Central European University€¦ · Web view12.30 – 14.00 Lunch break. 14.00 – 16.45 Session C. Community recomposition, chair Matthias Riedl. 14.00 – 14.45 – Lajos Berkes

POSTER

Religious and Ethnic Identities in the Process of Expulsion and Diaspora. Formation from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century

Central European UniversityDepartment of Medieval Studies

Workshop

Organizer: Katalin SzendeConference coordinator: Annabella Pál

Conference aid: Mariana Bodnaruk

Religious and Ethnic Identities in the Process of Expulsion and Diaspora Formation from Antiquity to the Seventeenth Century

June 5-8, 2013

DESCRIPTION

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Conference Program...................................................................................................................4Abstracts.....................................................................................................................................7Practical Information................................................................................................................17

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Conference Program

June 6, 2013 (Thursday)

9.00 – 10.00 Greeting of the participants; Introductory lecture

John Tolan (RELMIN, Université de Nantes), Exile and identity

10.00 – 10.30 Coffee break

10.30 – 12.45 Session A. Expelling societies, chair Felicitas Schmieder

10.30 – 11.15 – Kyra Lyublyanovics (CEU), Spies of the enemy, pagan herders and vassals most

welcome: shifts and drifts in the Cuman Hungarian relations in the 13th 14th century

11.15 – 12.00 – Julien Théry (Université de Montpellier), L'expulsion des juifs de 1306: historiographie

et nouvelles lignes d'interprétation possibles

12.00 – 12.45 – Katalin Szende (CEU), Scapegoats or competitors? The expulsion of Jews from

Hungarian towns on the aftermath of the battle of Mohács (1526)

12.45 – 14.00 – Lunch break

14.00 – 15.00 – Travel from Budapest to Vác

15.00 – 16.30 – Sightseeing in Vác (Cathedral, German town, exhibition, synagogue)

16.30 – 17.00 – Travel to Alsópetény

17.00 – 17.30 – Coffee break

17.30 – 19.00 – Walk in and around Alsópetény (Parish church, Werbőczy-monument, Jewish cemetery)

19.00 – 21.00 – Common dinner and wine-tasting

21.00 – 22.00 – Return to Budapest

June 7, 2013 (Friday)

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9.00 – 12.30 Session B. Exiles, chair Julia Burkhardt

9.00 – 9.45 – Robin Mundill (University of St Andrews), Banishment from the edge of the world: The Jewish experience of Expulsion from England in 1290

9.45 – 10.30 – Nadezda Koryakina (RELMIN), Expulsion and its consequences according to Sephardi responsa

10.30 – 11.00 Coffee break

11.00 – 11.45 – Carsten Wilke (CEU), Losing Spain, securing salvation: Mental adaption to exile among refugees of the Iberian Inquisitions

11.45 – 12.30 – Marcell Sebők (CEU), Victims of Reformations? 16-17th-century refugees and their impact on artistic and cultural production

12.30 – 14.00 Lunch break

14.00 – 16.45 Session C. Community recomposition, chair Matthias Riedl

14.00 – 14.45 – Lajos Berkes (Heidelberg University), Greeks in Egypt after the Islamic conquest

14.45 – 15.30 – Josep Muntané (RELMIN), Où sont finis les juifs de Catalogne? Une révision du terme « sefardi » en tant que appliqué aux juifs de Catalogne

15.30 – 16.00 –Coffee break

16.00 – 16.45 – Tijana Krstić (CEU), In search of the post-expulsion Morisco 'community' in Ottoman Istanbul, 1610s-1640s

17.30 - 19.00 Guided walk in the Buda castle area: Jewish and Ottoman-related sites (optional)

19.00 – 21.00 – Common dinner

June 8, 2013 (Saturday)

9.00 – 11.45 Session D. Absorption, chair TBA

9.00 – 9.45 – Patrick Sänger (Heidelberg University), The Hellenistic king Ptolemy VI (180-145 BC) and his politics towards Jewish refugees: A case of generosity and calculation

9.45 – 10.30 – Georg Christ (University of Manchester), The making of the Jewish diaspora in Alexandria in the later Middle Ages: a re-evaluation

10.30 – 11.00 – Coffee break

Session E. Representations

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11.00 – 11.45 – Marianne Sághy (CEU), The expulsion of the Templars: Constructing religious

deviance in politics and folklore

11.45 – 12.30 – Marianna D. Birnbaum (UCLA/CEU), The Jew(s) of Malta between expulsion and

literary representation

12.30 – 13.30 – Round-table concluding discussion

13.30 – 14.30 – Common lunch (Nádor 13)

14.30 – 16.00 Walk in the Jewish district of Budapest (optional), guided by Borbála Lovas

June 9, 2013 (Sunday)

Free program, departure

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Abstracts

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Spies of the enemy, pagan herders and vassals most welcome:

shifts and drifts in the Cuman Hungarian relations in the 13th-14th century

Kyra Lyublyanovics (Central European University)

The Cumans, a nomadic steppe people of Eurasian origin, formed one of the largest ethnic

minorities in medieval Hungary. They first entered the Hungarian Kingdom in the mid-thirteenth century

as a group of tribal fragments fleeing from the invading Mongols. Although the Hungarian king saw them

as valuable allies against the Mongols, a general suspicion and animosity surrounded the newcomers,

their khan was killed, and due to the serious conflicts with the Hungarian population they left the country.

In one years' time, the king invited them again as military allies, and now the conflicts were handled more

wisely. Aristocratic ties were quickly formed, and in the late thirteenth-century the Cumans' interests and

way of life had a considerable impact on Hungarian politics. However, the king's attempts to use them in

the political power-play against influential Hungarian families led to renewed conflicts and violence, and

at the end of the thirteenth century parts of the Cuman population left Hungary again, while the

remaining Cuman groups had to undergo a long and gradual integration process.

These shifts and drifts in the Cuman-Hungarian relation are traceable on a number of levels, from

sources revealing the changing political interests to the role of Franciscan missionaries, the use of the

Cuman attire, or the presence – and disappearance – of the spectacular burial rites of the Cuman nobility.

On the level of the commoners, however, a more peaceful picture of slow assimilation is seen:

archaeological finds testify to a quick adaptation to the new economic environment, while traditions

associated with the more intimate sphere of the household – probably important elements of the Cuman

identity – were kept well into the Early Modern period.

Scapegoats or Competitors? The Expulsion of Jews from Hungarian Towns in the Aftermath of the Battle of Mohács (1526)

Katalin Szende (Central European University)

This paper discusses the expulsion of the Jewish population from the major towns of Hungary in 1526 in

its economic and political context. This cataclysm of the Hungarian state also brought a major disruption

in the presence of Jews in the main trading centres of the country. Until the early sixteenth century,

Hungary was one of the few lands in Europe which rather accommodated than expelled Jews: exiles from

France, Germany, Austria, and Spain had become temporarily or permanently part of local society.

Hostility started to manifest itself by the late fifteenth century and shortly after the battle of Mohács led

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to the expulsion of the Jews from the free royal towns where they had settled in significant numbers:

Buda, Sopron, Bratislava (Pressburg, Pozsony) and Trnava (Tyrnau, Nagyszombat).

On the surface one might think that the Jews were easy targets to blame for the national tragedy.

Examining the course of events in the towns mentioned above, however, I argue here that the expulsion

was mainly due to changing business conditions. The transformations in the make-up of the clientele of

Jewish moneylenders that Michael Toch has pointed out for most of late medieval Europe, namely, a

change from princes, the high clergy, and town governments to the lower strata of urban society, can be

observed in Hungary as well. This changed the attitudes of rulers and civic authorities towards Jewish

money lending; instead of providing assistance to the lenders as valuable business partners, as before,

they rather found it convenient to consider the interests of the more numerous and potentially more

seditious group of debtors.

The political conditions, nevertheless, did play a role in the process. When King Louis II fell on

the battlefield, the Habsburgs as claimants to the throne were ready to grant the towns’ wishes and

consented to the expulsion of the Jews, thus securing the loyalty of these important strongholds in a

critical period. The Jews of Buda suffered a different fate, being captured and transported by the invaders

to the Ottoman Empire. In any case, unlike many other expulsions, this time accusations of a ritual

character seem to have played a negligible role. In the countryside remaining under Hungarian rule, Jews

continued to live under the protection of noble landowners and even kept up some business contacts with

their former compatriots.

Banishment from the Edge of the World - the Jewish Experience of Expulsion from England in

1290

Robin R. Mundill (University of St Andrews)

This paper will attempt to analyse the varying explanations for the Expulsion of the Jewish

community from England in 1290. It will briefly consider contemporary views and the subsequent

historiography as well as to delineate the most recent interpretations.

In some ways the final Expulsion seems to be a reversal of royal policy. The Jews were probably

invited to come to England in the wake of William the Conqueror and have been seen by some

chroniclers and historians as just an adjunct of Normanisation. They had the royal protection and

‘belonged’ to the crown and were in effect directly answerable to the crown in all they did. Thus after a

presence of almost two centuries an analysis of why this reversal of royal policy evolved will be

attempted.

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The paper will commence by initially tracing the mechanics and the procedures of the first

wholesale Expulsion of a Jewish community in Western Europe in brief. Consideration will then be given

to wider explanations and the longer term causes which have down the centuries been utilised to explain

that Expulsion, be they sociological, economic, religious or, political. Thus can the English model be

explained in terms of a possible consequence of the Jews’ legal status, a consequence of their financial

debility, a solution to a perceived “Jewish problem” or an expression of bigotry, or as Edward I’s

government claimed their failure to comply with anti-Jewish legislation.

An attempt will also be made to try to decide what part Edward I and his advisors, the host

population and the Church played in the banishment of the Jews. In this attempt to define the

preconditions of Expulsion in England some thought will be given as to whether the driving forces were

conjunctural, structural or simply whimsical.

Finally the consequences of the Expulsion both for the Jews who left the edge of the world over

seven centuries ago and for their host nation will be considered as well as how the memory of the

Expulsion has been conserved and mythified in England.

Expulsion and Its Consequences According to Sefardi Responsa

Nadezda Koryakina (Université de Nantes)

This paper deals with the terms galut (“diaspora”), anusim (those forcibly converted), and related

issues found in Sefardi Responsa literature. An attempt will be made to examine how the term galut was

used before the expulsion of Jews from Spain (1492) and Portugal (1497). In most cases, this meant Jews

living out of the land of Israel. The widespread expression amudei galut (the Columns of Diaspora)

signified the Jewish sages of Babylon. The expulsions of the late fifteenth century added new meaning to

the diaspora due to the large number of the expelled population and its distinctive character. The notion

galut sefarad was introduced into texts.

Consideration will be given to the question of whether any other expulsions left traces in the

Responsa literature. Striking Hebrew Chronicles of the First and Second Crusades as well as later sources

describe the expulsion of Jews from various countries. However, one cannot find any evidence for this in

Responsa literature or, at least, nothing has been preserved.

Issues that were raised in Responsa regarding the expulsion of Jews from Spain and Portugal will

be considered, including the cohabitation of different communities. The expelled Jews sometimes joined

another Jewish community in the land where they arrived, as happened in Palestine, Greece, Italy, etc.

Another important issue is authority, law, and justice. Was any of the communities (either the hosting

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community or the expelled one) allowed to impose its rules and customs on another one? Did they remain

autonomous or define rules that would be obligatory for both of them?

As a separate issue, the status of Jews forcibly converted to Christianity will be considered.

Before the expulsions of the late fifteenth century the word anusim was attributed to those who were

compelled to do something (to give testimony, for example) under constraint. After these expulsions,

when many Jews were forced to convert to Christianity, the word anusim changed meaning in Responsa

literature and was attributed mostly to forcibly converted Jews.

To conclude, the issue of expulsion received scant mention before the expulsion of Jews from

Spain and Portugal in the late fifteenth century. After the expulsion, which became one of most dramatic

episodes in Jewish history, the word galut, which signified in previous times the Jews who lived out of

the land of Israel, became used as well for those expelled from the Iberian Peninsula (galut sefarad).

After a large number of Sefardi Jews moved to other countries, tension was raised between different

communities compelled to cohabitate, and the issue of other various Jewish Diaspora groups was brought

into focus. The identity of these groups was challenged by differences in community life that became

acute vis-à-vis Spanish and Portuguese immigrants.

Losing Spain, Securing salvation: Mental Adaption to Exile among Refugees of the Iberian

Inquisitions

Carsten L. Wilke (Central European University)

After the mass expulsion of the Jews from Spain and Portugal in 1492-1497, persecutions of the

Inquisition against Judeoconverts remaining in the Peninsula brought about a second expulsion, this time

in the form of a steady trickle of individuals who throughout the Early Modern Period sought refuge in

destinations all over the globe. These exiles were not Jews forced to choose between their country and

their faith, but "New Christians" who had been deeply assimilated to Catholic society and who

reintegrated Judaism, if ever, only after the loss of their homeland. In some literary sources emerging

from this group between 1550 and 1650, migration appears as an ambivalent movement between

geographic, linguistic, and religious identities. The authors, writing in Portuguese, Spanish, or Latin,

develop topoi from the religious, metaphysical and love poetry of the Renaissance in order to give coded

expression to the psychological crises and cultural processes set in motion by their exile.

Victims of Reformations?

16-17th-century refugees and their impact on artistic and cultural production

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Marcell Sebők (Central European University)

The sixteenth- and seventeenth-century Reformations resulted in various attempts to expel certain

groups of people who were either Catholics or already members of a Protestant church. These waves of

expulsion intensified mobility within Europe and beyond the continent, forcing the refugees to find new

settlements and homes. This lecture deals with exiled men who ended up offering their services to a host

in a courtly and/or urban environment. A good majority of refugees were well-trained literati and artists,

therefore their possible contributions to local institutions, scholarship or artistic production and

representation were welcome. The lecture offers a few life-stories as brief case studies – on Netherlanders

at Central European courts, on Huguenots in the Dutch Republic, on Hungarian galley-slaves who

escaped to Germany and Holland – to demonstrate their integration into hierarchies and systems that

could ensure resuming their discontinued existence. By the same token, the paper also aims at examining

questions of simulation and assimilation.

Greeks in Egypt After the Islamic Conquest

Lajos Berkes (University of Heidelberg)

When the conquering Islamic troops reached Egypt the country was part of the Byzantine Empire

with an (at least partially) Greek-speaking and Hellenized élite. Historiographic sources inform us that

the majority of the Greeks left the country after the conquest. This pattern conforms to the traditional

narrative which emphasizes the conflict between the monophysite Copts and Chalcedonian Greeks.

Recent scholarship has, however, challenged this view significantly. The boundaries between Greeks and

Copts, monophysites and Chalcedonians, seem to have been less pronounced than has been assumed.

Furthermore, it has been realized that the role of the Hellenized élite of the country had remained

important for a long time after the conquest. Although at least a part of this élite seems to have left the

country, most representatives of the local élite stuck to their positions. This paper focuses on the

remaining Greek élite of Egypt after the Islamic conquest in the context of diasporas. The investigation

will be based mainly on the vast corpus of documentary papyri from Egypt and partially on

historiographic sources. A close look at the sources can give insights into the process of how a cultural

diaspora tries to preserve its values and identity in a new environment after a great many of it members

have left.

« Où sont finis les juifs de Catalogne ? Une révision du terme « sefardi » en tant que appliqué aux

juifs de Catalogne »

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Josep Muntané (Université de Nantes)

L’application du terme « sefardi » aux juifs qui habitèrent à la péninsule Ibérique est aujourd’hui

un sujet de débat parmi les historiens de celle partie de l’Europe parce que le mot « sefardi » a perdu son

sens générique pour adopter des connotations politiques spécifiques qui attribuent à ces juifs-là une

identité politique, nationale, celle de « Séfarade » équivalent à une vision unitaire postérieure d’Espagne,

que ne correspond pas à la réalité qu’ils vécurent. Le significat que « Séfarade » avait pour les juifs bas

médiévaux est le même significat qu’il a eu après pour ceux qui dès la diaspore s’identifièrent avec ce

territoire ou pour ceux qui leur attribuèrent avec ce terme, notamment les historiens espagnols ? Est-ce

que le fait de vivre dans les royaumes divers de la péninsule Ibérique eut quelque conséquence dans la

création d’une identité spécifique de ces juifs-là ? Est-ce qu’ils pouvaient être considérés comme des juifs

« castillans », « catalans »… ? Ou, encore plus important, est-ce qu’ils eurent cette vision d’eux-mêmes,

en autres paroles, est-ce que l’idée de nation pénétra dans l’identité du juif médiéval ou, par contre, il se

maintint toujours dans un niveau supranationale, enraciné seulement et toujours dans l’idéal de la terre

d’Israël ? Mais si cette identité nationale exista, est-ce qu’elle peut être trouvée soit avant soit après de

leur expulsion, le 1492? J’essaierai de situer les principales lignes du débat, l’état de la question et des

possibles voies d’étude.

In search of a "Morisco Community" in Ottoman Istanbul, 1610s-1640s

Tijana Krstić (Central European University)

One of the more intriguing yet comparatively underexplored migrations during the age of

confessionalization is the expulsion of the Moriscos from the Iberian Peninsula between 1609 and 1614,

followed by their dispersion and settlement in, among other places, Ottoman territories of North Africa,

Istanbul, and Anatolia. Against the extant historiography's tendency to study Moriscos almost exclusively

in the context of Iberian history, this paper sets up a broader, comparative framework. It examines how

Venetian, French, and Ottoman diplomats resident in Istanbul imagined, described, and contested the

image of the Morisco refugees in various official genres as their respective imperial agendas met and

clashed in the late 16th and early 17th centuries. In dialogue with Moriscos' own writings, the paper

examines whether we can speak of a "Morisco community" in exile.

The Hellenistic King Ptolemy VI (180-145 BC) and his Politics towards Jewish Refugees: A Case of

Generosity and Calculation

Patrick Sänger (University of Vienna)

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In Hellenistic or Ptolemaic Egypt (332–30 BC) Jews represented the largest immigrant group, which can

be impressively demonstrated by documentary sources found in Egypt, namely, inscriptions and papyri.

In the years after the sixth Syrian War between the Ptolemies and the Seleucids (170–168 BC) -- won by

the Sekeucid King Antiochos IV, who continued to control Judaea for a short time -- a new wave of

Jewish people immigrated to Egypt due to an internal crisis in Judaea. A controversy about the office of

the high priest among the Jews in connection with attempts to hellenize the Jewish cult caused violent

unrest among the hellenized Jewish circle and the opposition. This unrest, which Antiochos IV was

dragged into, culminated in the uprising of the Maccabees (opponents of the hellenized Jewish circle) in

the year 166 BC. As a result, Jerusalem was recaptured by the fellows of the Maccabees (164 BC), the

desecrated temple was cleansed, and Judaea was lost to the Seleucids.

That in this situation Egypt was among the preferred destinations (perhaps even the most

preferred one) for political refugees from Judaea can be demonstrated well by the case of Onias, with

whom this paper will deal in detail. Onias was either the last legitimate Zadokite high priest (Onias III) in

Jerusalem, who was deposed in 175/4 BC, or his son (Onias IV). In any case, he was a victim of the

political confusion in Judaea that led him and his followers to leave their home. After Onias’ arrival in

Egypt, Ptolemy VI and his wife Kleopatra II -- known for their friendly policy towards Jews -- allowed

him to found a military colony and a Jewish temple in Leontopolis or its surroundings.

This episode of Classical history provides an impressive case study for how, on the one hand,

“expelled” people can be used for political power aims in domestic and foreign policy. On the other hand,

consideration of Onias’ military colony will lead us to a specific form of organisation called politeuma

which was used by the Ptolemies to integrate groups categorised by ethnic terms into the system of their

state. The prospect of living as a semi-autonomous community, which the constitution as politeuma could

guarantee, perhaps sevred as additional incentive to immigrate to Ptolemaic Egypt.

The making of the Jewish diaspora in Alexandria in the later Middle Ages:

a re-evaluation of the non-absorption hypothesis

Georg Christ (University of Manchester)

At the beginning of the fifteenth century, Alexandria was a cross-road of merchants of all nations.

Some of them were Jews and the question arises how their national belonging was defined: Did they

constitute their own nation? Some of the prominent literature would propose exactly that but Venetian

sources do not corroborate this hypothesis.

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Rather, the Jewish merchants of many different origins meeting in Alexandria were treated as full

members of their host nation, i.e. Romaniote Jews from Crete as Venetians, a Jew from Lecce as

Leccese/Italian, while the different local Mizrahi Jewish groups were part of the Mamluk-Egyptian

community.

I argue that it might be an anachronism to identify Jews as a homogeneous group with a strong

shared and common diasporic identity that assured a stronger connection between Jewish groups from

different contexts than between each of these groups and other groups of their actual place of residence.

The notion of one integrated Jewish diaspora might indeed be a retro-projection of the later 16 th

century situation, when the expulsion of the Sephardic Jews from the Iberian Peninsula altered the nature

of Jewish presence in the Eastern Mediterranean dramatically. Now the region became indeed dominated

by a well-connected Sephardic diaspora that succeeded in overpowering and to an extent absorbing the

very different and arguably more locally rooted Romaniote, Mizrahi and other autochthonous Jewish

groups (however, some Romaniote groups survived until 1944, for instance in Rhodes).

By linking not only different merchant cities in the Eastern Mediterranean but also the Ottoman

empire and Western Europe, they perhaps were an essential catalyser of ‘transimperial’ (Rothman)

connectedness (Darwin) crucial for the eventual building of European hegemony in the region, replacing

an older multilateral order that was also reflected by a decentralized and highly localized Jewish diaspora.

The Expulsion of the Templars:

Constructing Religious Deviance in Politics and Folklore

Marianne Sághy (Central European University)

Following the dissolution of the Order of the Temple in 1312, its members dispersed. In most

places, they were left to integrate into other religious orders, in other places they suffered expulsion. Did

the Templars form a religious “diaspora” in Europe and the Near East? Folklore gives an intriguing clue

to this question. The very fact that there is Templar folklore indicates that the Templars kept their identity

long after the dissolution and were remembered as a specific group with a particular past. Folktales and

legends weave a story of sin and punishment, deviance and salvation around the Templars. This paper

analyses the topoi of religious difference and religious bonding in Central European folktales.

The Jew(s) of Malta Between Expulsion and Literary Representation

Marianna D. Birnbaum (UCLA/CEU)

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Christopher Marlowe’s drama, “The Jew of Malta”, is often considered one of the most

incendiary anti-Jewish works performed on stage. Before his well-deserved death, Jew Barabas –

responsible for dozens of deaths, including noblemen, nuns, friars, and even his own daughter – is

portrayed as the ultimate stage villain, a veritable demon. What were the relations between Marlowe’s

protagonists and the legal and economic situation of Jews in Malta during the sixteenth century? What

was the role of the Knights of St. John on those islands? Regarding the historical context of the drama,

Marlowe seems to have, in fact, been fairly ignorant of Maltese history – not least of the economic and

social status of Jews who lived on the island before (and after) their expulsion in 1492. At the time of the

plot, there were no free Jews living on the islands (Malta and Gozo). Any Jew there was a slave, captured

and kept by the Maltese Order. In what follows, Marlowe will be shown to have written a vicious comedy

of manners directed not exclusively against Jews, but against all religions.

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List of Participants

NAME AFFILIATION EMAILJohn Tolan Nadezda Koryakina

Josep Muntané Youna MassetFarid BouchibaDavid PetersonMohamed HendazJerzy MazurTomaso PeraniAhmed OulddaliGéraldine JenvrinMarisa BuenoAnna MathesonJulien Théry Patrick Sänger Robin Mundill Georg ChristMarianna D. Birnbaum Katalin Szende Carsten Wilke Marcell Sebők Tijana Krstić Marianne Sághy

Kyra Lyublyanovics József LaszlovszkyMatthias Riedl Lajos Berkes

Julia Dücker

Stefan Burkhardt

Andrea Jördens Sylvie Schwarzwälder

RELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de Nantes

RELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesRELMIN, Université de NantesUniversité de MontpellierVienna University University of St AndrewsUniversity of ManchesterUCLA/CEUCEUCEUCEUCEUCEU

CEUCEUCEUHeidelberg

Heidelberg

Heidelberg

HeidelbergHeidelberg

[email protected] [email protected]

[email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]@[email protected] [email protected]@humnet.ucla.ed u [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected] [email protected]@[email protected] e

[email protected]@zegk.uni-heidelberg.deandrea.joerdens@[email protected]

CoordinatorsAnnabella Pál CEU [email protected]

Mariana Bodnaruk CEU [email protected] Nicolas Stefanni REMLIN [email protected]

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mailto:[email protected]





























Practical Information

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DIRECTIONS TO CEU CAMPUS

Address of CEU campus:

Central European University

Közép-Európai Egyetem

Nádor utca 9., 1051 Budapest, Hungary

From the Airport/Railway station/Bus station

The main CEU buildings are along Nádor street between Arany János and Zrínyi cross-streets. Nádor 9 is on the corner of Zrínyi and Nádor.

From Airport

Taxi

The easiest way to get from the airport to your hotel/CEU campus is to take a taxi. You can easily find the desk of the taxi reservation in front of the airport arrival hall, on the street at your left hand side. Further information about the airport taxi is available here: http://www.bud.hu/english/passengers/access_and_parking/by_taxi

Public Transportation:

Take the #200E bus departing from outside the airport. Get off at the final stop, "Kőbánya-Kispest".

Walk 30 meters towards the METRO building and take the Metro to "Deák Ferenc tér".

From Train Stations (Keleti, Nyugati, Déli)

Take the Metro to "Deák Ferenc tér".

From coach station (Népliget)


From Deák Ferenc tér:

There are many exits, so when you leave the Deák square metro station find the Coffee Heaven coffee shop and walk past it keeping it on your left hand side. Keep walking and cross the street. Erzsébet square is to the left. Cross it on the diagonal path to Attila József street. Turn left, go 2 blocks to Nádor street. Turn right, walk 2 blocks to Nádor 9 (corner of Zrínyi) as indicated on the map below.

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http://www.bud.hu/english/passengers/access_and_parking/by_taxi


DIRECTIONS TO HOTEL BASILICA

Hotel Central Basilica1051. Budapest, Hercegprímás utca 8.

Tel:+36 1 328 5010Fax:+36 1 328 5019

www.hotelcentral-basilica.hu

From Airport

Taxi




Walk 30 meters towards the METRO building and take the Metro to "Deák Ferenc tér".


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It takes 5 min. of walk from metro to the hotel. Walking directions: 1. Go on Deák Ferenc tér through the park 150 m. 3. Continue onto Hercegprímás street. Hotel will be on the left as indicated on the map below.

DIRECTIONS TO HOTEL ERZSEBET CITY CENTER

Hotel Erzsébet City Center

1053. Budapest, Károlyi Mihály utca 11-15

Tel.: +36 1 889 9999

Fax: +36 1 889 4111

www.danubiushotels.com

From Airport

Taxi

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Walk 30 meters towards the METRO building and take the Metro to "Ferenciek tere".


Take the Metro to "Ferenciek tere" (on the Blue line/M3). You may need to transfer to Blue line from Red/M1 line.


Take the Metro to "Ferenciek tere".


Take the Metro to "Ferenciek tere".

From "Ferenciek tere":

It takes 5 min. of walk from metro to the hotel. Walking directions: Once you leave the escalator, turn left, leave the subway through the stairs on your left, then you will face a fountain.Go straight ahead, that is Károlyi utca (Mihály was removed, as Mihály Károlyi was a republican democrat). Pass the University Library on the left, yellow neo-Baroque building, cross one street. Hotel will be on the right as indicated on the map below.

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Contact:

Annabella Pál [email protected] (+36) 70 2124115

Internet Information

Wireless network

There is an open wireless network available in CEU at the Laptop Area. You can use your laptop there without any special settings.

Wireless network covered areas at CEU:- Network name: LAPTOP_AREA with no password.- Network name: LAPTOP_AREA_N11 with password nador11access

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Places to eat around CEU

The above map shows most of the places where you can get food around CEU: restaurants, sandwich shops, cafes and markets. The lunch on Saturday, June 8, will be at the place marked on the map as Central Bistro (Nádor 13, 1051, Budapest): http://www.centralbistro.hu

Food and Drink within CEU

CEU Buffet (basement of Nádor Street 9) Open between 7:30-20:00. Hot and cold sandwiches, yogurt, desserts, coffee, soft drinks, etc.

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http://www.centralbistro.hu/


There are also vending machines located in the basement where you can buy hot and cold drinks and various snacks.

Food and Drink around CEU

The places below are recommended for lunch and snacks and are within a walking distance from CEU.

Roosevelt Self-Service Restaurant (Corner of Vigyazo Street and Roosevelt Square)

This restaurant is highly recommended for its buffet system, a wide choice of soups, roasted dishes, international and vegetarian foods and deserts, and reasonable prices.

Mirez Coffee (Nádor utca 5.)

Sandwiches, cakes, salads, coffee and tea.

Sir Morik Café (Nádor utca 5.)

Best coffee in town. Sandwiches, ice cream, cookies.

Budapest Anno Café (Nádor utca 5.)You can “design” your own pizza; set meals, salads at reasonable prices.

Feinkost (Nádor utca 17.)Lunch menus at reasonable prices (400-600 HUF), home-style cooking and Gyros.

Roosevelt Self-Service Restaurant (Roosevelt ter 7-8)

Buffet system, a wide choice of soups, roasted dishes, international and vegetarian foods and deserts, take-away food as well.

Terv Eszpresszó

(Nádor utca 19.)

Drinks, sandwiches and salads.

Nádor Kávéház

(Nádor utca 19.)

Drinks, hot dishes and cold snacks, coffee, tea.

Coffee-to-go (Október 6. utca t 6.)

Coffee, tea, sandwiches, quiches and pies

Sundance Sandwiches (Október 6. utca 9.)Mouth-watering sandwiches and salads. Tea and coffee.

Duran Sandwich Bar (Október 6. utca 15.)Mouth-watering sandwiches, no sit-downs, but takeaways.

Kisharang (Október 6. utca 17.)Excellent Hungarian-style cooking, reasonable prices.

István Cukrászda (Október 6. utca17. next to Kisharang)Home-style cakes and cookies, ice cream, etc.

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Cicero Kávézó(Október 6. utca 17. )

Salads, hot chocolate, coffee, sandwiches.

Kheiron Café and Restaurant (Október 6. utca 22.)Hungarian and International dishes, snacks and salads

Gyros (Zrinyi utca 16.)Snacks and soft drinks.

Café Montmartre (Zrinyi utca 16.)Salads, sandwiches, coffee, tea.

Sas Center (Sas utca 12.)Set meals at reasonable prices.

Veltins (Sas utca 12. next to Sas Center)Salads and hot dishes at reasonable prices.

Burger King (close to Arany J. utca Metro station)

Brunch and sandwich bar (Arany J. utca 16.)Fresh bakery and dairy products and sandwiches.

Emporio Bar & Restaurant (Arany J. utca, Bank Center)Lunches and drinks.

Goldberger Bistro (OSI Archives Building)Arany J. Utca 32.

Soups, sandwiches, drinks.

Café Zaccos (corner of Arany J. utca & Hercegprimás utca)Sandwiches and salads, cookies and cakes.

Prímás Ételbár (Hercegprímás utca 3.)Cheap lunches, desserts, refreshments and coffee.

Petit Café Vian (Hercegprímás utca 21.)Breakfasts, snacks, lunchges and tea.

Salaam Bombay (Mérleg utca 6. in the building of the Starlight Hotel)Indian restaurant and take-away.

Kis Kukta (Mérleg utca 10.)Cheap lunches.

Chinese Fast Food Restaurants

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Several of them around CEU, e.g. Október 6. utca 6., Nádor utca 20.- Hercegprímás utca 4. - set meals and a`la carte dishes at reasonable prices; clean and fast.

Görög Ételek (at the corner of Akadémia and Széchenyi utca)Great gyros and other Greek dishes, falafel and salad bar.

More sophisticated and expensive places around CEU for dining out

Govinda (Vigyázó Ferenc utca 4.)A real feast for vegetarians. Exotic salads, herb teas, stylish design with authentic music.

Kama Sutra (Október 6. utca 17.) next to Kisharang.Indian food, business lunches.

Dió Restaurant & Bar (Sas utca 2.)Traditional Hungarian flavours and modern fusion cooking.

Mokka Restaurant (Sas utca 4.)French cuisine with Moroccan touch. Main dishes 1500-2500 HUF.

Cafe Kör (Sas utca 17.)Excellent food, great salads, trendy design, polite service. Reserve a table in advance.

La Fontaine (Mérleg utca 10.)French-style cuisine in authentic surroundings. Romantic live music in the evenings.

Trattoria Pomo D’Oro (Arany J. utca 9.)Italian food. Pizzas 900-1600, other dishes 1500-2000 HUF

La Romana (Arany J. utca 18.)Italian food.

Club Pirro ( Hercegprímás utca 18.)Quality food. Set meals: 690-800 HUF

Leroy Kávéház (the corner of Sas utca and Szt. István tér )Big salads, soups and other dishes.

Tom George Restaurant and Café (Október 6. utca 8.)Specialties of contemporary Hungarian and international cuisine. Sushi, cocktails, gnocchi, salads.

Gresham Coffeehouse (Roosevelt tér 5. In the Four Seasons Hotel)

Páva Restaurant (Roosevelt tér 5. In the Four Seasons Hotel)

Sir Lancelot Restaurant (Podmaniczky utca 14.)

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Medieval atmosphere, huge portions. Not for vegetarians! Make reservations: 302 4456

Via Luna ( Nagysándor József utca 1.)Italian and international cuisine.

Iguana (Zoltán utca 16.)Mexican and American food. Everything from chorizo to cheeseburgers

Chinese Restaurant (the corner of Széchenyi utca and Nádor utca)Quality food, not the fast food-type.

EMERGENCY PHONE NUMBERS

Ambulance 104

Police 107

Budapest Fire Department 105

Last updated: May 28, 2013

© Medieval Studies, CEU 2013

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Central European University€¦ · Web view12.30 – 14.00 Lunch break. 14.00 – 16.45 Session C. Community recomposition, chair Matthias Riedl. 14.00 – 14.45 – Lajos Berkes