Career opportunities for women in British agriculture

CAREER OPPORTUNITIES FOR WOMEN IN BRITISH AGRICULTURE

RUTH GASSON

Wye Cortege (Universiiy of London), Nr. Ashford, Kent, TN 25 SAH, UK

(Received: 7 March, 1980)

SUMMARY

In this age offeminine consciousness, it is appropriate to ask what opportunities there are for women in agriculture, an industry traditiona& dominated by men. This paper anal.vses careers of women leaving agricultural colleges in Britain during the 1970s. Comparing first appointments of women with those of men with the same qualifications, it appears that some doors are virtually closed to women. Fewer women than men enter practicalfarming and veryfew obtain management posts. More women than men find employment with large organisations servicing agriculture, though typically not in the most prestigious positions. Overall, fewer women than men obtain posts relevant to their agricultural training. Possible explanations include structural change in the industry, attitudes of employers, socialisation of women into feminine roles, sex differences in ability and influence of marriage and the family.

INTRODUCTION

Despite the passing of the Equal Pay Act in 1970 and the Sex Discrimination Act in 1975, the goal of equal employment opportunities for women in Britain seems as distant as ever. Although the number of economically active women has risen, there are few signs of women gaining ground in occupations traditionally held by men. Women account for more than a third of the labour force in Britain today but they are over represented in ‘secondary’ occupations, those which are the least skilled, lowest in pay and status and offer least likelihood of promotion. Of the nine million women in paid employment, more than half are in service occupations (nursing, teaching, secretarial work, catering and the like). It is these ‘feminine’occupations

241 Agriccilfural Administration 0309-586X/81 /0008-0241/%02~50 0 Applied Science Publishers Ltd, England, 1981 Printed in Great Britain

242 RUTH GASSON

which account for most of the growth in female employment rather than top management or higher professions. Only 1% of members of the Institute of Directors are women. Fewer than 1% of bank managers, 2% of chartered accountants or university professors or 5% of architects or practising solicitors in Britain today are women.ip*

How does agriculture compare with other industries in Britain as an employer of women ? In many respects it is typical. Women make up over a quarter of the hired farm labour force but, as in other industries, they are much more likely than men to be employed on a part time or casual basis and they tend to be given the least skilled tasks. Egg collecting, fruit picking and vegetable packing are typical of women’s work on farms in Britain today.

What are a woman’s chances of obtaining a high status managerial, administrative or professional post in agriculture or its ancillary industries and services ? This paper tries to answer the question. It compares first appointments of a sample of women leaving agricultural colleges in the 1970s with jobs obtained by men leaving the same institutions with the same qualifications. The results raise some challenging questions for administrators of agricultual colleges, employers of young people with agricultural qualifications and women agricultural students themselves.

SOURCES OF INFORMATION

Initial occupations of students leaving Harper Adams Agricultural College in Shropshire, the West of Scotland Agricultural College and Wye College in Kent during the 1970s provide the raw material for this paper. The reason for choosing these institutions and not others was that information was readily available. While it cannot be proved that these colleges are typical, there is no reason to suppose they are particularly unrepresentative of their kind.

Wye College is the agricultural faculty of London University. It runs three- year degree courses in agricultural subjects including agriculture and horticulture, animal and plant sciences. agricultural and environmental chemistry, agricultural economics and environmental studies. Entry requirements demand a high academic standard and the teaching is weighted towards lectures and laboratory work. Universities teaching agricultural subjects expect many of their graduates to fill research, administrative and teaching posts in the industry.

Students at agricultural colleges like Harper Adams and the West of Scotland College are prepared for Higher National Diplomas (HNDs) and Ordinary National Diplomas (ONDs) and other qualifications in agriculture, horticulture and related subjects like agricultural engineering, food technology and poultry husbandry. These qualifications are more suitable for those making careers in practical farming. Compared with the universities, academic entry requirements of

CAREER OPPORTUNITIES FOR WOMEN IN BRITISH AGRICULTURE 243

the agricultural colleges are less stringent and the teaching tends to be more applied, with greater emphasis given to practical experience in the industry.

Wye College first admitted women as undergraduates after the Second World War when it absorbed the women’s horticultural college from neighbouring Swanley. Over the period 1970 to I978 one third of all graduates were women, close to the national proportion of 35%. The other colleges in the survey accepted fewer women. Only 12% of students leaving Harper Adams between 1972 and 1978, the period of the survey, were women, although the female ratio is expected to exceed 20% in the early 1980s. Careers of students leaving the West of Scotland College have been monitored for almost thirty years. The proportion of women students rose to 3 1 Ye in the late 1950s but has since fallen steeply. Only 10% among the latest batch of leavers were women.

Information on first appointments of Wye graduates is published annually in the old students’journal.3 The present analysis uses information provided by655 out of 758 (86%) of students graduating between 1970 and 1978. An unpublished, confidential report provided information on initial occupations of 472 out of 502 (94%) leaving Harper Adams College between 1972 and 1978, whether or not they obtained a qualification. A follow-up in September 1978 yielded information on current occupations of 329 out of 397 (83%) who had left before 1978.4 Besides these two sets of data, a published report documented first occupations of diploma students leaving the West of Scotland College between 1973 and 1976.5 Although this information could not be analysed by sex, Black’s observations on opportunities for women lend weight to the present findings.

Various kinds of bias could have arisen due to the way the data were collected. Because response rates were high and virtually identical for the sexes, it seems unlikely that the findings would be seriously distorted. Non-respondents have therefore been ignored in the following analysis.

FIRST APPOINTMENTS

Table I shows first appointments, where known, of female and male students. Although the distribution of occupations differed between colleges, the pattern of male-female differences was substantially the same. Table I shows that:

(i) fewer women than men from either college went in for practical farming or horticulture;

(ii) commercial firms in the industries ancillary to agriculture engaged equal proportions of men and women;

(iii) many more women men found employment in large noncommercial organisations related to agriculture such as government departments, research institutions and marketing boards;

244 RUTH GASSON

TABLE I

FIRST APPOINTMENTS OF FEMALE AND MALE STUDENTS (%)

Practical farming/ horticulture Commercial firms ancillarv

Wve College 1970- 78 women men

8.5 35.9

Harper Adams 1972-78 women men

41.0 60.0

to agriculture Noncommercial oraanisations

13.9 12.8 197 20.4

(Government departments, etc.) Teaching and Voluntary Service

Overseas (VSO) Higher degrees No gainful occupation related

to qualification

All students Numbers

32.5 16.7 19.7 5.5

Il.6 9.3 2.6 14.7 13.7 ::y 6.0

18.8 11.6 8.9 5.5

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 224 431 56 416

(iv) women were more likely than men to go in for teaching; (v) more women than men sought higher degrees or qualifications in subjects

related to their first degree or diploma; (vi) overall fewer women than men found employment relevant to their

agricultural training.

It could be argued that women would be less likely than men to enter practical farming because few women take courses designed to this end. Table 2 attempts to control for this by comparing first appointments of Wye graduates by type of course taken. A different classification of occupations was used from that of Table 1. Nevertheless it seems that whatever course they take, fewer women than men go into practical farming or market gardening, and more are recruited for planning, research or teaching posts. Comparing women and men taking the HND

TABLE 2

FIRST APPOINTMENTS OF WYE GRADUATES BY TYPE OF COURSE TAKEN (%)

Agriculture/horticulture All other degrees women men women men

Practical farming Commercial firms Parks/ gardens/ planning Research Teaching and VSO Further education

All graduates

~~fhos1977 only)

19.6 52.7 2E 15.8 35.4 27.5 26.3

20.8 IO.5 2.: ;:; 23.3 11.8 11.7 4.8 18.2 13.2

7.8 8.4 13.0 22.4

1000 51 100.0 167 IWO 77 100~0 76


(Agriculture) course at Harper Adams, too, 70% of the men but only 45% of the women began careers in practical farming while proportionately more women than men found places with non-commercial organisations including teaching posts. Overall, fewer women than men secured occupations relevant to their training.

SUBSEQUENT OCCUPATIONS

Information was available on current occupations of most of the Harper Adams students who had left prior to 1978. Considering only those who had taken the HND (Agriculture) course, Table 3 shows that within a few years of leaving college:

(i) the proportion of men in practical farming fell slightly but the proportion of women was halved;

(ii) more men but fewer women were employed in commercial firms; (iii) non-commercial organisations, colleges and schools accounted for more of

both sexes; (iv) more men but fewer women were in gainful occupations related to their

agricultural diploma.

The categories used in Tables 1 to 3 are very broad and sex differences might be concealed within them. The following sections therefore examine trends within broad occupational categories.

TABLE 3

FIRST AND SUBSEQUENT OCCUPATIONS OF HND (AGRICULTURE) STUDENTS FROM HARPER ADAMS COLLEGE (%)

Women Men first 1978 first 1978

Practical farming Commercial firms Non-commercial organ-

isations and teaching No gainful occupation

related to degree

All HND (Agriculture) students

Numbers

44.6 23.0 70.4 61.9 12.8 10.4 14.2 20.7

23.5 33.3 5.3 15.4

19.1 33.3 10.1 5.0

100.0 100.0 100.0 100.0 47 39 318 241

CAREERS IN PRACTICAL FARMING

Table 4 gives more detail of first appointments in practical farming, market gardening, forestry and landscape design. Although fewer Wye than Harper Adams

246 RUTH GASSON

students started their careers by working on farms, the pattern of male - female differences was fairly consistent in that:

(i) fewer women than men entered practical farming; (ii) fewer women than men began farming on their own account or returned to

their parents’ farms; (iii) women were much less likely than men to obtain management posts; (iv) relatively more women than men whose first jobs were in practical farming

began as ordinary farm workers.

TABLE 4

F,RST APPOINTMENTS IN PRACTICAL FARMING (%)

wve graduates

women men

Harper Adams students

women men

Farming at home/ own account

Farm management Farm worker, United

Kingdom Farm worker overseas

All in practical farming Numbers

3.2 IO.4 8.9 25.0

1.3 14.2 3.5 12.2

2.7 6.0 17.9 15.6 1.3 5.3 IO.7 I.2

8.5 35.9 41.0 60.0 19 155 23 250

The most striking finding in Table 4 is that women appear to be almost excluded from management posts. Harper Adams men were three to four times as likely as their female counterparts to secure first jobs in farm management, Wye men ten times as likely. ‘Management’ has been interpreted liberally here to include posts like assistant or trainee farm manager, unit manager and supervisor. The point at issue here is not the nature of management responsibility delegated to young people fresh from college but the fact that so few women appear in the category. By 1978 more Harper Adams men but fewer women held management posts than when they first left college. One woman leaving college in 1975 with a poultry diploma was employed as an assistant hatchery manager in 1978. On the broadest definition of ‘farm management’ she was the only woman out of sixty qualified in an agricultural subject who had obtained a management post.

On the other hand, women are certainly not barred from becoming ordinary farm workers. While in each sample about one third of the men entering practical farming started as farm workers, for Wye women the proportion was 47% and for Harper Adams women, 70%. It seems that women with agricultural training are at a disadvantage if they seek responsible permanent posts on farms. Men can often use farm work experience as a stepping stone into management; women rarely can.


Other studies bear out the same conclusion. When the Farm Management Association commissioned a survey of farm managers, not one of the 276 respondents was a woman.6 Although women comprise over half the part time and casual labour force on farms and over 10% of the full time, they make up no more than 6% of those engaged in supervisory activities. 7 In the glasshouse sector where over half the regular employees are women, there is a strong tendency for supervisory positions to be filled by men.* A survey ofglasshouse holdings revealed that 41Y0 of the workforce but only 16% of managers were female.9 Similar situations obtain in poultry hatcherieslO and on poultry holding, where one survey found that 34% of the labour force but only 5% of managers and supervisors were w0men.r’

CAREERS IN ANCILLARY INDUSTRIES AND SERVICES

Commercial firms in the industries ancillary to agriculture, such as agro-chemicals, seeds and animal feed firms, and non-commercial organisations like government departments, research institutions, universities, colleges, local authorities and schools, marketing and training boards and bodies like the Nature Conservancy Council, are major employers of young people from agricultural colleges. Tables 1 and 2 do not reveal any discrimination against women. There might if anything be positive discrimination in favour of women. One fifth of the Harper Adams women and nearly a third of the Wye women in the sample started their careers in large non- commercial organisations. Women were more likely than men to enter the teaching profession, too, as Table 1 showed.

Do women have access to the same opportunities as men within the career structure of some of these large organisations? Commercial firms seem increasingly ready to employ women as technical or sales representatives. Within some of the non-commercial organisations, however, division of work roles by sex seems to persist. Whereas equal numbers of Wye men and women in the sample joined the Agricultural Development and Advisory Service of the Ministry of Agriculture on graduating, twenty of the men but only three of the women were appointed to advisory posts. Most of the women became laboratory workers or technical assistants. Similarly among students obtaining the HND in food technology from the West of Scotland College, most men found jobs as managers in the food industry while nearly four out of five women became laboratory technicians. In other words, it is usually men who are employed to visit and advise farmers. organise meetings and open days and generally to be visible to the public. Women are more often cast in the role of ‘backroom girls’. One consequence is that men are more likely than women to provide role models to agricultural students.

This tendency for women to be concentrated in the inconspicuous, back-up service areas is widespread in other industries too. They find themselves in market

248 RUTH GASSON

research, personnel, advertising or training rather than in the board room, and it is hardly accidental that the ceiling in terms of pay and status is considerably lower here than in other sections of management.’

NO GAINFUL EMPLOYMENT IN AGRICULTURE

Tables 1 and 5 show that fewer women than men in the sample were able to secure gainful employment related to agriculture. More women than men avoided the labour market for a while by continuing in full time education or training for a different career. A number of Wye graduates took secretarial courses, for example. Some women marry as soon as they leave college and do not seek paid employment. Others are unsuccessful in the search. Over time the differences become sharper. Table 5 shows that within a few years of leaving college, only one Harper Adams man in sixteen, but one woman in three, was either unemployed, still in full time education or employed in a job which bore no obvious relation to agriculture.

TABLE 5

EX-STUDENTS WITHOUT GAINFUL OCCUPATIONS IN AGRICULTURE (o/n)

Wye College Harper Adams College .first ,job 1978 job

women men women men women men

Further education Job or training unrelated to

qualification Fuli time housewife Unemployed

14.7 13.7 7.1 6.0 2.3 1.0

I I.6 8.8 5.3 2.9 11.6 3.9 5.8 14.0 I.4 23 ;:; 2; 2.3 13

All without relevant jobs 33.5 25.3 16.0 11.5 30.2 6.3 Numbers 107 180 9 48 13 18

EXPLANATIONS

The main points which require explanation are that fewer women than men obtain farm management posts, that more women are employed in large non-commercial organisations and that women are on the whole less likely than men to secure jobs relevant to their qualifications. Are women prevented from entering the same kinds of occupations as men, do they consciously pursue different careers or do they merely accept roles which society has decreed for them? Without first hand information from the women themselves it is impossible to tell. The following factors might, however, contribute to the explanation.


Structural change in the industry Earlier it was pointed out that courses designed IO prepare students for careers in

the ancillary industries seem to attract women more than courses appropriate for those intending to farm. This will obviously have a bearing on career choice but whether as cause or effect, is difficult to decide.

The technological revolution which agriculture has experienced since the Second World War has resulted in many jobs being transferred from farms to other agencies. Cattle breeding, crop marketing and trainingare but threeexamples. This means fewer people are needed on farms while career opportunities have expanded for specialists in commercial firms, government departments, agricultural colleges and the like. It might be thought that this shift in employment from farms to ancillary industries and services would increase job opportunities for qualified women from agricultural colleges. The only direct evidence gathered in the survey points to the opposite conclusion. Structural change in the poultry industry, a sector which has traditionally employed many women, has meant fewer Cemale jobs and has resulted in declining numbers of women students at some of the agricultural colleges. In the West of Scotland College. for instance, two thirds of those taking poultry diplomas before 1960 were women, but after 1960, only one third.

Attitudes of employers The survey furnished no direct evidence of employers discriminating against

women but discussions with individuals involved in placement of students revealed some blatant examples. Cases were cited of able women candidates being passed over for farm management posts, of firms refusing to consider women for technical representative posts, of male colleagues barring women from higher posts in large organisations. Were these exceptions?

Sex dlyferences in abilities and aptitudes Male-female differences in abilities and aptitudes are frequently cited to account

for the fact that women do not have access to the same jobs as men. A familiar argument in farming circles is that women lack the physical strength of men and so cannot compete for farm jobs. It might be pointed out that some women are stronger than some men, that modern farming demands brains rather than brawn, that mechanisation has reduced the need for brute strength, and that in any case skill in farming is often a matter of acquiring a knack rather than using force. Whether these arguments are accepted or not, they are tangential to the most striking finding of the survey. This was that women are under represented in management posts. Women coming into practical farming are more likely than men to become ordinary farm workers -where, it might be thought, physical strength would be a greater advantage.

If sex differences are used to explain why fewer women than men qualified in agricultural subjects obtain management posts, do they also account for the fact

250 RUTH GASSON

that women are more likely than men to be employed as laboratory assistants, statisticians, teachers or researchers, and why more of them take higher degrees? Should we conclude that women are more numerate and dexterous, more accurate and articulate, altogether intellectually superior to their male contemporaries? This question was not answered in the present study but it might be possible to draw some conclusions from an analysis of examination results.

Socialisation qf women Socialisation is the process where by a person is taught the values and attitudes of

his social group and comes to accept them as his own. Society exerts a powerful influence on its members to conform to its dominant values. Those who do are rewarded with approval while those who do not are punished by criticism, ridicule or, in extreme cases, ostracism. Main agents of socialisation are the family and the school but socialisation continues through higher education, training and work.

Increasingly nowadays, women are socialised into having careers. In 1978, 50% of married women in Britain were employed outside the home. This is not to say women have achieved equality with men in the labour market. As pointed out earlier, women are predominantly employed in service occupations such as nursing, teaching, catering, domestic and secretarial work. Here they re-enact the role of housewife and mother by caring for the young and the sick, providing meals, helping men in their work and clearing up after them. This is partly a result of socialisation. Girls learn at an early age that nurse, teacher, secretary or hairdresser are desirable occupations. The small girl who wants to become a welder, an engine driver or a managing director is unlikely to receive the same degree of encouragement.

Women who enter agricultural colleges have defied social norms to some extent, taking a first step towards a career in the male dominated world of agriculture. Yet socialising influences at college and beyond may deflect them from this path. Traditionally, some branches of husbandry are held to be more suitable for women than others and, correspondingly, some courses offered by colleges attract more women than others. The horticultural degree at Wye College, for example, has always had a higher female complement than the agriculture degree. At the West of Scotland College, more women take courses in amenity horticulture and food technology than agriculture or agricultural engineering. Bare statements like these do not reveal how far admissions to courses reflect the choices of the women themselves, and how far women are persuaded by parents, school teachers, careers advisers and college selection panels. How many women, like the present writer, wanting to read agriculture, successfully resisted pressure from school and college to read dairying or horticulture instead ‘because nobody will employ a woman in agriculture?

Norms and values transmitted from different sources may reinforce or counteract one another. A person receiving conflicting messages from different


quarters may become confused and this may result in a series of apparently inconsistent decisions. The writer’s personal experience may be relevant here. Girls at grammar school in the decades following the 1944 Education Act were socialised into wanting careers. The more academically able they were, the more they were encouraged by their teachers to aim for university, looking beyond the sex- stereotyped roles of secretary, teacher or nurse.University lecturers continued the process of socialisation, encouraging female students to apply for jobs commensurate with their abilities. Yet students themselves held an opposing set of values, early marriage and a large family being regarded as the highest goal for a woman graduate. Social pressures in the student body encouraged women to accentuate their femininity. Serious conversation and ‘talking shop’ were discouraged between the sexes although important in single sex groups. Women who left college without an engagement ring were regarded as failures, however bright their career prospects. Most of the writer’s female contemporaries married within a year of leaving college. Those who returned to paid employment after raising a family tended to start new careers, typically in teaching or social work, rather than in agriculture.

Such attitudes may not be held by agricultural students today. Yet they would help to explain why women in the sample who entered higher education in agriculture on equal terms with men, appeared to choose the more feminine roles. Those who left agricultural college and subsequently took secretarial or teacher training courses, seemed to be turning their backs on an enterprising career decision, opting instead for ‘safer’ and more conventional feminine roles.

Marriage and the family Even though the importance of sex differences and socialisation into feminine

roles may be exaggerated, it cannot be denied that many women’s careers are interrupted by the birth and rearing of children. As Table 5 showed, 14ye of Harper Adams women were full time housewives within a few years of college. Although modern trends are for women to marry earlier, to have fewer children and to compress the child-bearing and rearing period into fewer years, not many mothers can avoid interrupting their careers to some extent.

Marriage has particular implications for the careers of women trained in agriculture. For some, marrying a farmer or farmer’s son provides an entry to agriculture denied to the single woman. (Conversely, marriage to a farmer’s daughter could benefit a young male college student who aspired to farm.) It is thought that many college trained wives of farmers and farm managers play a significant part in running the family business, especially on the management and accounting side. How many women are able to combine marriage and a family with shared management of a farm business, and in the desired proportions, is an open question. The answer would depend on many variables such as the nature of the

252 RUTH GASSON

marital relationship and, where the husband farmed in partnership with his parents, their attitude to the daughter-in-law’s involvement in the farm.

Marriage usually means going to live where the husband’s job is. Women from agricultural colleges will be likely to marry men with farming backgrounds or agricultural qualifications and will make their homes in rural areas, where job opportunities for women may be limited. It has beeen suggested that the only place in Britain where a husband and wife with professional qualifications can both be sure of finding relevant employment is London. This is another reason why some women in the sample were unable to find employment related to their degree or diploma.

Present data cannot show whether marriage and bringing up children will have a lasting effect on careers of women leaving agricultural colleges in the 1970s. Research among other groups has shown, however, that wives returning to work after bringing up a family tend not to resume the career for which they were originally trained. Often they seek jobs with a greater ‘social’ content such as child care or welfare work. This is partly attributable to their experience of raising a family, partly to loss of confidence in their ability to hold down a job in competition with younger women, partly a fear that their knowledge may have become obsolete. All these considerations lead us to expect that today’s female agricultural graduates or diplomates will be less likely than men with the same qualifications, to make lifelong careers in the agricultural industry.

CONCLUSIONS

Sex differences in ability, real or imagined, attitudes of employers, socialisation of women into female roles and demands of children might all combine to prevent women with agricultural qualifications from pursuing agricultural careers. A vicious circle could easily be set up. If, for example, no woman from a particular college has ever become a farm manager, student advisers might try to steer women away from courses designed for farm managers, warning them of the lack of job prospects, Employers noting the absence of good female applicants for farm management posts might then conclude that women are not interested in becoming farm managers. From there it is a short step to believing that women do not make good farm managers.

In one sense, if employers continue to offer and women to accept career opportunities which are more limited than those available to men, there is no problem. Allocation of roles would be seen as fitting, justified by immutable differences between the sexes or necessary for the proper functioning of society. The main victims would be those women who were more ambitious or independent than the rest, who had been incompletely socialised in the feminine mould. Life is hard for pioneers but, until a few women make a success in careers previously


monopolised by men, it will be hard to gainsay the attitude that ‘it cannot be done because it has not been done before’.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

I am grateful to the Women’s Farm and Garden Association for supporting a research project on ‘the role of women in British agriculture’ of which this study is part. I also wish to thank George Black, Alan Costley, John Orr-Ewing and Donald Sykes for providing the data and for making constructive comments on an earlier draft of this paper.

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REFERENCES

MACKIE, L. & PATULLO, P., Women at work, London, Tavistock Publications, 1977. G~-+Y, A., The failure of the movement for women’s equality, New Society, (23 August, 1979) -_- ORR-EWING, J.E., First appoinfments, Journal ofthe Agricola Club and Swanley Guild 1970-71 to 1978-79, Wye College, University of London. COSTLEY, A.J., Careers of’former students, Harper Adams Agricultural College, unpublished report, 1978. BLACK, G.K.R., Careers of diploma students 1973-1976, The West of Scotland Agricultural College, Research and Development Publication No. 5, 1978. GILES, A.K. & MILLS, F.D., Farm managers, University of Reading Department of Agricultural Economics. Miscellaneous Studv No. 47, 1970. ERRINGTON, A., Stqfl superviribn and supervisory training in British agriculture, Agricultural Training Board, Research Report No. 11, 1979. CAVANAGH, R. & THACKERAY, D., Attitudes to work, training and education in glasshouse crops producrion, Agricultural Training Board, 1977. TIPPLES, R., Manpower in glasshouse crops production, Agricultural Training Board, Research Report No. 9, 1977. BRADLEY, J. & FLIGHT, D., Manpower in poulrry hatcheries, Agricultural Training Board, Research Report No. 7, 1975. ALLEN, G.P., DARTNELL, J. & YOUNG, N., Manpower on poultry farms, Agricultural Training Board, Research Report No. 6, 1974.

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Career opportunities for women in British agriculture