What I am going to discuss today is how it is possible forAmerican foreign policy toward Africa to be hijacked tosuch an extent, that any American patriot who understood

what this policy was doing to Africa, would be terribly ashamed.First, I would like to discuss President Clinton’s historic trip to

Africa in late February and early March of 1998, in which he called foran American Partnership with Africa. Other than Jimmy Carter, BillClinton is the only President who has travelled to Africa while in office.Many of President Clinton’s speeches during this trip harkened back tothe ideas of President John F. Kennedy: that one of the missions of theUnited States must be to develop Africa, and to reverse the devastation

wrought on that continent bycolonialism and its legacy.

But this is not what is happen-ing. Although the President of theUnited States enunciated a policyfor a trade and growth partnershipwith Africa, and called for the fos-tering of democratic institutions inAfrica, this is not what the UnitedStates is doing. The United States isdoing exactly the opposite.

As we have documented inExecutive Intelligence Review, wehave caught the Assistant Secre-tary of State for African Affairs,Susan Rice—a 34-year-old womanwhose major credentials for thispost are, that she went to OxfordUniversity, and was given awardsby the Royal Institute of Interna-tional Affairs—in illegal and

unconstitutional gun-running to the Sudanese Peoples Liberation Army(S.P.L.A.) of John Garang, which is fighting a no-win war in southernSudan, as well as to the so-called Congolese rebels in the DemocraticRepublic of Congo, who are being armed through Uganda and Rwanda.The United States has put itself forward as the major ally and backer ofthe Ugandan dictator Yoweri Museveni, who was sponsored in the late1980’s by the British, and Baroness Lynda Chalker in particular, as a

6

If we do not establish an outcryagainst the genocide that is

today taking place in Africa, wecannot move the United States

into a New Bretton Woodssystem, because we have no

standard of morality, we haveno measurement of morality

from which to judge anything.

Can the Destruction of Africa Be Stopped?by Linda de Hoyos

__________

Linda de Hoyos delivered this address to a joint conference of the SchillerInstitute and the African Civil Rights Movement, held in New York City onDec. 19, 1998.

Above: Refugee camp, Sudan, 1997. Right: President Clinton with students,

Uganda, March 1998.

EIR

NS

/Law

renc

eF

reem

an

Click here for Full Issue of Fidelio Volume 8, Number 2, Summer 1999

© 1999 Schiller Institute, Inc. All Rights Reserved. Reproduction in whole or in part without permission strictly prohibited.

7

marcher-lord force against all the nation-states of Africa.This is the policy that is in operation. It has been enunciated very

clearly by Susan Rice’s mentor, Roger Winter of the U.S. Committee ofRefugees, who in September 1997 called for a total war against Sudan, to“bring down the Khartoum government”—even though, he said, “Iknow this will cause a humanitarian catastrophe.” By November 1997,this became the policy that was carried out through the State Departmentand the National Security Councilof the United States. Which is notto say that this policy originateswith the United States govern-ment—Roger Winter is not anofficial of the administration. Butit is the policy that the UnitedStates has adopted.

We can survey the result of thispolicy: war in Uganda, Rwanda,Burundi, Sudan; destabilization ofKenya; destabilization of Tanza-nia; a widening war in the Congowhich involves Angola, Zimbab-we, Namibia, Congo-Brazzaville,and Chad.

We have a policy of war emanat-ing from the United States forAfrica, no matter what the peoplein the administration want to callit. The proof of that is, that withinthe last two weeks, I had an opportunity to speak to one of the administra-tion officials involved in Africa, who put forward a whole plan of how theUnited States wants peace in the Great Lakes region. And I asked him,“You know that Uganda has just received a huge bulk shipment of mili-tary equipment, according to The New York Times. Do you know wherethis is going to be used, and what pressure are you bringing to bear onUganda to cease its expansionist militarism against its neighbors?”

On the second question, the official answered, “We are telling Ugandathey should get out of the Congo, and we are telling them this, and weare telling them that.” And I said, “Could you please answer the firstquestion—where is this military equipment destined?” And the officialanswered, “Why don’t you ask the Ugandans?” And I answered, “Don’tyou think you should?”

That is the status of American foreign policy toward Africa today; it is apolicy of war—it is an unconscionable policy of war.

Where does this policy come from? The answer was just given in the

of Africa Be Stopped?

It is our mission to givepeople the opportunitythat they deserve, and therights that are inalienablytheirs to developthemselves to their fullestcapacity to contribute to allof humanity, based uponthe sacred dignity of eachhuman being.

Whi

teH

ouse

/Bob

McN

eele

y

clearest possible terms on December 10, when the ParisClub of “donor” governments and the International Mon-etary Fund all met together—this time not in Paris, but inKampala, Uganda—and decided to give Uganda, a rela-tively small country of 19 million people, $2.2 billion overthe next two years. That amount of money for an Africancountry of any size is basically unheard of. It is a hugesum of money. It effectively erases the Ugandan debt, andit permits the Ugandan government to use all its money tocarry out war—which is what it is going to do.

The decision to pump this money into Uganda tookplace precisely at the point that the news of the hugeshipments of military equipment coming into Ugandawas on the front pages of the local Kampala newspapers.It also came at the point that President Yoweri Musev-eni’s brother, Salim Saleh, was dismissed from his post asSenior Military Adviser to the President, because it hadbeen discovered, as many had long suspected, that SalimSaleh was the secret buyer of the Ugandan CommercialBank, which had just been privatized for a song by theUgandan government. The President’s brother had justbought the national bank—this is how privatization hasbeen carried out in Uganda.

This $2.2 billion was also awarded at the point that theWorld Bank itself had just issued a report saying that theUgandan government is one of the “most corrupt gov-ernments in the world.” It cited twelve major cases of“embezzlement of public funds” that were given by the“donor community” for the “alleviation of poverty.” Thismoney, including enough money to build an entire dam, hadbeen pilfered by Museveni’s ministry officials.

I can guarantee you that if this were any other country,any country that was not operating as the key warlord forBritish financial interests in Africa, this scandalous newswould have been in the Washington Post and The NewYork Times, with cries that this terrible and corrupt dicta-tor Yoweri Museveni must be brought down. If this hadbeen President Moi of Kenya, or any other African headof state, he would have been gone within a week—notawarded $2.2 billion!

But, the Paris Club, the banks, the I.M.F., the WorldBank, the British Commonwealth companies, the NewYork banks, are bankrolling the destruction of Africathrough war. That is what is happening to Africa today.

Africa and America: A Natural AllianceThis means, of course, that it is impossible to carry outPresident Clinton’s policy. Even though the idea of anAmerican partnership for the development of theAfrican continent is a completely natural idea that flowsfrom the heritage of this country.

First of all, it means that we would be exporting

capital goods to Africa, which means skilled jobs forAmerican workers, who today, instead of working infactories producing for the world, are flipping ham-burgers, working three menial jobs for a minimumwage that doesn’t pay the rent.

It also means fostering democratic institutions inAfrica, which is not an insignificant mission. It is neces-sary to strengthen democratic institutions and the rule oflaw in African countries, so as to put an end to the zero-sum game of internal politics, which is born out of eco-nomic desperation, in which the winner takes all, and theloser loses everything, even up to the point of extermina-tion. That zero-sum game cannot be ended unless sup-port is given to those people who understand that the ruleof violence in Africa must end.

There are, for instance, many people in Uganda todaywho understand that, who are speaking out, who areworking for to bring about a peaceful and prosperousUganda, but through political civil action, not violentinsurgency. Given that their country is in effect a militarydictatorship, they do this at great risk to their lives. Doyou think that they have the support of the United Statesgovernment? Do you think that they get one penny of themoney that the Agency for International Developmentdishes out to organizations all over the world? I canassure you that they getabsolutely nothing, under thecurrent Rice-Winter warpolicy.

An American partnershipwith Africa is also a naturalidea because there are manyAfrican-Americans who livehere in the United States,whose forebears werebrought here from Africa asslaves, and who would likenothing better than to be giv-en the opportunity as Ameri-cans to contribute to thedevelopment of that continentand to bring it into the Twen-ty-first century as an industri-alized power. Many wouldlike nothing better than thatopportunity—not an oppor-tunity to go back to Africa,because, as Martin LutherKing said, “This is our coun-try, we built it, we are notgoing anywhere.” But, Afri-can-Americans are a naturalbridge for the transmission of

8

EIR

NS

/Stu

artL

ewis

technology, of knowledge, of capital exports to Africa.Lastly, there are many Africans in the United States

who have come to this country to seek refuge from thedestruction of their nations. These people do want to gohome, and want to build their nations, and the UnitedStates can help them do that.

So President Clinton’s policy is the most natural policyfor the American republic to carry out. But that is notwhat is being done. Why not?

The problem is that, today, there can be no co-exis-tence between the world of the International MonetaryFund, the World Bank, the Paris Club, and any form ofdevelopment. The mountain of speculative paper hascrushed the physical economy, in every country in theworld today, in order to pay with blood the value of thatspeculative paper.

In Africa, which has gone the farthest down the road inthe crushing austerity of its own productive economy andpopulation, this has led to a condition which ZambianPresident Frederick Chiluba recently called “debt slavery.”He has charged that the debt slavery imposed by the I.M.F.and the World Bank on Africa is nearly as bad as the slav-ery that Africa endured in the latter half of this millenni-um. I am saddened to say that the price of copper has beendriven so low, that President Chiluba, who has resisted for

five years selling off the Zambian copper mines for pen-nies, is now in London negotiating that deal, becauseZambia has been brought to its knees economically.

Thus, President Clinton’s call for a trade and develop-ment partnership with Africa runs right up against theboundary conditions set by the International MonetaryFund and the bankruptcy of the world financial system.There can be no such partnership under the currentworld monetary system. President Clinton’s failure totake up the proposal for a New Bretton Woods System,as proposed by the American statesman LyndonLaRouche, is a result of his and America’s moral paraly-sis. And into the vacuum of policy caused by this moralparalysis, the forces of evil have rushed in to carry outtheir own policy of destruction in Africa.

In the pages of the London press today, we can hearcalls for a “new colonialism” for Africa. They say,“Look, these countries just can’t hack it. They don’tknow what they are doing; there is just violence; theyare incompetent. They need us. Remember the goodold days of colonialism?”

If you go back to a 1958 speech by then-Senator JohnF. Kennedy, it was known at that time, that life expectan-cy in Africa under colonialist rule was only 29 years. Lifeexpectancy in Africa made a gigantic leap as soon as the

9

Countries in civil war or at war against another country Country has deployed troops to civil war in another country Countries which have done both

FIGURE 1

London's wars in Africa

London's Wars In Africa

UGANDAUGANDA

BURUNDIRWANDA

GHANA

LIBERIA

SIERRA LEONESIERRA LEONE

GUINEAGUINEA

ZIMBABWE

CO

NG

O-B

ERITREAERITREA

GUINEA BISSAUGUINEA BISSAU

ETHIOPIA

SUDAN

SOMALIA

NAMIBIA

GHANANIGERIA

CHAD

ZIMBABWENAMIBIA

NIGERIA

CHAD

CONGO

ANGOLAANGOLA

ALGERIA

LIBERIA

Architects of Britain’s “NewColonialism”: Baroness LyndaChalker of Britain’s Ministry forInternational Development (top left);Roger Winter, Executive Director,U.S. Committee on Refugees (bottomleft); Uganda dictator YoweriMuseveni (above).

Map: Britain’s New Colonialism has swept the African continent intocontinuous, genocidal warfare.

EIR

NS

/Stu

artL

ewis

British and French colonial administrations left, from alevel of 29 years, to a range of 50-plus and 60-plus years,within the decade of the 1960’s. There should not be anynostalgia for colonialism.

There is also a new book recently published on theBelgian rule of the Congo, which documents that whenthe Congo was the private possession of King Leopold,ten million Congolese died as a result of this rule—one-half the population! There should not be any nostalgiafor colonialism.

If you read the history of Kenya, you will discover thatthe British, in order to clear the most fertile land andseize it as their own, put thousands of Kenyans into con-centration camps, where they were starved to death, theirfamilies destroyed. This is one of the holocausts that theBritish cover up, which the great Leakey family was partof, and fought to keep. There should not be any nostalgiafor colonialism.

What is happening in Africa today? There are deten-tion camps where people are starving to death in north-ern Uganda, where half a million people are starving incamps; in Burundi, where another half-million are dyingin camps; and now in Rwanda, where 650,000 are dyingof disease and hunger, in camps into which they havebeen herded in the last three months. There are concen-tration camps in the Great Lakes region; there is massdeath in the Great Lakes, mass death produced by sol-diers whose weapons are being paid for by the Paris Cluband the International Monetary Fund.

Behind the mercenary armies, come the mining com-

panies of the British Commonwealth and their Africansubsidiaries—Barrick Gold, Banro Resources, Anglo-American, DeBeers, Lonrho, and so forth.

This is the new colonialism; it is a new destruction of allinstitutions in Africa, a levelling of Africa, a clearing ofthe land of Africa. This so-called new breed of leaders,led by Yoweri Museveni, is bringing back the old colo-nialism. But this time, the British will not pay the costs ofcolonial administration; they are just going to let it go.“We have mines here; we have private security guards;we get our money here; we have our shoeshine boys; wetromp around in our reserve game parks whenever weget bored, and that is that.”

That is what they are doing; but, that is not why theyare doing it.

Malthusian GenocideAt the root of this policy is a Malthusian concept that saysthere are too many people in the world, particularly in thedeveloping countries. This is the content of the famousNational Security Study Memorandum (NSSM) 200 of SirHenry Kissinger, which said that the biggest strategicthreat to the NATO countries, was the fact that in thedeveloping countries, there were too many people. Thesepeople live in nation-states that have governments, thathave sovereignty, and these people are sitting on our strate-gic resources, asserts NSSM 200. Therefore, these peoplehave to go; there are too many of them. What this becomestranslated into, is: “The white man’s burden is you, the

10

FIGURE 1. TheTransaqua project

is a blueprint forgreening the Sahel,

by diverting thecatchment waters of

the Congo Rivernorth of Lake Chad.

Shown is an artist’s rendition ofa transport link, tobe constructed in a

new city in theCentral African

Republic, between acanal from the

Congo River, and ahighway to runfrom the port of

Mombasa, Kenya,to the port of

Lagos, Nigeria.

African, and your burden is yourself. We want to help youeliminate that burden, by eliminating you.” These peoplewill actually tell themselves that they are doing Africa afavor, by killing as many people as possible.

Take, for example, Roger Winter, who for the lastdecade has been demanding a total war against Sudan. It isU.S. policy to an extent, but the United States never givesthe people who are running the war in southern Sudan theproper military equipment to win the war. So, for the lastfifteen years, John Garang and the S.P.L.A. have not madeone iota of military progress in southern Sudan.

The U.S. Committee for Refugees, which Roger Win-ter has been running for this last decade, has recentlyreleased a new report that revises its death count for south-ern Sudan, from 1.3 to 1.9 million people killed in the war,or through disease and starvation caused by the war. Whydo they come out with such a report? Any normal personwould read such a report and say, “There must be peace;we must end the war.” But that is not what they say. Theysay, “That is why the Khartoum government must bebrought down, and we must continue this war.” Thereport is almost as if they were hanging scalps or trophieson the wall; the body count is the end in itself.

It is no exaggeration to say that, soon, the southernSudanese people are not going to exist. This is what therelief agencies who are on the ground, who up to thispoint have supported this war, are now saying.

There are other examples. In 1994-97, there were pro-posals coming from the British Ministry of InternationalDevelopment under Baroness Lynda Chalker, that all theHutu Rwandan women in the refugee camps in easternZaire should be sterilized.

Roger Winter heads up the Interaction Council, thecoordinating body for all the relief agencies and non-gov-ernmental organizations (N.G.O.’s). It is through himthat these N.G.O.’s are funded by the Agency for Inter-national Development or the State Department, workingthrough the State Department Bureau for Population,Migration, and Refugees. What is their mentality? Atthese camps, relief agency people will go around andcount the dead bodies. Someone once said to them, “Whyare you counting all the dead people; why don’t youcount the living people, so you know what you have to doto keep them alive?”

Why are they counting the dead people? Becausethis is a war of land-clearing and depopulation inAfrica, and it is born from a Malthusian concept whichsays that humanity is the enemy of itself. This is theideology that has infiltrated the U.S. State Department,the evil policy that comes from the likes of Britain’sPrince Philip, who wishes that after his death, he couldbe reincarnated as a deadly virus, in order to kill as

many people as possible. My question to these people isalways, “If you think there are too many people, whydon’t you start with yourself?” But this never enterstheir mind.

This whole relief effort is a hoax. Their Malthusian-ism is a rationale for carrying out a policy that is deliber-ately murderous to human beings.

Suppose that this mentality and view of humanitywere all that existed in the West. Suppose that this formof colonialism and what it has come out of were the onlything that existed. Suppose President Clinton’s policy ofan American partnership with Africa, had never beenput forward. Suppose the United States did not exist.Then we would have nothing except a blueprint forgenocide for Africa and for the rest of the developingworld.

Let me pose a second question. If this evil were all thatexisted coming from the United States, from Britain,from the Paris Club, from the West, then how is it possi-ble that an Italian research and development firm, whichwas associated with the state energy firm ENI, coulddraw up a blueprint for the greening of the Sahel,through a project to divert only five percent of the catch-ment waters of the Congo River north into Lake Chad,permitting the irrigation of large tracts of land which aretoday just dust? How is it possible for that idea to exist?How could such an idea come from any Western capital,if Western culture is solely represented by Prince Philip,Roger Winter, and Susan Rice?

The problem that we have in fighting this evil, is theperception among most people in the developing coun-tries, that Western culture is a single culture. It’s not. Justas it is wrong to say that there is such a thing as an“African culture”—because there are many cultures inAfrica, and some of them are completely different one tothe other.

The Root of Culture Is PhilosophyIn Western culture, what the British and the socialanthropologists teach, is that there is only one Westernculture, and they teach that this culture is based onBritish empiricism, British philosophy, British oli-garchism—the theory that man is nothing but a com-posite of pain and pleasure, no better than a rat in amaze.

Whereas, the reality is that the evil philosophy thatdirects the policy of war and death toward Africa today isinherently incapable of producing an idea like theTransaqua Project; it is incapable of building the UnitedStates. It is incapable of the scientific inventions and tech-nological development that enable man to travel to the

11

moon. That is what Africa needs, but that comes fromsomeplace else. That comes from a different philosophythan what is taught today in any of the universities thatone could attend either in the United States or Britaintoday. That comes, instead, from the philosophy that cre-ated and built the United States.

This paradox in Western culture, points to the basicunresolved dualism in Western civilization, which goesback to the philosophical confrontation between Aristotleand Plato. On the one hand you have Aristotle, whosought to destroy any concept of a true universal, andthus denied man’s own capacity to think and to create.From this, it was a quick step to his apologias for slavery,based on the notion that one large section of humanity isreally not good for anything but serving a minority classwhich considers itself a superior species. This is at theroot of what we see in the policy of war toward Africatoday. That conception of a human being is incapable of pro-ducing human progress.

Human progress comes from a different idea, the Pla-tonic or Christian one; it comes from the idea that man ismade in the living image of God. Through that consub-stantiality with God we have a responsibility, and theopportunity, to create, to participate in God’s creation, tocontribute to the ever-greater perfection of the universe.That is our right, our opportunity, our responsibility, andthat is what being a human being is all about. Everyhuman life is thus sacred. From that standpoint, the morehuman beings, potentially the more perfect the universe.

What we see running amok in Africa today, is agroup—such as the Tutsis—who have been inculcatedthrough colonialism in part, in the idea that they aresuperior and others are beneath them. We see that it isthis grouping that the British oligarchy has naturallypicked up and is using as the marcher-lord force in EastAfrica. It’s an Aristotelean ideology.

If you look at a picture of the Transaqua Project [SEE

Figure 1], on the other hand, you will see a canal fromthe Congo River intersecting a highway, that is to be con-structed from the port of Mombasa, Kenya, to the port ofLagos, Nigeria. This picture shows a new city in the mid-dle of the Central African Republic. Today, the CentralAfrican Republic is a poor place; only sixteen percent ofthe population has clean drinking water.

There is no reason not to carry out this project. Themoney spent to carry out this project will be far less thanthe money that has already been spent carrying outbandaid projects, or continuing to hand out food to peo-ple starving in the Sahel today.

The Transaqua Project completely opens up CentralAfrica to the rest of the world. It means that the regionhas been urbanized, its labor force has been freed from

subsistence farming through mechanization and newtechnologies and can now farm for the market. It meansthat we have electricity in Central Africa—not only forfactories, but for people’s homes, which enables them toread at night. Behind this picture is a philosophy whichsays that it is our mission to give people the opportunitythat they deserve, and the rights that are inalienablytheirs to develop themselves to their fullest capacity tocontribute to all of humanity—a philosophy of the sacreddignity of each human being.

So you see, the Aristotelean ideology that has beenpresented in most Western universities as expressingWestern culture, has to be junked. This is an urgentrequirement. But this isn’t all, because the British didn’tstop at presenting their own oligarchical way of thinkingas the sole content of Western culture. They went a stepfurther, and through their creation of such institutions asDar es Salaam University in Tanzania in the 1960’s, theyactually created a controlled rebellion against their ownphony “Western culture.” This rebellion is centeredaround the “theories of violence” of such nihilists asFrantz Fanon, whose Wretched of the Earth instructed anentire strata of African youth in the use of violence to“change the shape of the world.” A lot of the training wasmilitary, not academic—which explains why the newbreed of leaders loosed against the nation-states of Africatoday are nearly all graduates of this “theory of violence”at Dar es Salaam, beginning with Museveni himself.

That British-controlled rebellion of violence repre-sents nothing positive. It lacks the idea of each individualcreated equally in the image of God on which the Ameri-can Republic was based; it is a rebellion which is limitedto destruction only, a rebellion based on and fueled byhatred. This is what Yoweri Museveni and the wholegang that were trained at Dar es Salaam University rep-resent today.

The philosophy and history of the United States mustbe studied, in order to find the conceptual weaponry andideas that have proven themselves capable of defeatingsuch enemies of humanity as Prince Philip, himselfmerely a more virulent and lethal form of the diseasethat confronted the American colonists in their 1776-83War of Independence against King George III’s BritishEmpire.

Whereas Fanon demanded that the rebel find his“new” and “powerful” identity in his capacity to kill, theAmerican System calls for an identity of true indepen-dence based upon construction, upon the development ofone’s nation and people.

This further requires an understanding that a NewBretton Woods system, as proposed by LyndonLaRouche, which overturns the power of the financial

12

oligarchy, is an absolute prerequisite to defeat the evil inAfrica today. The I.M.F. and the development of Africaare mutually exclusive. They cannot co-exist.

There must also be a recognition that within the con-text of Africa itself, there is no pure victory for any onegroup which has been hurled against another. The condi-tions must be achieved whereby groups begin to appre-hend the way in which they have been manipulated forthe purposes of violence and death by British methodolo-gy, and that the result has been only destruction. Theremust be compromise that seeks to create conditions forreconstruction.

‘A Knock at Midnight’How will any of this be possible, when it seems impossi-ble? I want to point you in the direction of an answer, bydrawing your attention to one of Martin Luther King’ssermons, called “A Knock at Midnight.” King cites thepassage in the Gospel of Luke, Chapter 11, right after theLord’s Prayer, in which Jesus tells the parable of a manwho came and knocked at his neighbor’s door at mid-night, to say that he needed bread from the neighbor fora friend who had stopped at his house after a long jour-ney, and he had no food for him.

The neighbor says, “Trouble me not. The door is nowshut, and my children are now with me in bed. I cannotrise and give thee.” The man keeps knocking, and finally,

the neighbor rises and giveshim the bread, “not because hewas a friend,” but because ofthe neighbor’s importunity, hispersistence in knocking. This,says Martin Luther King, is aparable about the power ofpersistent prayer.

Being the great teacher thathe was, Martin Luther Kingthen places this story in ourown time. He says, that thefirst thing we notice about thestory is that it is midnight. Mid-night means the loss of distinc-tion, the loss of color, the loss oflight. He then describes howtoday it is midnight in thesocial order; it is midnight inthe moral order; it is midnightin the psychological order. Thiswas in 1965. Now, more thanthirty years later, for manypeople, midnight has come and

gone, and they have gone with it.King further points out that the neighbor would not

have been knocking, if he had not known that the breadwas inside. King says that today, what is being asked for,is the bread of faith, hope, and charity.

It is also the case that the neighbor is not knocking forhimself, but for another, for his friend, who has comefrom a long journey; and because of his importunity, hispersistence, the door is opened.

What we, in the African Civil Rights Movement mustbe, is as troublesome and as irksome and as importune asthat neighbor. We have to say to others, you must comeout; you must give of yourself. You must find the good-ness in yourself to fight this evil.

I believe that if we do not establish in the UnitedStates an outcry against the genocide that is today takingplace in Africa, we cannot move the United States into aNew Bretton Woods system, because we have no stan-dard of morality, we have no measurement of moralityfrom which to judge anything.

We must say to our neighbors: My friend here is onthe side of the road; he needs your help. If we want tosave humanity, it will only be done through the good thatwe bring out in ourselves and in our neighbors. You willhave to rise and take responsibility for your fellow man,as the only way to save yourself. The evil is there; Africais the case study of what it can do, and what the futurewill bring if we ignore that responsibility.

13

Schiller Institute demonstration at the White House, Washington, D.C., November 1996.

EIR

NS

/Stu

artL

ewis