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Campaign to End Impunity in Burma
Advocacy Toolkit
Burma Lawyers’ Council
May 2010
Toolkit Components
• Overview: Campaign to End Impunity in Burma
• Q & A: The International Criminal Court (ICC)
• Definitions of International Crimes Under the Rome Statute and Examples of Violations
• Advantages of an ICC Referral for the People of Burma
• The Commission of Inquiry and Referral to the International Criminal Court
• ICC Chief Prosecutor's Initiation of Investigations Proprio Motu to Facilitate Ending Impunity in Burma
• Reformation of Judiciary to End Impunity in Burma
• Q & A: The 2010 Elections and the Campaign to End Impunity in Burma
• Intersections Between the Campaign to End Impunity in Burma and Other Campaigns
• Messages and Opportunities for Faith‐Based Groups
• Recent Notable Successes in the Campaign
• How to Get Involved in the Campaign to End Impunity in Burma
• Appendix
The purpose of this toolkit is to introduce individuals and organizations already familiar with Burma’s human rights situation to the work of the campaign to end impunity in Burma. The following materials are introductory in nature. For more detailed information, please contact: Burma Lawyers’ Council P.O. Box 144 Mae Sot, Tak Thailand 63110 U Aung Htoo, General Secretary, [email protected] Nant Shan Hpound, ICC Team Leader, [email protected] Andrea Gittleman, Arthur Helton Human Rights Fellow, [email protected] This toolkit is intended to be a living document. Please send ideas for additions and other suggestions to the above individuals.
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Campaign to End Impunity in Burma
Burma’s ruling junta, the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) is committing war crimes and crimes against humanity under a system of total impunity. Local groups have documented these crimes and have demonstrated the widespread and systematic nature of the abuses. The SPDC enshrined a blanket amnesty for perpetrators of these heinous crimes in its 2008 Constitution, erasing hope that victims would be able to seek justice in Burma. The United Nations Security Council (UNSC) can establish criminal accountability for Burmese leaders by creating a commission of inquiry (COI) to investigate international crimes in Burma. This commission may request that the UNSC refer the situation of Burma to the International Criminal Court (ICC), which would in turn restore the rule of law to Burma.
Most importantly, reforming state institutions from those controlled by the military to those which protect the rights of people on the basis of the rule of law is the overarching goal of the campaign and is a way to end impunity in Burma in the long term.
Objectives
• Urge the UNSC to establish a commission of inquiry to investigate international crimes and impunity in Burma and encourage the UNSC to refer the situation of Burma to the ICC.
• Provide evidence to the Chief Prosecutor of the ICC in order that he may initiate investigations into conspirators with the regime who may fall under the Court’s jurisdiction.
• Facilitate efforts for institutional reform in Burma, centering on the judiciary.
Messages
• The war crimes and crimes against humanity perpetrated by the SPDC are not just human rights abuses – they are international crimes that must be prosecuted.
• Security Council Resolutions 1325 and 1820 mandate accountability for perpetrators of sexual violence against civilians in conflict situations. There can be no amnesty for such serious crimes.
• The international community has a responsibility to protect civilians of Burma from further attacks and ensure government authorities obey their international obligations. One way to protect the people of Burma from future violence and provide a measure of justice for victims is to urge the UNSC to establish a commission of inquiry to investigate international crimes.
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Q & A: The International Criminal Court (ICC)
What is the ICC?
The ICC is a permanent court established by the Rome Statute (a treaty agreement between countries) to prosecute persons for the most serious international crimes. Why was there a need for the ICC?
Various post‐conflict situations required ad hoc and hybrid tribunals which required difficult political negotiations, funding, and limited jurisdiction. There was a need to have a permanent court to deal with international crimes when and where they occurred without these limitations. Is the ICC part of the United Nations (UN)?
No, the ICC is not a UN body, but it has a special relationship with the UN. The ICC reports to the UN Security Council every year about what is has been doing, and the UN Security Council has the power to make referrals to the court.
Which crimes may be prosecuted under the ICC? Genocide, crimes against humanity, and war crimes may be prosecuted under the ICC if they occur after 1 July 2002.
Who may be prosecuted?
Individuals (not organizations, groups, or any other entities) who commit a crime; order, solicit, or induce a crime; aid, abet, or otherwise assist a crime; contribute to a crime by a group of persons acting with a common purpose; attempt to commit such a crime; or incite others to commit genocide.
Commanders in a “superior‐subordinate relationship” with the perpetrator of the crime may be prosecuted when:
• the commander knew or should have known that the crimes were about to be or had been committed or
• the commander failed to take the necessary and reasonable measures within his or her power to prevent or repress their commission or to refer to the competent authorities for investigation and prosecution
How do cases come before the ICC?
There are three ways in which a case can come before the ICC. First, a country can refer itself to the Court if it is a state party to the Rome Statute. Second, the prosecutor at the ICC can initiate an investigation on his or her own initiative if the country under investigation is a state party to the Rome Statute. Third, if the country is not a state party to the Rome Statute, the United Nations Security Council can refer the situation to the ICC. Under the principle of complementarity, the ICC will only have jurisdiction over crimes if domestic courts of the country are unwilling or unable to try the cases themselves.
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Definitions of International Crimes Under the Rome Statute and Examples of Violations
Article 6: Genocide
“Genocide” means any of the following acts committed with intent to destroy, in whole or in part, a national, ethnic, racial, or religious group, as such:
• Killing members of the group; • Causing serious bodily or mental harm to members of the group (including rape
and sexual assault); • Deliberately inflicting conditions of life calculated to bring about its physical
destruction in whole or in part; • Imposing measures intended to prevent births within the group; • Forcibly transferring children of the group to another group.
Necessary condition: The conduct of the perpetrator must present a concrete threat to the existence of the targeted group as opposed to being a latent or hypothetical threat. If an intent to destroy the target group is not established but victims are chosen due to discriminatory premises, the act may qualify as persecution under the definition of crimes against humanity. Examples: There may not be conclusive evidence of genocide until an official commission of inquiry investigates international crimes in Burma, but repeated attacks against particular ethnic groups may indicate the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC)’s intent to destroy these groups. Note that finding this intent is necessary in order to meet the elements of the crime of genocide.
Article 7: Crimes Against Humanity “Crimes against humanity” refers to any of the following acts when committed as part of a widespread or systematic attack directed against any civilian population, with knowledge of the attack:
• Murder, extermination, enslavement, deportation or forcible transfer of population, imprisonment in violation of international law principles, torture, sexual violence, persecution of any identifiable group or collectivity, enforced disappearance, apartheid, other inhumane acts intentionally causing great suffering or serious injury to body, mental, or physical health.
Necessary condition: Acts must be committed as part of a widespread (large scale) or systematic (organized) attack against people NOT taking part in active hostilities.
Examples: The SPDC has committed numerous crimes against humanity against the people of Burma. The widespread and systematic forced relocation of people is but one example, as is the widespread sexual violence and persecution of ethnic groups. These crimes are not insular but rather indicators of state policies to use criminal acts as a tool of oppression.
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Article 8: War Crimes
“War Crimes” include any of the following acts committed against persons taking no active part in the hostilities, including members of armed forces who have laid down their arms and those placed out of combat by sickness, wounds, detention or any other cause (redacted list):
• Violence to life and person, in particular murder of all kinds, mutilation, cruel treatment and torture;
• Committing outrages upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading treatment;
• The passing of sentences and the carrying out of executions without previous judgment pronounced by a regularly constituted court, affording all judicial guarantees which are generally recognized as indispensable;
• Intentionally directing attacks against the civilian population as such or against individual civilians not taking direct part in hostilities;
• Intentionally directing attacks against buildings dedicated to religious, education, art, science or charitable purposes, historic monuments, hospitals and places where the sick and wounded are collected, provided they are not military objectives;
• Committing rape, sexual slavery, enforced prostitution, forced pregnancy, enforced sterilization, and other forms of sexual violence;
• Conscripting or enlisting children under the age of fifteen years into armed forces or groups or using them to participate actively in hostilities;
• Ordering the displacement of the civilian population for reasons related to the conflict, unless the security of the civilians involved or imperative military reasons so demand;
• Destroying or seizing the property of an adversary unless such destruction or seizure be imperatively demanded by the necessities of the conflict.
Necessary condition: Existence of an armed conflict between two or more groups. Similar acts not conducted in an armed conflict may however qualify as crimes against humanity.
Examples: The use of child soldiers by any party involved in armed conflict would be a war crime. So too would be the use of rape as a weapon of war, indiscriminate attacks on civilians, and the forced relocation of civilians.
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Advantages of an ICC Referral for the People of Burma
Bringing perpetrators to the International Criminal Court (ICC) is one of the only ways in which victims can receive some measure of justice.
Victims of heinous crimes have no recourse to justice in Burma. The judicial system is under the thumb of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), Burma’s military regime. Such control over the judiciary render courts unable to effectively try perpetrators in the military. A provision in the 2008 Constitution aims to solidify impunity for government criminals. Article 445 states that no court will have the power to hear any proceeding against a member of the government, thereby granting a blanket amnesty to all military perpetrators. Because there is no opportunity for victims to seek justice in Burma’s domestic courts, they most look elsewhere. The ICC was designed for these exact situations where domestic courts are unwilling or unable to try cases themselves.
Indictments against SPDC officials will further isolate the regime politically.
Other countries that are parties to the Rome Statute would have the obligation to arrest individuals in their territory who have ICC arrest warrants and turn them over to the Court. Traditional allies of Burma would have difficulty continuing their support of the regime under these circumstances.
An ICC referral would deter future crimes and increase international attention on Burma.
An ICC referral will widen the international spotlight on Burma. Action at the ICC level will show the SPDC that they will be held accountable for their actions. Additionally, pressure to bring perpetrators to trial can deter future commission of crimes.
Local nongovernmental organizations will conduct significant factfinding and documentation throughout the course of the campaign.
In preparation for an ICC referral, local organizations are conducting significant fact‐finding efforts. Various organizations are documenting cases of crimes against humanity, war crimes, and other crimes to galvanize momentum for an ICC referral. This information also can be used in international advocacy efforts for a number of other campaigns and as part of other transitional justice mechanisms after a shift to new leadership.
While beneficial, an ICC referral is not enough.
Action at the ICC needs to be mirrored by other reforms and justice initiatives within Burma. Prosecutions at the ICC are one method of achieving justice, but these cases will focus only on selected individuals who are found to be the most responsible for the most serious crimes. Transitional justice, on the other hand, is a holistic process that can punish perpetrators, legitimize the experiences of victims, and rebuild society. Truth commissions, for example are venues through which victims can share their experiences and legitimize their suffering. Institutional reform that allows the establishment of accountable and transparent government bodies is another important aspect of transitional justice. The search for justice must be multi‐faceted and does not end with prosecutions.
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The Commission of Inquiry and Referral to the International Criminal Court
Authority and Background
Chapter VII of the United Nations Charter gives the United Nations Security Council (UNSC) the authority to determine the existence of threats to peace in the international community, to make recommendations, and to take certain measures in order to maintain or restore international peace and security. One of the ways in which the UNSC can determine if threats to peace exist is by establishing a Commission of Inquiry (COI) to investigate the conflict zone or by referring a particular situation to the International Criminal Court (ICC).
Commission of Inquiry
The COI is a fact‐finding mission consisting of a team of legal experts and investigators sent to the conflict location to establish whether violations of international law and human rights law have been committed, identify those responsible, and suggest further actions to ensure that those responsible are held accountable. During its mission, the COI may interview witnesses, visit places of violent conflict, and gather physical evidence while working with the local authorities under United Nations protection.
Establishing a COI
The UNSC adopts a resolution (which requires 9 yes votes and no vetoes from the 5 permanent members) requesting the Secretary General to set up the COI with certain investigative objectives and deadlines for reporting. The Secretary General appoints the most senior members of the investigative mission, including the Commission’s Chairperson.
Report and Recommendation
Upon the conclusion of its mission, the COI writes a comprehensive report, with recommendations, and submits it to the Secretary General, who sends the report to the UNSC and its President. The commission may suggest that the UNSC refer the matter to the International Criminal Court, as in the case of Sudan.
From a COI to the ICC
The UNSC has the power to make case referrals to the court according to Article 13 of the ICC Statute. This is the only way for the ICC to have jurisdiction over alleged perpetrators from states that have not signed on to the ICC Statute, such as Burma and Sudan. If a matter is referred by the UNSC, the Prosecutor can investigate conflict and indict and prosecute individuals in a country irrespective of the nationality of the accused or the location of the crime.
The UNSC Referral Process
Based on the COI report and recommendation, as in the case of Sudan, and other evidence, the UNSC may vote to refer the specific matter to the ICC. The UNSC referral requires 9 yes votes out of 15. UNSC members can decide to vote for or against a referral, or abstain
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(decide not to vote at all). The permanent members of the UNSC – USA, France, China, UK and Russia – have the veto power over a successful referral. Should a permanent member of the UNSC vote against a referral, the referral will be stopped. If, however, a permanent member abstains from voting on a referral, the referral will be allowed to proceed should there be enough yes votes to pass it.
The Importance of a COI as a First Step
While a COI is not a legal requirement for the UNSC to refer a situation to the ICC, it builds the necessary political momentum to ensure sufficient yes votes and to deter vetoes from the permanent members. While there may be ample evidence from civil society groups regarding the commission of international crimes, the UNSC is often reluctant to refer a situation to the ICC without a thorough investigation by a UN body. The importance of a COI is evidenced by the successful referral of the case of Sudan to the ICC.
Differences Between the Situations of Sudan and Burma
The ICC issued arrest warrants for Omar Al‐Bashir, President of Sudan, on March 4, 2009. To this date, Al‐Bashir has not been apprehended, spurring criticism from those who believe the ICC is ineffective. Note, however, that Al‐Bashir has avoided arrest due to the protection of the African Union and the Arab League. In Asia there is no regional organization that will protect Senior General Than Shwe or other leaders. Also, In Burma there is the charismatic national leader Daw Aung San Suu Kyi who is well‐known around the world; there is the National League for Democracy (NLD), the party that influences many people in Burma; there are the 1990 May election results which showed overwhelming support for the NLD; and almost all major ethnic armed resistance organizations are struggling against the rule of the military dictatorship and asking for their right to self‐determination. These conditions do not exist in Sudan. If the ICC takes action regarding Burma, it may impact political changes. Impunity can come to an end and the rule of law and long‐term peace can be restored.
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The ICC Chief Prosecutor’s Initiation of Investigations Proprio Motu to Facilitate Ending Impunity in Burma
Meeting with the ICC Chief Prosecutor
Under the guidance of the Coalition for the International Criminal Court (CICC)’s initiation, representatives of civil society organizations from the states that founded the ICC held a meeting with ICC Chief Prosecutor Mr. Luis Moreno‐Ocampo on 23 November 2009 during the Eighth session of the Assembly of States Parties.
ICC Chief Prosecutor's Response to the Questions Regarding Burma
The Chief Prosecutor, after collectively receiving questions from a total of fifteen nations, responded to questions regarding Burma. He responded with full interest and stated in his first response that he cannot initiate investigations proprio motu (on his own initiative) because Burma has not ratified the Rome Statute and because the UN Security Council has not yet referred the situation of Burma to the ICC. He then explained in detail the conditions that might allow initiation of investigations proprio motu. He could do so only if he obtained evidence brought forward against a citizen belonging to one of the 110 states that have signed and ratified the Rome Statute which proves that the citizen has conspired with and abetted the SPDC in the commission of international crimes.
The ICC Chief Prosecutor's Reference to the Case of David Benjamin from Israel
The Chief Prosecutor explained the issue by referring a specific incident in which the ICC currently has the ability to prosecute a citizen. Lieutenant‐Colonel David Benjamin is an Israel Defense Forces reserve officer who was on duty as a member of the Israeli Military Advocates General's international law department. There have been allegations that Lieutenant‐Colonel Benjamin was involved in the war crimes committed during the three weeks of war in Gaza. Mr. Benjamin is a citizen of both Israel and South Africa. There is currently no ability to prosecute him at the ICC since Israel has not signed nor ratified the Rome Statute. However, since South Africa has signed and has ratified the Rome Statute, if a South African citizen committed a crime that falls into one of three international crimes under the Rome Statute, then the ICC may exercise its jurisdiction to prosecute him.
This would mean that there may be people who have conspired with and abetted the SPDC military leaders in committing a crime listed under the Rome Statute. If these individuals are citizens of one of the states that signed and ratified the Rome Statute, then they may fall under the ICC’s jurisdiction. Note that there are currently 111 states which have ratified the Rome Statute after Bangladesh did so in March 2010.
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Reformation of the Judiciary to End Impunity in Burma In the realm of human development, one of the core principles and drivers of economic growth, political modernization and the protection of human rights is the rule of law ‐ a legal‐political regime under which the law restrains the government by promoting certain liberties and creating order and predictability regarding how a country functions. In the most basic sense, it is a system that protects the rights of citizens from arbitrary and abusive use of government power and has the effect of furthering democracy. A politically independent and impartial judiciary is crucial to the establishment of the rule of law. It is necessary for resolving disputes among citizens as well as between citizens and the government in an unbiased, transparent, predictable and interpretive manner. Political independence is achieved through the separation of powers, which ensures that the courts are respected by all parties to the dispute, especially by the government itself. Only after the establishment of the rule of law will ending impunity in Burma become a reality for the long term. Burma’s judiciary has been unable and unwilling to confront rampant, systematic and heinous human rights violations taking place on Burma’s soil under the auspices of the regime. Judicial independence and impartiality remain nonexistent. The courts, through SPDC directives, serve mainly to oppress political opponents and ethnic minorities. Judges and lawyers are unable to perform their professional functions impartially for fear of reprisals should they be identified as opponents of the regime. Due process and fair trial guarantees are ignored in practice and procedures for arrest and detention are frequently violated, particularly where persons are arrested on political grounds. Mr. Tomas Ojea Quintana, UN Special Rapporteur on the situation of human rights in Myanmar, provided the following recommendations for Burma’s judiciary in September 2008:
(a) Exercise full independence and impartiality, particularly in cases involving prisoners of conscience; (b) Guarantee due process of law, including public hearings, in trials against prisoners of conscience; (c) Refrain from charging individuals for alleged infringement of national laws which are under review according to recommendation No. 1; (d) Establish effective judicial mechanisms to investigate human rights abuses in order to fight impunity; (e) Seek international technical assistance with a view to establishing an independent and impartial judiciary that is consistent with international standards and principles.
Institutional reform is essential and must accompany any international prosecution. Centering on the judiciary, reforming state institutions from those controlled by the military to those which protect the rights of people on the basis of the rule of law is the way to end impunity in Burma for the long term. Reform may become a reality through cooperation between the people of Burma and the international community.
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Q & A: The 2010 Elections and the Campaign to End Impunity in Burma
Why are the 2010 Elections important?
The 2010 Elections will be the first elections held in Burma since 1990. The ruling State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) announced these elections as a crucial part of their seven‐step “Roadmap to Democracy.” The SPDC alleges that completely new government officials will be elected in an attempt to transition Burma from military to civilian rule. However, the imprisonment of key opposition leaders and strict regulations regarding political party formation and political candidacy will allow the SPDC to effectively eliminate real opposition. The elections are designed to promote civilian proxy parties that will act as a puppet government for the military.
What is the relationship between the 2008 Constitution and the 2010 Elections?
The 2008 Constitution was illegitimately “approved” under a referendum marred with electoral fraud during the Cyclone Nargis crisis, and would be implemented with the results of the 2010 Elections. The Constitution includes aspects contrary to international legal principles, and fails to address underlying ethnic and social issues in the country. Additionally, an analysis of the 2008 Constitution shows that certain provisions would perpetuate military control, eliminating the hope for transition to civilian governance.
The 2008 Constitution creates and exacerbates many problems in the country. Since the 2008 Constitution was written without the consultation of political parties and ethnic groups, many of their concerns are not included. If a new government takes power without addressing the current problems, it is likely that the internal conflict and human rights violations will continue.
What is a specific problem of the 2008 Constitution?
The UN, Amnesty International, Human Rights Watch, and many other human rights organizations have documented thousands of human rights violations perpetrated by the SPDC. Article 445 of the constitution declares that no proceeding may be taken against any member of the SPDC or the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC)—the SPDC’s predecessor—for any act committed while they were in power. This creates a culture of impunity where anyone is free to commit crimes without punishment, which means that the legal system will remain dysfunctional with no access to justice for victims. The impunity provision violates well‐established customary international law. There is precedent for nullifying such illegal constitutions: the UN Security Council nullified South Africa’s 1983 Constitution because it served to perpetuate apartheid. Because the 2008 Constitution threatens to solidify military dictatorship, similar action would be justified here.
Is there any way that the elections and constitution could result in democratization?
The current constitution does not set up the necessary foundation for democracy, which requires checks and balances between the different branches of government. Additionally,
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because of specific restrictions in the new constitution, many stakeholders (different political and ethnic groups) will not be represented in parliament.
Isn’t any civilian government, even flawed, better than a military dictatorship?
The military claims a dominant role that allows it to retain de facto power despite the transition to a civilian government. For example, the military is guaranteed 25 percent of seats in parliament, and over 75 percent approval is needed to amend the constitution. As a result, no amendments can be made without military agreement. The 2008 Constitution also calls for the introduction of the National Defense and Security Council (NDSC), to be made up of individuals from a military background, which will exercise executive power in the place of the SPDC. Most importantly, the military will not answer to a civilian government. Without a civilian check, military rule will continue unabated.
Why did the National League for Democracy decide to boycott the elections?
The SPDC recently announced election laws that deviate from international democratic standards. The law forbids political prisoners, monks, nuns, and other people from participating in the elections and requires political parties to expel imprisoned members before registering. This particularly targets the National League for Democracy (NLD), of which nearly 500 of its members in prison and whose leader, Aung San Suu Kyi, is currently under house arrest. The law also calls for the formation of an Election Commission, hand‐picked by the military, to oversee the electoral process. The Commission can choose not to hold elections in areas of “security” risks, which may likely include areas where the junta is fighting ethnic minority groups. The Commission would therefore have the power to deny large swaths of voters the right to participate in the elections. The election laws are designed to keep opposition groups out of power and promote allies of the junta. The NLD recognized the election laws as wholly unjust and chose not to participate in elections that do not uphold basic democratic principles. The leadership of the NLD likely chose not to participate in the elections because they did not want to lend the flawed elections any legitimacy. Opposition groups are supporting the decision of the NLD as long as the 2008 Constitution and the election laws remain unchanged. Such groups also urge local people to report observations of election fraud in order to document the illegality of the election.
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Intersections Between the Campaign to End Impunity in Burma and Other Campaigns
The 2010 Elections Campaign
The elections do not represent a transition to democracy but rather a continuation of military rule. The junta is taking steps to make sure that only members of the military and sympathetic groups emerge successful from the elections. Approximately 2100 political prisoners remain behind bars, and the regime has shown no sign thus far of releasing them before the elections.
The 2010 elections will perpetuate rampant criminality and will maintain a culture of impunity in Burma. The 2008 Constitution threatens to enshrine impunity for all crimes committed by the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC), including crimes against humanity and war crimes. The 2010 elections will institute the Constitution and threatens to erase any hope of criminal accountability in Burma. Because the SPDC and its allies will continue to hold power after the elections, crimes against humanity and war crimes will continue unabated. The 2010 Elections Campaign highlights the criminality of the regime when urging the international community not to support the elections. The Campaign to End Impunity in Burma draws urgency from the upcoming elections to call the international community to action.
There have been increased attacks on ethnic groups and other civilians leading up to the elections. Violence surrounding the elections may prove to be examples of the regime’s widespread and systematic attacks on its civilian opponents. In a part of the regime’s recently released election law, the SPDC’s hand‐picked Election Commission can choose not to hold elections in areas of conflict for “security reasons.” In a twist of logic, the attacks on ethnic groups in conflict areas, some of which may constitute war crimes or crimes against humanity, will be a justification for cancelling elections in those areas.
For more information on the 2010 Elections campaign, see Burma Partnership (www.burmapartnership.org).
The Global Arms Embargo Campaign
The SPDC spends nearly half of its budget on the military, granting a sharply skewed amount of resources toward weaponry and away from people’s basic needs. The military uses its weaponry for its violent attacks on civilians, especially ethnic groups. A global arms embargo would prevent the regime from acquiring new weapons and would stem the regime’s attacks on its people. Although a global arms embargo may not definitively end the commission of international crimes in Burma, it would certainly lessen violent attacks and would send a unified international message to the regime that such crimes are unacceptable.
For more information on the global arms embargo campaign, see Burma Campaign UK (www.burmacampaign.org.uk).
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Environmental Justice Campaigns
Abuses against people and the environment often go hand in hand. In Burma, projects such as dams, gas pipelines, mining, and logging deplete essential resources, destroy biodiversity, and change the natural balance in surrounding ecosystems. Such projects are excuses for committing heinous crimes including widespread forced displacement, forced labor, killings, beatings, and other human rights violations. The profits from these projects go directly to the regime, which uses these funds to continue its criminal rule. The devastation continues long after an environmentally unsustainable project is implemented; when an area is cleared of natural resources, local populations are left unable to sustain themselves in their former homes. In order for development projects to become environmentally sustainable and respectful of the rights of local people, there must be an end to the regime’s criminality. Ending impunity would keep the regime from committing crimes against its people in the name of development.
For more information on environmental justice campaigns, see EarthRights International (www.earthrights.org), Burma Rivers Network (www.burmariversnetwork.org), Salween Watch (www.salweenwatch.org), Shwe Gas Movement (www.shwe.org).
ASEAN Campaign
The Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) has traditionally focused on non‐intervention in the internal affairs of member states. Thus far, ASEAN has not taken a strong stance against the junta’s significant breaches of the ASEAN charter including its human rights abuses. Southeast Asian nations continue to support the SPDC, some more actively than others. The campaign to end impunity is related to ASEAN in two main ways. First, action at the international level to investigate crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma – and an eventual referral to the International Criminal Court – will dissuade regional actors from partnering with the regime. Supportive ties with a government the world has acknowledged as criminal become more costly politically. International action such as a COI will in turn encourage ASEAN member states to take a harsher line regarding international crimes in Burma. Secondly, the ASEAN Intergovernmental Human Rights Commission (AICHR) is a newly minted institution that has the ability to receive complaints from victims in member states. Organizations such as the Task Force on ASEAN and Burma are calling for the AICHR to take concrete action regarding crimes against humanity in Burma. While the AICHR’s enforcement powers are limited, a claim by Burmese crime victims at the AICHR could supplement the work of the international campaign to end impunity by strengthening the chorus of those demanding justice.
For more information on ASEAN, see Burma Partnership (www.burmapartnership.org) and Altsean‐Burma (www.altsean.org).
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Messages and Opportunities for FaithBased Groups
Faith‐based groups have unique messages and opportunities to get involved in the campaign to end impunity in Burma. The following is a list of suggested talking points and ideas for action that can be adapted to a group’s particular views.
Messages
• Systematic human rights violations strike at the core of all humanity, including people of all faiths. Crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma affect all of us, and we all have the obligation to stand up for victims.
• Holding criminals accountable for their actions allows victims the necessary space for spiritual healing.
• A fundamental element of many faiths is the creation of a culture based on peace and justice. When heinous crimes go unchecked, a culture of impunity and lawlessness is allowed to flourish instead of one that embodies norms of peace and justice.
• There is a moral obligation on the part of all people to call for an end to crimes against humanity and war crimes and to seek justice for victims. The establishment of a United Nations Commission of Inquiry is an important step to end international crimes and replace impunity with the rule of law.
• The personal and communal healing that accompanies any transitional justice initiative must be supported by communities of faith.
Opportunities to Get Involved
• Lead educational workshops on international justice, the International Criminal Court,
and the commission of crimes in Burma for members of faith‐based organizations. • Dedicate a service, prayer, or day of worship to the victims of international crimes in
Burma. • Organize a peaceful protest, march, or demonstration on a day of importance for
Burma. Options could include dates around the anniversary of Depayin Massacre on May 30, Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s birthday on June 19, or the upcoming election day.
• Reach out to the larger public. Write a letter to the editor of your local newspaper to let others know how your faith relates to the call for justice in Burma. Let your government representatives know about how you or your group feels about ending impunity in Burma. They will be encouraged to know that faith‐based groups support action to establish a commission of inquiry.
Helpful Resources
• Christian Solidarity Worldwide, www.csw.org.uk • International Burmese Monks Organization, http://burmesemonks.org • United States Faith and Ethics Network for the ICC, www.amicc.org/faith.html
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Recent Notable Successes in the Campaign
Individuals, organizations, and governments all over the world are joining the campaign to end impunity in Burma. The list below represents just a few significant highlights of the campaign to end impunity in Burma. The growing grassroots effort to call for accountability for international crimes is sign of more successes in the future.
Secretary General’s Report on Security Council Resolution 1820
On July 15, 2009, United Nations Secretary General Ban Ki‐Moon released a report regarding the implementation of Security Council Resolution 1820, which confirms the Council’s commitment to ending sexual violence in conflict zones. The Secretary General lists notable violators of the resolution, and names Burma at four places in the report. This report is groundbreaking in that it shows that Burma is indeed in violation of Security Council Resolution 1820 and that systematic impunity is preventing victims from achieving justice. Civil society groups have used this report as a rallying cry for international action to end impunity in Burma.
United Nations General Assembly Resolution
The October 29, 2009 United Nations General Assembly Resolution on Burma is notable for its condemnation of systematic impunity in Burma. The resolution condemned systematic human rights violations in Burma including arbitrary detentions, enforced disappearances, sexual violence, and torture and cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment. Most importantly, the resolution called for the Burmese government to, “allow a full, transparent, effective, impartial and independent investigation into all reports of human rights violations, and to bring to justice those responsible in order to end impunity for such crimes.”
Letter from 442 Members of Parliament
442 Members of Parliament from 29 countries sent a letter to Ban Ki‐Moon, United Nations Secretary General on December 10, 2009, urging the United Nations Security Council to launch an investigation into crimes against humanity in Burma and to establish a global arms embargo against the regime. See a copy of the letter in the appendix.
International Tribunal on Crimes Against Women of Burma
The Nobel Women’s Initiative and the Women’s League of Burma held an international tribunal on crimes against women of Burma. Women victims of heinous human rights violations testified about their experiences and the impact of the regime’s crimes on their families and communities. The judges, including Nobel Peace Laureates Shirin Ebadi and Jody Williams, and human rights experts Dr. Heisoo Shin and Professor Vitit Muntarbhorn published their findings on March 3, 2010. The judges’ recommendations included a United Nations Security Council referral of Burma to the International Criminal Court and concerted action from the international community to effectively implement Security Council Resolutions 1325, 1820, 1888, and 1889. See the press release discussing the judges’ findings in the appendix.
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Report of the Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma
Special Rapporteur on Human Rights in Burma, Tomas Ojea Quintana, issued a report that acknowledged that human rights violations in Burma are likely crimes against humanity and/or war crimes. Because Burma’s government is not taking action to investigate and prosecute these offenses, Quintana urges United Nations (UN) institutions to conduct a thorough investigation of international crimes in Burma. Quintana’s report is groundbreaking. This is one of the few times a UN representative has made an official recommendation that the UN form a commission of inquiry (COI). The report demonstrates the growing momentum toward the eventual establishment of a COI. See the statement of the Burma Lawyers’ Council regarding the report in the appendix.
United Nations Human Rights Council Meeting on Special Rapporteur’s Report: Support from Australia and the United States for a Commission of Inquiry
During a March 15, 2010 meeting of the United Nations Human Rights Council, several countries discussed Quintana’s report, described above. During a dialogue on Burma, a representative of the Australian government expressed its support for the establishment of a United Nations Commission of Inquiry. A representative from the United States government indicated that the Special Rapporteur’s recommendation for such an investigation was significant. This meeting demonstrates the growing concern in the international community about impunity in Burma and forecasts increased action from governments at the United Nations level.
Support from the United Kingdom on an International Criminal Court Referral
In late March 2010, Great Britain’s ambassador to the United Nations indicated that the United Kingdom would support a referral of Burma’s leaders to the International Criminal Court (ICC) if such a proposal were made. Government spokespeople indicated that they hoped pressure for an ICC referral would force the regime to change their biased election policies and implement new rules that would provide for free and fair elections. While other permanent members of the United Nations Security Council may remain hesitant to back an ICC referral, the stance of the UK may encourage other countries to make similar showings of support.
Support from the Czech Republic for a Commission of Inquiry
The Czech Republic publicly announced its support for Quintana’s call for the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry to investigate war crimes and crimes against humanity. The Czech foreign ministry acknowledged that the crimes occurring in Burma may entail international crimes as defined under the Rome Statute and stated that the establishment of a Commission of Inquiry should be “seriously examined.”
Report from Harvard Law School International Human Rights Clinic
In May 2009, the International Human Rights Clinic at Harvard Law School issued a report entitled Crimes in Burma. With a preface from world‐renowned international jurists including Justice Richard Goldstone from South Africa, the report uses information on
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international crimes in Burma from primarily United Nations sources in order to demonstrate that the crimes in Burma fall under the Rome Statute framework. Its authors call for the establishment of a UNSC COI. The report has become an important advocacy tool to demonstrate that documented abuses do in fact constitute international crimes under the Rome Statute and that the United Nations has a responsibility to take action.
Amnesty International Briefing on the 2010 Elections
Amnesty International conducted a briefing on the 2010 elections at the Royal Institute for International Affairs on May 11, 2010. The briefing included a detailed analysis of the election laws and an overview of how the elections will breach significant international norms. The briefing concluded with a call for a COI, noting the growing international strength of the campaign to end impunity, the recent report from Special Rapporteur Quintana, and the public support from Australia, the UK, and the Czech Republic.
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How to Get Involved in the Campaign to End Impunity in Burma
If you are a concerned citizen:
• If you live in a democratic country which has not yet expressed official support for a United Nations Commission of Inquiry (COI), contact your elected representatives and express your support for its establishment in order to investigate international crimes in Burma.
• If you are based outside of Burma, write letters to the editor of your local newspaper about international crimes in Burma and the regime’s system of impunity. Letters submitted following the publication of news stories about the election may receive more attention. You can also submit letters and articles to democracy and human rights blogs such as Open Democracy (www.opendemocracy.net) or Alternet (www.alternet.org).
• Share information about crimes in Burma on social networking sites.
If you work at a human rights organization:
• Mainstream the language of international criminal law into human rights work. Include information about crimes against humanity, war crimes, and genocide, when warranted, in reports that document human rights abuses. Remember to include international avenues to justice in recommendations about how best to respond to human rights abuses.
• If your work centers on Burma, advocate for a United Nations COI as a necessary step to end impunity in Burma. Issue an official statement or press release about the need to establish a COI.
• If your organization focuses on human rights documentation, encourage documenters and researchers to become involved with advocacy campaigns.
• If your group focuses on Burma and/or has an international reach, cooperate with the International Federation of Human Rights, Human Rights Watch, Global Justice Center, Asian Human Rights Commission, Alternative Asean, Forum Asia, Human Rights Now in Japan, Christian Solidarity Worldwide, and other human rights organizations listed in the appendix which have been promoting human rights in Burma.
If you are a lawyer:
• Urge your bar association to take public action to end impunity in Burma. Bar associations can facilitate public education events on international justice and its relation to the situation in Burma.
• If you are a member of the International Bar Association (IBA), encourage the IBA’s Human Rights Institute to publicly support the establishment of a COI.
• If you are a member of the Law Association for Asia and the Pacific (LAWASIA), encourage LAWASIA to take a stronger position regarding impunity in Burma. Request that LAWASIA join international calls for a COI to investigate crimes in Burma.
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If you are a member of a faithbased group:
• Lead educational workshops on international justice, the International Criminal Court, and the commission of crimes in Burma for members of faith‐based organizations.
• Dedicate a service, prayer, or day of worship to the victims of crimes in Burma. • Organize a peaceful protest, march, or demonstration on a day of importance for
Burma. Options could include dates around the upcoming election or Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s birthday on June 19.
If you are a journalist:
• Seek updated information on crimes against humanity and war crimes in Burma to include in media work. Use the organizations listed in appendix for current information.
• Include news these international crimes in articles and submissions relating to the human rights or political situation in the country. Any news story about the upcoming elections should highlight the fact that they are taking place amidst severe and continuous criminality.
If you are a student studying outside of Burma:
• Arrange an event on campus to highlight the international crimes in Burma. An event could coincide with the upcoming elections or Human Rights Day on December 10. Skim the organizations listed in appendix for ideas for possible speakers to invite.
• Coordinate letter‐writing campaigns to the United Nations Secretary General, your country’s representative to the United Nations, or your elected Congressional or Parliamentary leaders (if applicable) urging them to support the Special Rapporteur’s recent call for the establishment of a United Nations COI. If your country has already made a public showing of support for a COI, encourage national media outlets to keep Burma in the spotlight.
• Encourage professors of international criminal law at your school to include a discussion of Burma in their courses.
• Bring together young people to form groups of young human rights advocates. Seek support from other organizations currently working on human rights issues in Burma. Educate others in your community about the international crimes in Burma and use your combined voices to advocate internationally for a United Nations COI.
If you are a government official:
• Express your public support for a United Nations COI. • Show solidarity with the people of Burma by making an official statement demanding
an end to impunity. • Regularly meet with civil society groups including members of youth or faith‐based
groups to discuss campaigns to end human rights abuses in Burma. • Draft resolutions for other officials to join that call on your country’s leadership to
support a United Nations COI.
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Appendix
o List of organizations involved in the campaign to end impunity
o Letter from the Global Justice Center and Burma Lawyers’ Council to the International Crisis Group regarding their report on the 2008 Constitution
o Nobel Women’s Initiative and Women’s League of Burma, International Tribunal on Crimes Against Women of Burma, Press Release on Findings
o Burma Lawyers’ Statement on Report of Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar Tomas Ojea Quintana
o Letter from 442 Parliamentarians to the United Nations Secretary General demanding a Commission of Inquiry and a global arms embargo
o Letter from the International Federation for Human Rights (FIDH) to the United Nations Security Council
List of Organizations and Helpful Websites
Actions Birmanie, www.birmanie.net
Aegis Trust, www.aegistrust.org
ALTSEAN‐Burma, www.altsean.org
Amnesty International, www.amnesty.org
ASEAN Inter‐Parliamentary Myanmar Caucus, www.aseanmp.org
Asian Human Rights Commission, www.ahrchk.net
Burma Campaign Australia, www.aucampaignforburma.org
Burma Campaign UK, www.burmacampaign.org.uk
BurmaInfo, www.burmainfo.org
Burma Lawyers’ Council, www.blc‐burma.org
Burma Partnership, www.burmapartnership.org
Canadian Friends of Burma, www.cfob.org
Christian Solidarity Worldwide, www.csw.org.uk
FIDH, www.fidh.org
Forum Asia, www.forum‐asia.org
Forum for Burmese in Europe, www.forumburma.eu
Global Justice Center, www.globaljusticecenter.net
HREIB, www.hreib.com
Human Rights Now, hrn.or.jp/eng
Human Rights Watch, www.hrw.org
Info Birmanie, www.info‐birmanie.org
International Center for Transitional Justice, www.ictj.org
ND‐Burma, www.nd‐burma.org
Nobel Women’s Initiative, www.nobelwomensinitiative.org
US Campaign for Burma, uscampaignforburma.org
Women’s League of Burma, www.womenofburma.org
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Statement on the Special Rapporteur’s Recommendation for a Commission of Inquiry The Burma Lawyers’ Council applauds the recent report from Tomas Ojea Quintana, Special Rapporteur on the Situation of Human Rights in Myanmar/Burma, which acknowledges the widespread and systematic nature of human rights abuses in Burma, indicates that the abuses may constitute crimes against humanity or war crimes as defined under the Rome Statute, and calls on the United Nations to establish a commission of inquiry to investigate international crimes in Burma. The report explained that a culture of impunity, weak rule of law, and a lack of independent judiciary allow the regime to implement its pattern of widespread and systematic human rights abuses. Quintana’s report to the Human Rights Council explained the following: Given the gross and systematic nature of human rights violations in Myanmar over a period of many years, and the lack of accountability, there is an indication that those human rights violations are the result of a State policy that involves authorities in the executive, military and judiciary at all levels. According to consistent reports, the possibility exists that some of these human rights violations may entail categories of crimes against humanity or war crimes under the terms of the Rome Statute of the International Criminal Court. The mere existence of this possibility obliges the Government of Myanmar to take prompt and effective measures to investigate these facts. There have clearly been cases where it has been necessary to establish responsibility, but this has not been done. Given this lack of accountability, United Nations institutions may consider the possibility to establish a commission of inquiry with a specific fact-finding mandate to address the question of international crimes.
Mr. Quintana’s report is groundbreaking. Human rights and democracy groups including the Burma Lawyers’ Council have been calling for an investigation into crimes against humanity and war crimes for years, but this report represents the first demand for such an investigation from a United Nations official. The Special Rapporteur’s unprecedented demand signifies the growing outrage over the commission of international crimes in Burma which until now have been met with impunity.
During a dialogue on Burma during a United Nations Human Rights Council meeting, several country representatives echoed Quintana’s call. A representative of the Australian government expressed its support for the establishment of a commission of inquiry and a representative from the United States government indicated that the Special Rapporteur’s recommendation for such an investigation was significant. This meeting demonstrates the growing concern in the international community about impunity in Burma and forecasts increased action from governments at the United Nations level.
The Burma Lawyers’ Council welcomes Mr. Quintana’s report and urges the international community to seize the current momentum and push for a commission of inquiry into international crimes in Burma. Because this year’s elections promise to perpetuate military rule, implement the illegal 2008 Constitution, and enshrine impunity for even the most serious crimes, the international community must act now to end impunity for perpetrators of crimes against humanity and war crimes.
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