealth and

alleviation of poverty as a source of national pride (Plessis, 2015, p.16). Most neo-

nationalist groups in Western Europe seek a cultural hegemony within their own borders

and see the nation-state, with its historical powers, as the necessary savior from the flow

of capital and labour that are rebalancing the world. This shift towards populism makes

neo-nationalism seem more pragmatic and more palatable. The movement castes itself as

being the only political force focused on the needs of its citizens rather than on ideology.

Neo-nationalism’s promotion of national sovereignty as a source for the

maintenance of power and wealth, brings their ideology in conflict with neo-liberal

parties, the E.U. and other supranational or transnational organizations who see the

elimination of trade barriers as the best route to wealth. By placing itself as an ideology

in conflict with neo-liberalism, big business, and the global elite, neo-national


movements have been able to gain support throughout society, especially from groups

that fear policies of global governance and neo-liberalism. This of course makes it

difficult to continue to categorize these movements as ‘right wing’ or ‘far right wing’ as

the movement seems to reject typical class based ideological trends. Gingrich (2006)

adds that “appeals to keep decision making in one’s own country can raise questions of

national sovereignty that may attract political support from the left as well as the right.

The label of a ‘new right’ then is too simplistic” (p.196). By widening the appeal of the

party and by separating from the class based definition of right and left, neo-nationalist

groups are able to increase their levels of support across wider segments of society and

appeal to a wider body of support.

In order to identify the groups within Western European society that form a

particularly strong connection to neo-nationalists views it is important to examine

previous elections and referendums where neo-nationalism expanded its influence.

Gingrich (2006) detailed election results in Belgium and the Netherlands, in the early

2000s and found that neo-nationalism’s support grew due to increased support from those

who feared losing their social standing. He writes that supporters: “were not made up

primarily of the unemployed. Rather millions of precariously employed urban voters

were addressed, and many were won over. These were not only, and not even primarily,

the ‘losers of globalization’ it was the fear of losing, and more specifically the fear of

downward social mobility that attracted them to these voting preferences” (Gingrich,

2006, p. 199). Quantitative data from the Brexit referendum seems to support both

Gingrich’s (2006) claims of there being interclass support for neo-nationalist policies.

According to polling data released by the Guardian UK, individuals who voted to leave


the EU and pursue national independence, tended to not participate in higher education,

have lower median income levels, were male, live outside of London, were born in the

U.K. and were over 40 years of age (The Guardian, EU Referendum Full Results). These

individuals represent key strata of society that have the most to lose politically, socially

and economically from the free market initiatives brought about by the EU.

‘Brexit’ forms an interesting point of analysis for neo-national recruitment, as it

represents a popular campaign that was run using many of the beliefs and assumptions

used by neo-nationalists. Effective arguments for a ‘Brexit’ focused on the over

legislation and bureaucracy imposed on the U.K. by the European Union. Brexit the

Movie (2016), argues that the bureaucracy imposed by the E.U. damaged the British

economy by subjecting British firms to too many useless trade standards. (Durkin, M,

Brexit the film, 2016, min 34). The film also argues that supranational regulation is

dangerous and is responsible for unemployment and the hollowing out of the

manufacturing workforce in the U.K. These arguments fit in with the enemy above

arguments presented by both Gingrich (2006) and Duroy (2014). The arguments made

throughout the film rally people to reject the principles of neo-liberalism, that the film

argues, create an uneven playing field weighted against British workers. The film also

argues that labour mobility and migration policies enacted by the E.U. overwhelm

Britain’s economy, by lowering wages and increasing competition (Durkin, M. 2016).

The film fits into the enemies above and below tripartite worldview that neo-nationalist

groups argue is responsible for regional declines in secondary processing and jobs

(Durkin, M. 2016). The Brexit’s success illustrates that convincing arguments that can be

used to persuade potential new voters by neo-nationalist groups.

http://www.theguardian.com/politics/ng-interactive/2016/jun/23/eu-referendum-live-results-and-analysis


In order to better understand the role that class, gender, and migration play in the

ability for neo-national groups to increase their vote share, Gingrich (2016) completed an

ethnographic study in pro-nationalist regions of Austria. Gingrich (2016) found that ideas

of nationalism seemed to be perpetuated mostly by men, as women in his study seemed to

disassociate from ideas of the nation and the ‘fatherland’ (p. 204). Gingrich’s studies

seem to determine that the popularity of neo-nationalism in Austria and in other parts of

Western Europe is perpetuated by what he called ‘angry white man syndrome’ (2006, p.

196). This ‘syndrome’ creates an interesting and important link between gender, social

standing and neo-nationalist leanings. Gingrich summarizes that:

“Reluctantly, they [male supporters of the movement] have come to realize that

they would never have the kind of staple jobs their fathers and grandfathers had

enjoyed during the reconstruction decades after the Second World War. Even

more gradually, it had begun to draw down on them that they might never be able

to assume the position of male ‘head of household’ that their fathers and uncles

had held, and that developments in the labour market might place them in

positions previously more typical of female and immigrant labour” (Gingrich,

20016, p. 208).

The economic changes brought forward by globalization and the EU, have altered

perceptions of masculinity and tradition in rural areas of Austria (and parts of France,

Germany, Italy and more). Younger men may feel that as a direct result of EU policies

that their generation is losing its traditional role in society. Gingrich (2006) adds that:

“The fears of the ‘angry white men’ were realistic in part, but they were also manipulated

and instrumentalised in order to make the stand taken by the Freedom Party appear more


convincing, necessary and appropriate” (p. 208). By stoking fears that once dominant

members of society will lose their power and/or social standing as a result of EU

initiatives, neo-nationalist are able to gain a base of followers who fear losing grasp on

their traditional worlds. In summary, Gingrich concludes that: “An angry white men’

syndrome thus can be identified at the core of neo-nationalism’s greatest success in

Europe thus far” (2006, p. 208). Gingrich’s research is especially important today as the

Freedom party under the charismatic leadership of Norbert Hofer barely lost the

presidential election in Austria by a mere 30 863 votes (Oltermann, 2016). It seems that

fears over the evolution of gender and social roles in Europe have created a fissure in

society that neo-nationalists exploit in order to increase support for their movements.

Gender based analyzes of neo-nationalist movements show a connection between

fears of emasculation and adherence to neo-nationalism. From the perspective of

Feminist Studies, researcher Elisabeth Schussler Fionenza, there is a link between

nationalist and patriarchal society: “Gender symbols, control of women, the well-being of

the heterosexual patriarchal family, appeals to religious scripters and laws, specific

cultural forms of dress and behavior – all become central to the maintenance of

traditional values and the construction of national identity” (Fionenza, p. 112). Fionenza

goes on to state that “national identity is rhetorically constructed and often articulated in

the interest of the hegemony and control of women” (p. 112). Thus feminist scholarship

illustrates the important role that nationalism can play in maintaining the social status quo

and attempting to allow those groups losing power, and ideology that sees their

hegemony as valid and traditional. Contemporary perspectives seem to confirm the

ethnographic research gathered by Gingrich in 2006.


Anger at the EU is only one tool that neo-nationalists use to gain support. Neo-

nationalist groups argue for the superiority of their single culture and society as defined

by membership in the nation-state. Neo-nationalists caste migrants and immigrants as

outsiders who work to undermine to power and reduce the potential of native born

citizens. Although this position seems unpalatable, anti-immigrant rhetoric plays an

important role in these groups. Eger and Valdez (2015) write: “While their anti-

immigrant stances and rhetoric are unpalatable to many, their popularity indicates that

they represent more than a fringe element among their electorate” (p. 116). Importantly

by linking migrants, immigrants, asylum seekers, and illegal immigrants together, the

fear associated with the potential cultural and economic impact of these groups is

increased. Thus, a Polish migrant to a Manchester factory can be lumped together with

Islamic suicide bombers in France – all are enemies to the established national order to

neo-nationalists. Terrorist attacks throughout Europe and the developed world have

benefited neo-nationalists by providing a more menacing ‘other’ than the EU. Linking

these attacks to growth in migration to the EU from the Islamic world and Eastern Europe

has worked to stoke pre-existing cultural tensions. Neo-nationalists have been able to

argue that their nation, and other nations in Western Europe, are special and home to

unique rights cultures that are not present in other places around the world (Doyle, 2013,

275). Neo-nationalists are able to juxtapose the rights culture of ‘the West’ with failed

states, and authoritarian states in the Middle East and North Africa, as a means to support

their calls for a reduction in immigration, while also arguing that Islamic culture is

incapable of successfully integrating into European society (Doyle, 2013, p. 266). Neo-

nationalists have been able to use fear of ‘the other’ to dominate discussions on terrorism


and increase their media time due to their extreme views on the subject. Pre-existing fears

over terrorism are maximized by neo-nationalist groups who argue that Islamic terrorists

are omnipresent enemies of liberal society (2013, p. 170). Anger stoked by neo-

nationalist fears of a cultural invasion leads some to see symbols of Islamic faith, like the

hijab, as foreign cultural elements to be feared and rejected. Jailani (2016) calls this ‘the

white saviour complex’, a complex that uses European senses of cultural and moral

superiority, backed by a healthy dose of nationalism and imperialist sentiment, to argue

that ‘Western’ culture is superior to others and that those who wish to live in the West

must bow to western cultural hegemony (, p.52). Dole (2013) adds that to neo-nationalists

Christian identity and national identity have become intertwined, stating that: “The need

to defend liberal values is depicted as synonymous with the need to defend ‘European

Identity’ which has come to overlap with the Christian identity long invoked by the

reactionary Extreme Right” (2013, p. 266). The shift towards cultural exclusion policies

by neo-nationalist, and even by other more mainstream political groups, represents a

potential dangerous precedent for myths of ‘Western’ pluralism. Issues of cultural

identity and culture wars prove to be fertile breeding grounds for neo-nationalist

sentiment and hate. Jean Marie Le Pen, France’s National Front, leader has argued that

Islamic values are incompatible with the traditional values of the French Republic, and

has enhanced fears by comparing the Nazi occupation of France to what she called the

cultural occupation of France by Islam (Jailani, 2016, p. 54). Jailani (2016) argues that:

“unless such countries take active measures to combat right-wing extremism, they

continue to run the risk of enveloping themselves in a shell of religious and cultural

intolerance under the banner of freedom and nationalist pride” (p. 54). With international


headlines focused on barbarism and terrorism abroad fear can cause people to seek the

safety and cultural exclusivity of the nation-state. The radicalization of attitudes in

Western Europe towards Islamic immigrants serves to benefit neo-nationalist bent on

pursuing a national agenda at odds with existing policies of immigration and pluralism.

By using freedom as an argument against immigration, neo-nationalists are able to argue

that states must exclude newcomers in order to protect the liberties that Western

Europeans enjoy. The protection of freedoms is an important recruitment mechanism for

neo-nationalists as it allows their groups to gain new supporters who fear the possible

assimilation of their own cultural norms in pursuit of pluralism.

In conclusion, I have argued that the growth in support for neo-nationalist

movements in Western Europe lies in the group’s ability to adapt their mythology and

play on pre-existing regional, religious, gender, and economic sensitivities. Western

European neo-nationalists have been able to create unlikely alliances by positioning their

movements as the only effective opposition to globalization, fast capitalism and the EU.

Neo-nationalist groups have moved towards a populist, and classless, election platform

that aims to retain the popular welfare state as a mechanism through which the wealth of

their nation can be preserved. Neo-nationalists in Britain, France, and other states in

Western Europe, also capitalize on security concerns emulating from waves of migration

that bring newcomers to Europe in order to dominate headlines and label existing

governments as as unfit protectors of their nation’s cultural identity. Although this paper

has detailed key aspects that affect neo-national recruitment and alliances, analysis of

these groups is far from complete. A more in depth national account that can reflect

some of the unique variable that each specific neo-national group exhibits would be


valuable tool that enable a more complete understanding of the state specific recruitment

potential of each movements. With the growth of neo-nationalism outside of Europe, in

the US Republican Party for example, a comparative analysis between Donald Trump’s

nationalist rhetoric in the US and the rhetoric of neo-national groups in Europe would

help to understanding of the links between the popularity of these movements in

geographically distinct states. The recent success of these movements on the national and

international scale will no doubt draw more in depth research in the future. Continued

and cross disciplinary research into the ideological framework and the popularity of these

potentially dangerous worldviews appears to be paramount to understanding the key

political and social challenges of our time.


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Doyle, N. J. (2013, 06). Islam, Depoliticization and the European Crisis of Democratic

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