Cairns Reading Tutorial 5

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The Object of Sectarianism: The Material Reality of Sectarianism in Ulster Loyalism

Author(s): David CairnsSource: The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute, Vol. 6, No. 3 (Sep., 2000), pp. 437-452Published by: Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and IrelandStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2661084.

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THE OBJECT OF SECTARIANISM:THE MATERIAL REALITY OF SECTARIANISM INULSTER LOYALISMDAVID CAIRNS

UniversityfUlster,ordanstownThis article examninesn important, nd neglected, spect of sectarianismn contemporaryNorthern Ireland: ts embodiment n the material culture and everyday ocial practices ofits antagonistic actions. ollowing a brief theoretical utline of sectarianism characterizedas a discursive ormation), describethis phenomenon as foundin an Ulster loyalist om-munity. show how the materialreality f sectarianism ncompasses the everyday ctivitiesof these oyalists,ncluding their traditional' ulture of Orangeism and the spheresof sport,leisure, and entertainment.Within these everyday cultural practices, ectarian values areobjectified nd stored n fetishized bjects, uch as flags nd banners, nd in an oral cultureof songs and slogans.

As a topic forserious acadeniic investigation,he sectarianism f NorthernIreland has been largely gnored (McVeigh 1992: 119). More specifically,omainstreamtudyto date would appear to have adequatelyconsidered themundaneeveryday eality f sectarianism ithin the two rival communities:the materialization'f sectarianismn their ultural ractices. herehas,rather,been something f a bias towardsresearchinghe more sensational ieldsofviolence and terror,with sectarianism educed to the level of 'an aberrantmentality ased on outmoded religious prejudices' Bell 1990: 64), or notconsidered at all. Furthermore,he few existingmaterialanalysesof sec-tarianismendeither o explainsectarianismnn termsof itsrelation o meta-narrative onstructs uch as history, eligion,ethnicity,nd class (O'Dowdet al. 1980; Bell 1990), or to rely overlyupon the centralmyth' Shirlow&McGovernl 1997: 1) of a sectarianmaterial reality onstituted f a mono-lithicclash between two primordial'tribes': rotestantsnd Catholics Whyte1990: 194-205). It is difficult o understandwhy thishas been the case, asin recent yearsthe significance f the arena of everyday ife- specificallyactivities uch as consumption, ntertainment,nd leisure as a sitefor den-tity ormation as hardly one unnoticed n academic circles Calhoun 1994:13). This article eeksto begin to correct hismajorimbalanceby examiningthe keyareasof everydayife and material ulture, xposingthe crucial rolethisarenaplays n gestatingnd perpetuatingectarianism.he subject-matterin this article s exclusively iscussedwithinthe contextof the Ulster oyal-istcommunity.

C Royal Anthropological nstitute 000.J. Roy. anthrop.nst. (N.S.) -6,437-452

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438 DAVID CAIRNSThis contention, f sectarianism s an 'everyday' ctivity,s not withoutgravity. ocial scientists ave long argued,perhaps without realizing t, thatsectarianisms to be located almost exclusively pon the battlefield' f thestreets nd in aberrantpractices uch as electoral gerrymandering,ntimida-tion, and discrimination. hile the existence nd the significance f sectari-anism in these areas is not disputed,these extreme behaviours representonly the small tip of the sectarian ceberg.We must therefore ome to termswith the unpleasant ossibility hat,despitethe adventof'the Peace Process'and possibly a permanent end to the paramilitary onflict, f it can beestablished hatthe bulk of sectarianisms to be found n everyday ife prac-tices, and not in the armed struggle tself, he basic problem will remainuntouched rrespective f political settlement.here are threeareas n whicheveryday ectarianismwithin Ulster loyalism s discussed n this article: he'traditional' ultureof Orangeism, he arena of sport and leisure, nd, finally,entertainment.

SectarianismMost studies of the 'Northern Ireland problem' would appear to take themeaningof sectarianism orgranted.t is a signifier rdinarily mployed s asynonym or the anti-socialor divisive cts,typically nvolvingphysicalvio-lence or intimidation, f religious'paramilitaryrganizations. uch sectarianantagonism encompasses killings, njuries, explosions, shootings,robberies,extortionrackets, nd knee-cappings.n the past three decades, this sectari-anismhas been rife n Northern reland. n quantitative erms,O'Leary andMcGarry (1996: 40-3) reportthat over 33,000 people have suffered eriousinjuries ince 1968, a figure lose to one in fiftyf the (Northern rish)popu-lation',not to mentionthe psychological raumas nducedin countless thers.These acts, r the ustification or heir erformance,re,we are told,groundedin thedoctrinal ifferencesetween thetwo competing eligions: atholicismand ProtestantismRuane & Todd 1996: 22; Sugden & Bairner 1995: 15).1Yet,when scrutinized,uch sectarian ction is found to be in no way reli-gious in itself. he sectarian ctor'sdeeds fail to involve the essential lementof supernatural' orshipwhich defines n activity s religious.It is easyto appreciatehow such a fundamentalmistake'has been made:'Protestants'in particular,oyalists)nd Catholics'alikeemployreligious abelsin defining hemselves nd theirothers, mplying religiousdimension totheir ectarianismBell 1990: 64). But ifwe take nto consideration he essen-tiallyhuman' nature of the phenomena,at best,sectarianism ould possiblybe said to have built tself pon religious nd doctrinal chism. herefore,ub-stantially,ectarianisms religious only by semiotic association.Likewise, hesuggestion hat the Northern Irish conflict s somehow religious n nature(Bruce 1986: 249) is equally flawed: here s no religiousconflict. s Jenkinsstates,it is not religiousystemswhich are in conflict, ut theirmembership'(1986: 2).2 Religion is clearly nly the colouring,not the essence, f sectari-anism.Religion does, however, unctionwithin the sectarian chema,playinga more sinister ole, hatofproviding maskfor sectarian xercises fpower.As Foucault (1990: 86) notes, power is tolerableonly on condition that t



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DAVID CAIRNS 439mask a substantialartofitself.ts success s proportional o its ability o hideits own mechanisms.' n providing front f respectability',uch as for theloyalist ultureof Orangeism's hallengeto Catholicism, nd a moral cave inwhich to hide when challenged, eligion serves ectarianism nd the sectar-ian actor. t is thereforept to typifyectarianisms using eligion, s opposedto being intrinsicallyeligious n itself.A furtherttempt as been made, fromMarxistquarters, o discuss ectari-anism n class terms, s a form of ideological manipulation raditionallyro-moted by the unionist bourgeoisie duringthe Stormontperiod (1921-72),and later, nder directrule,by the British tate,which, ccording o McVeigh(1992: 120), 'has been engaged in managing sectarianism ince 1972....It is constantlymanaging, eworking, nd responding o social forceswhichare structured y sectarianism.' his theoretical radition tretches ack toMarx and Engels themselves, ho wrote copiously upon 'the Irishproblem'(1971), although he firstwriter ystematicallyo applyMarx's deas to Irelandwas the socialist nd trade unionistJames Connolly,one of the leaders, ndcasualties, f the 1916 Easter Rising and its aftermath. onnolly'swritingsare still nfluential. is ideas have been updated by writers uch as McCann(1980) and Farrell 1980; 1983), who interpretNorthern Ireland as-beingdominatedby a capitalist lass which [has] kept the working class repressedand divided' (Whyte 1990: 175-80). This perspective, owever,has a majorweakness,n that t dependsupon the assumption hat proletarian)ectarianactors are passivevictims' f a 'false consciousness' nspiredby a bourgeoisiewho have somehow stressed he sectariandivision to secure and perpetuatethe interests f capital Bell 1990: 65). Such a theory s difficulto accept incontemporary orthern reland,wherethemostferventmanifestationsf sec-tarianism manate not from he capitalist lassbut, rather, rom he workingclass tself. t best,the workingclass have been willingvictims; t worst, hevictimizers hemselves.he 'false consciousness' hesis,n over-stressingdeol-ogy, s furtherompromisedby the materialreality f sectarian ultureandsociety O'Dowd etal. 1980: 25).As we shall ee,this s a state faffairsividlyillustratedn the operationsof the predominantly orking-class ultureofOrangeism.The sectarianismignifier as also been deployedto represent he mainideological division in Northern Ireland. As Sugden and Bairner (1995:15) explain: In its most general sense the term sectarianisms used todescribeattitudes, eliefsystems, ymbols nd practicesthroughwhich onegroup of people sets itself part from another within an otherwisesharedculture'. This general meaning moves us towards a conceptualizationofsectarianism s an everydaydivide maintainedvia social practices,whereinmaterial culturerepresentswider social political divisions'beyond simpledifferencesn 'perceptionsof Christianity' Sugden & Bairner 1995: 15).The reality f thisdivision s constituted ythe dichotomized ocial relationsof two religiously abelled communities, ach of which possesses ts ownideologically ttuned, nd heavily tereotyped, iews,orientations, astes, ndpreferencesn politics, ducation,work,religion, nd culture. hese two ori-entations ach amount to what can reasonably e described,n Foucaultianfashion,s discursive ormations. oucaultsays 'discursiveformation's a'sys-tematicconceptualframework' apable of defining ts own 'truthcriteria',



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440 DAVID CAIRNSaccording owhich,'particularnowledgeproblems re .. resolved,nd whichare embedded in and imply particular nstitutional rrangements'Milner1994: 85-6; see Foucault 1972: 31-9). ElsewhereFoucault is more specific:

Discursivepractices re characterized y the demarcation f a field of objects,by the defi-nition of a legitimateperspective or a subject of knowledge,by the setting f norms forelaborating oncepts and theories.Hence, each of them presupposes playof prescriptionsthatgovernexclusions and selections 1997a: 11).We can thus interpret discursiveformationas a free-floatinget ofideas or enclosed world-views, sually chargedwith a particular olitical ormoral inflection,nvisibly iffused hroughout society via mechanisms f

power.3Foucault's clearest llustrative aradigm s that of sexuality, hereinadiscursive orrnation and the discourse tself is elaboratedas 'rules andregulations' eterminingthe division betweenlicit and illicit',what is 'con-trary o nature' r against he law', in additionto behaviourswhich are pre-scribed' (1990: 37-8). In our context, ectarian cts can be defined as suchdue to the behaviour's xplicitrelation o sectarianism'siscursivemorality'code, imposedupon the actor-Foucault1997d: 263). From thisposition, ec-tarianismn Northern relandcan now be redefined s everyday iscursivepracticeswhich (i) are offensive r exclusionary owards heir ectarianother'and or (ii) collectivelybond and harbourthe sectariandiscourse (Cairns1999: 87).The narrativeontentof the discursive ormationtself aries according othe imaginedcommunity Anderson 1994) to which one belongs n North-ern Ireland.Ulsterloyalistdiscourse ncorporatesnarrative lements uch asthe plantermyth' the arrivalof settlers romBritainduringthe sixteenthand seventeenth enturies as a pointoforigin, roviding basis fortheori-entationof subsequent nternal onflict Ruane & Todd 1996: 16), and thesuccessivewavesof'trials'whichtheir ommunity asundergone n itspassageto the present,most significantly,heWillianmitears,where the Protestant'King William of Orange routed Catholic' King Jamesat the Battle of theBoyne in 1690. This victoryhas proved to be most durable.The Boyne,coupled with its ideological precursor,he 1689 Relief of Derry,have effec-tively etermined he character f theactual practices, alues, nd orientationswhichfillout loyalist iscourse: formofloyalty o theBritish rown, codeof conservativemoralvalues, nd,mostproblematically,nti-Catholicism.oy-aliststhusbelieve in 'an imagineddynasty' Foucault 1990: 53): an uninter-rupted,uncorrupteddescentfrom heirpoint of origin; theysee themselvesto be as muchpartof the loyalist ommunity' f thepast as of the present.This processhas been extensivelyxplored byAnderson n other contexts.For example,he arguesthat:

The idea of a sociologicalorganismmoving calendrically hroughhomogeneous,empty imeis a precise analogue of the idea of the nation,which is also conceived as a solid conumu-nitymoving steadilydown (or up) history. n Americanwill nevermeet,or even know thenames of more than a handful f his .. fellow-Americans. e has no idea of what theyareup to at anyone time.But he has complete confidence n their teady,nonymous, imul-taneous activity 1994: 26).



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DAVID CAIRNS 441However, he patternings hich characterize oyalist iscoursecan be dis-carded or augmentedby otherelements f deemed necessary. here is hencean elementof instabilitynd vulnerability ithin oyalism, erhapsexplaininga constantneed for ferventmass support, btained throughOrangeism, norder o maintain he oyalist ommunity'sxistence.Thecomparativelyecentincorporation f 'rights'rhetoric nto loyalistdiscourse n the face of (par-tially uccessful) ationalist pposition e.g. the successiveDrumcree' protestsat Portadown,Co. Armagh) is an example of such discursive hange takingplace (Cairns 2000).This new discursive erspective pon sectarianisms moreinclusive than the prior single-factor eligious and Marxist approaches.However,with t,defining iscursive ectarianism ow becomes a much moredaunting perationbecause virtually ll social and cultural ctivity s capableof operationalizingectarianism. reviouslyunexplored areas, uch as enter-tainment nd leisure,mustbe taken nto accountifsectarianisms to be fullyappreciatedn a post-conflictociety.4

'Traditional'ectarianultureIn discussing he material ulture nd discursive ractices f theloyalist om-munity, here s one particular nstitutionai rrangementwithinwhich thebeliefs ndvaluesofthisgroupcomnento a particularlyharpfocus: heirtra-ditional' ulture f Orangeism.Orangeismhas been at the masthead f Ulsterloyalism or ver two centuries.he commemoration f KingWilliam'svictoryoverKing James t the Battleof the Boyne provides oyalismwith its focalhistorical dentification-point.1690' confirmed he Protestantscendancy'nIreland (Bryan et al. 1995: 6), and the annual reenactment f the Boyne aspartof the marching eason' on each Twelfth fJuly, ontinuesto reaffirmthe victory f'King Billy',whilst imultaneouslyransmittinghe constituentelements nd historicalnarrative f loyalist iscourse. argelybecause of thecontinual reemphasisof this victory,n uncompromising ashion,Orangemarches which consistof long processions f Orange lodges,accompaniedby loud and oftenraucous marching ands, through he townlands nd citycentresof Northern reland have commonlybeen perceivednot only assectarianbut also as triumphalist y those who do not, or cannot, dentifywith theWilliamitevictory.hat the Orange Order should resist odificationas sectarian s not surprising,onsidering he controversyn affixing poten-tially tigmaticabel suchas sectarianismo Orangeism. tsfollowers, range-men,prefer o regardtheir culture as a freedom-upholdingradition,o berespected nd acquiesced in by all.Orangeismls an extremely opularculture mongst oyalists,o the extentthat t virtually clipsesor extends nto all otherforms f indigenous ulturalexpressionwithin hebounds ofthe oyalist ommunity.t hasbeen estimated,by the Orange Order,that as many as half a lillion people celebratetheWillianiitevictoryeach year.The cumulativeeffectof this processionofOrange symbolismcrossNorthern reland s the creation fa socialdynanmicwhich sustains he frameworkor symbolicworld withinwhich Ulster oya-lists re free o perform he distinctivects which demonstrate,o themnselvesand to theirothers',who they are,where theycome from, nd where they



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442 DAVID CAIRNSwish to go, unchallenged. Orangeism can thus be interpretedas aself-perpetuatingiscursivepractice.More overtly, rangeismalso suppliesdisguise and decorationforUnionist politicians'presentation f ideas andconcerns, colourfulbackdropfor today's truggles North et al. 1997: 23).This is illustratedn the fact that, or decades, Unionistpoliticianshavepar-ticipated n Orange rituals, ften using them as a platformforpolemicalspeeches.The paradesthemselves re also a demonstrationf loyalist trength(or lack of it,when successfully hallenged) n a mannercompared,by theOrange Order,to that of parishes n England walking the boundaries' todefinetheirterritoryach year Montgomery& Whitten 1995: 6).

EverydayectarianismOutside of or adjacent to the Orange world, hereare other contextswithinwhich we can observe the loyalist people of Northern Ireland act outsectariandiscourse, lbeit in a less overt fashion.We can see this hidden'sectarianismn the everydaynteractions mong and between members ofNorthernIreland's two religiously abelled groups,that is, Protestants ndCatholics. t has long been established hatsymbolicculturalmarkers re ofparticular ignificance orsectariangroupmembers, n providing basis fortheoperation f a mechanism hroughwhichthesectarian dentityf a poten-tiallyother' ndividual,n eithercasual or confrontationalncounters, an bededuced. It is through uch a system hatcommunity ivisions re definedand maintained'Sugden& Bairner1995: 15) at the most mundane of levels:at work, n the marketplace nd in the local community. urton (1978: 37)termsthis system telling'.The culturalmarkers hemselves onsistof thingslike the perceiver's nterpretationf the perceived'sname, facial characteris-tics, rea ofresidence,chool attended,inguistic and possibly honetic) usage,colour and symbolism f dress 1978: 37);5 in other words, ectarianndivid-ualsrecognize ndmatch, ndperhapsrespond o,thediscursiveruth nd thereality f theirother'.My own research, onducted within what could be regarded s a typicalloyalist ommunityn the GreaterBelfast rea,withrespondents anging romrank-and-file range lodge members o seniorfiguresn the Orange leader-ship,has revealed vidence of thisprocess n action.For example, ne respon-dent, member of a loyalistmarching and,revealed n frank ermshow hewould tell his sectarianothers':'We went to MacDonalds theretonight,ndthere's hesepeople thererunning bout from the South .And I thought omyself,This place is full of fenians , s soon as I heardthe accents.That'sthe first hing got.'The perceived regionalaccentwas hence mobilized to tell: a 'Southern'(Irish Republic) accent being read as shorthandfor a 'fenian' (vulgarandderogatorylangforCatholic).Another quallycrudetell-tale oncernsfamilysize: the sectarian ruth tates hatthe largerthe number of children n thefamily,he greaterthe possibility hat the family s Catholic, as the aboverespondent ontinuedto explain: They breed like rabbits. ou'd very rarelysee a Catholic family, full Catholic family, ith less thansix kids. 'm justsaying, hat'swhat they're oing.'



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DAVID CAIRNS 443A form f aesthetic ellingwas also revealed. here are, ccording o anotherloyalist espondent a member of the same marchingband as the previousrespondent), pecialized Protestant nd Catholic fashions:

We'll walk down the centreof town and I'll tellyou who's all Catholic.... You can telljust from their dress sense, the way theyare.The way they act. ... A fella I work with,Ican remember he time he went to Chapel. I sat in his house, and he wore a pair ofJoeBloggseans and a Joe Bloggs op, and I said: Where the fuck are you going?'And he said,'To the Chapel.''What,like that?'And he says,'What's wrong with this?'It's s ifthey've o respect.hey'reust goingbecause hey ave o go.They're ot goingbecause theywant to go, that's he thing.While theseprocessesof differentiationaybe of importance n arrivingat an understanding f the everyday peration of sectarianism,t must beborne in mind that they representonly one, rather superficial, acet ofsectarianism:generalisable haracteristics'nd 'perceived differences'Darby1986: 16-22). Sectarianism,s we shallsee, extendsfarbeyondthis restrictedrange of stereotyped ehaviours nd characteristics.or example,Bell (1990:8-9) arguesthatsub-culturaltyles,uch as the late seventiespunk' aesthetic,have been assimilated y sectarianism. owever, would arguethatsectari-

anism goes further till, nd that mainstream ultural activities hemselvesperform t a level of sectarian ignificance,onsolidating he sectarianismfeverydayife.The interiororld f ectarianismIn attempting o relate everyday ctivities o sectarianism, iller providesauseful framework.t is his contention that particularobjects - 'clothing,furnishing,echnology, uildings'- help produce a 'materialistic'r'fetishistic'attitude n the 'average inhabitant', n attituderealized by the individual'sutilization f theseobjects n the constructionf [their]worlds' Miller1994:4-7). He explains that a group's culture is 'of a particularkind': 'Thebricolageof the street s no longeraided by the structured onventions f amythology;s amongstthe classic peoples of social anthropology.. Evenimagesofstability,uch as nostalgia,recontinuallyestructurednd reinventedaccordingto individual domestic situations nd expectations' Miller 1994:8-9).Miller's argument employs Hegel's concept of 'objectification', dualprocesswherein ndividuals xternalizemeaning via the displayof symbolicobjectswhich signifyheir dentity nd simultaneously edefine his meaningin the externalworld.This processhelps explain how individuals reatetheir'world' throughthe purchase and reorientation f symbolic goods, howoutsiders ead meaning nto the world of their others'and how the groupenterprise f sectarianismecomes a 'techniqueof the self' (Foucault 1997c:87).In Northern reland, highly ymbolic treet ulturethat s observable nthe exteriorhabitats f loyalist ommunities bjectifies ectariangrouprela-tions.The boundariesof theseplaces are oftendefinedby BerlinWall'-type



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444 DAVID CAIRNSbarriers anodynelyreferred o as 'peace lines') in sectarianborder areas, naddition to a wider pattern f residential egregation ngineeredby decadesof communalviolence and intimidationDarby 1986: 148-66).6 This exterioraestheticpolarizationmakes walking these streets dauntingexperience forthe outsider.7 rangeism lso contributes ignificantlyo the politicization fspace, in wrapping oyalistcommunities n a unionist uniform during itsmarching eason.Streetsn non-nationalist reas are blanketedby Red Handof Ulsterand Union flags, ccompanied by red, white, and blue buntingwith optional paramilitary rappings severalweeks prior to the Twelfth(Loftus1994: 14). It is also common for kerbstones o be painted red,white,and blue, long withstreetamps, illars, nd gable walls McCartney& Bryson1994: 130).8 Murals are equally popular Jarman1997: 209-29), drawingonthe key imagesof the loyalistdiscourse'snarrative: he heroesof the Boyne,the Battle of the Somme, and, with equal prominence, allen eaders of loy-alistparamilitaryrganizations.9uge archesbearing Orange slogans, icturesof the Queen and PrincePhilip- alongsideKing Billy- are also erected onmain streetsnd thoroughfaresn virtually very own and village n North-ern Ireland (Loftus 1994: 30-1). In Belfast,many staunch' districts,uch asSandy Row, adjacentto thecity'sUniversity rea,have their wn arches.Here,loyalist lagshang from ampposts nd homes alike. t is a Northern relandtruism hatyou can tell the loyalness' f a neighbourhoodfrom ounting henumberof occupied flag-poleholders on the exteriorwalls of its houses.Allof these discursive ractices, oupled with the loyalistpredilection or con-ducting arge-scalemarches hrough heir ectarian ther's erritory,onstitutea 'new type'of intimidationO'Leary & McGarry 1996: 42), intended, re-sumably, o take the place of old-fashioned aked violence.Added to this exterior ectarianisms an interior ectarianism.n the loy-alist'shome we see the dweller's ndividual astes nd preferences roppedoraugmentedby sectarianbricolage;their nteriordesign conveying ectarian,rather han individual dentity Miller 1994: 121-2). Through in-depthandsustained thnographictudy,t has been possibleto observeand recordvividexamplesof how loyalists bjectify heirpoliticalvalues and beliefsvia par-ticulararrangementsf material culture.Respondentswere also able to tellhow theyhad transformed he decor of theirhomes, theirmost intimatespaces, nto loyalist ignifiershrough he deployment f a demarcated fieldof objects' (Foucault 1997a: 11). In thisprocess, lags eem to possessa par-ticularutility,lthoughsuch signifiers rguably ulfil n ideological functionin most societies McCartney & Bryson 1994: 8). What is distinct, r even'strange', bout the use of flagsand other emblenmatic aterials, ncludingbanners and posters, n loyalistcircles s theirdomestication: hey are notrestricted o formaloutdoor use at occasions of stateor public celebrations,but arevirtually partof thefurniture.s a respondent xplained: Listen, eemybedroom? n mybedroomI have six flagsup.Wallsare lined with it.'The rangeof available oyalist ymbolicgoods includes thepoliticalbrico-lage ofpast struggles,uch as the mid-1980scampaign gainst heAnglo-IrishAgreement nd,more recelntly,he successiveDrumcree stand-offs'.ome ofthese materialswould appearto have found theirresting-place ollowing heirpoliticaldemobilization. ther specifictemshave been made by loyalist ris-oners, s anotherrespondent xplained:



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DAVID CAIRNS 445My bedroom? I have my flagsup. I've posters, he Ulster Still Says No', nmy ing Billy'Red Hand of Ulster' hat. I've two Rangers' pictureswhich I got done in the prison,from'the Maze'. Relativesofmine have been in and sent them out to me. I've my wee Lambeg

drum,done in 1991.Othermaterials ncluded satirical or offensive,ependingupon one's po-litical orientation) epresentationsf sectarianhate figures:n one home, thePope and Sinn Fein's GerryAdams and Martin McGuinness.The respondentin question elaborated:

You'd get a shock if you went into my wee brothers oom .. he's got a picture of thePope on the wall in a [marchingband] uniform, laying the bass drum. He's got anotherpicture of GerryAdams and Martin McGuinness buried up to theirnecks in sand,and abig headline above it:'A brighter uture'.This practice s not without tsdangers.One respondent xplained the riskinvolved. display f Britishmilitaristicmages n his home provides visitorwith an easy means to tell his family's ectarian dentity:The likes of mymother, he'sgot picturesof mybrotherup. He's in the army,nd the pic-tures, rmypictures, are]all overthewalls.You ust have to watch who comesin. Because you think fyou get a Catholic in, They're automatically ad .'The employment f these symbolicmaterials s highly ignificantorthe

observedprotagonists:he usage of the Britishflag connotes their oyalty othe reigningEnglish monarch;the demonization of their sectarian others'politicalfigureheadsonnotesresistance o forceswhich challenge heirpoliti-cal world-view; he attachment o militaristicegaliaconnotes the widespreadpractice of fetishizing he armed struggle ound throughout he NorthernIreland workingclass.These are the signs that make sectarianpeople feel athome in what theysee as an increasingly ostileworld,constituting othingless thana siege mentality.ome loyalists ctuallyderide such an idea. Onefemalerespondent emarked:I don't reallyunderstandwhat theymean bysiege mentality . just feel thatwhen it comes down to it,we reallydon'thave anyfriends.We're all alone.'But other membersofher community re not so dismissive. ccordingtoone of theOrange brethren' resent t Drumcree,'there's lwaysbeen some-body there o take that our identity]wayfromus in my ifetime.. undersiege from he Siege of Derry rightthrough o thispresentday.We're still... we have a siege mentality ... there's [always] somebody there trying totake t [our identity] way.'In putting hisphenomenon n context,t mustbe said that ll of thepeople

quoted above, exceptthe dissentingoyalistwoman,were activemembersofloyalistmarching ands or Orange institutions,ncludingthe Orange Orderand theApprentice oys ofDerry. heir taste n interior esignwould comeas no great urprise o those familiar o the ardentdedicationofloyalist andmembers o their cause (Bell 1990; Jarman& Bryan 1996). Investigationf'ordinary'oyalists,hose not activelynvolved n Orangeism, t home seemedpotentiallymore unpredictable, et sectariandecor was also foundin some,albeita minority,fhomes visited. temsobserved ncluded commemorationsof the Orange Order, paramilitary rganizations,he Ulster Defence Regi-ment,and Glasgow Rangers Football Club. Loyalistmotifshave also been



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446 DAVID CAIRNSincorporated nto items such as calendars,mugs,plates, ollipops,babies' bibs,tea towels, nd even teapots.10 ne respondent portedan impressive ignedportrait f formerRangers' centreforward llyMcCoist in his living-room.Other signs nvolved representationsf the British royal family: isplays fmugs, lates, nd commemorativeoinswere observed n severalhomes.Theseitems have an exclusively oyalist onnotationwithin Northern reland, ndmay even be read for their kitsch value from a postmodern perspective.However, considering he relative ack of political significancewhich theirowners attachto them, heirdisplay an hardlybe interpreteds havingthesame offensive alue as theparaphernalia reviously escribed.

Sectarian eisureThe arena of leisure s an important ite of sectarian nteractionn NorthernIreland. ugden andBairner tate hat'sport an be an integral lement n thecreation nd exacerbation f politicalconflict' 1994: 1), whilst t a morebasiclevel, sport providesa site foreveryday ectarian xchanges. he wearingofcertain porting ignifiers,n theformofshirtsnd tracksuitsfthe main oy-alistfootball eams- Glasgow Rangers,the two main Belfastclubs (Linfieldand Glentoran),1 nd theNorthern relandteam- can be utilizedas partofthetelling rocess,12enablingwhatBairner 1997: 95) terms 'political func-tion of spectatorship'f sportto operate. am not suggesting hatthe sectar-ian meaning encoded into these goods is the work of the sporting gentsthemselves. n the contrary,fforts ave been made by the Irish FootballAssociation nd otherbodies to negatetheir eams' ectarianmeaning.Rather,it is theperceiver, bserving hese temsworn by sectarian ctors n sectariancontexts,who assigns nd recognizes heir ectarian ignificance. s an illus-tration, respondent xplainedhow a Glasgow Rangers'football trip an beutilized as a sectarianuniform:

There's imes ow thatwe'd headdown ntoBelfast. e'ddo itinbadness.We'd wearRangers op- a Rangers -shirtn' that but that'sustthewaywe've beenbrought p.I'vebeen attackedown nBelfast.ricks hrown t us 'n' all,but allyoudo is stand ndthrow ricks ack.Then there'somepeoplethatmess boutwithyou, heir arents avetold hem ifferentndtheywoulduststandwithus,beingmyfriends,utwouldn'tcarryon'withus though.To tellyouthetruth,weartheT-shirto supportheteam, utthe teamusthappenstobe Protestantndthat's heremost f thetroublesfrom,ecause eople rewearingt.Most of thoseinterviewedwere,to varying egrees, ootballfans. n addi-tion to Glasgow Rangers,manyEnglishteamsprovedpopular, ncludingLiv-erpool, ManchesterUnited, and Chelsea. Regarding Rangers, loyaltywasclearlydemarcatedn sectarian erms, s one respondent xplained: Well, yes,I do supportthe Rangers, and I do go and see themplay, ut it's the sameon the other side.They go and watchCeltic.'But it is Irish League soccer which has providedthe most pronouncedexampleof sectarianismn local sport,n encouraging ectarian ttitudes ndsupport or oyalist aramilitariesBairner1997: 95).This sectarianismfsport

is acknowledgedwithin he oyalist ommunity. ccording o one respondent:



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DAVID CAIRNS 447'They think t's all about football, ut it's not.When it comes down to it, t'sreligion .. our Protestant ootball eam is better han your Catholic team.'It must be added though, hat there s some evidence to suggest hatthepopularity fNorthern rish and Scottish ootball s in decline, n the face ofthe stiffompetitionfor attention osed by the English Premiership. s oneloyalist roclaimed:

The only football 'm actually nterested n is English football: iverpool.... I come froma very arge family,enchildren nd my fatherwas an ardentLiverpool,Linfield, nd Rangersfan, nd I was the same foryears.But over the years 've lost interestn Linfield and lostinterestn Rangers, lthough 'd still ook for theirresult, ou know? Liverpool are the onlyfootballteam I'd reallyfollow.This is significant,n that the English teams,with no clear sectarian on-notation despite one respondent ighlightinghe link between ManchesterUnited and the Catholic churchduringthe MattBusbyera - are of littleorno utility orthe sectarian ctor.Furthermore,ther portswould seem to beless divisive. s one senior oyalist xplained, ports uch as bowls and fishingpose less of a problem:

I likeplayingbowls, like fishing. go anywherefishing, nd I don't care who I go with.I belong to differentishing lubs .. mixedfishing lubs.We all fish ogether.Many'sa timewe play bowls with [Catholics] and there'sno problem. 'm not bigoted in that area, thatcan play bowls with them or I can't .. I don't care where I go to play bowls either. 'vegone to some chapels, hapel halls,many's time: Roman Catholic clubs. t doesn't matter.You're going to play your bowls ... And theirfootball? don't mind.We play our football,our rugby, heyhave their Gaelic and whatever.Well, that's heirculture .. I have nothingagainstthat.

EntertainingectarianismBeyond football ie other areas of leisure of greater ignificancen termsofeverydayocialrelations.Withinhe oyalist ommunityremyriad vents ndfestivitieshat re socially inked to Orangeism. hese rangefrommpromptuhouse parties, ostedby marching-bandmembersfollowing arades, o majorfundraisingvents,uch as discosand barbecues, t the local Orange hall. Onsuch latter ccasions,perhapsseveralhundred oyalistswill be in attendance.These Orange social events re typicallynformal, ublicized only withinthemarching-band etwork.During my most intensive eriod of ethnographicresearchsummer1996) I accompanied a marching and through he variousstagesof their season', covering vents uch as the Twelfth nd the Relief ofDerry commemorations.Whileheoriginal ntent f thisresearchwas to doc-umentand understand he marches hemselves, hese other additional pecta-cles attractedmy attention.nvestigationould thereforeotsimply topwhenthe flutes nd drumshad been safely acked away.Fortunately,hefamiliaritywhich I had establishedwithin the marching-band raternityas translatedinto invitations o such events. t was through ttending hese occasionsthatI was able to developa fuller ppreciation fsectarianism. ttitudesnd beliefsmaybe on display t the main Orange ritual eventsthemselves, ut this isnot the primary ite of their formation, or the place in which loyalist



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448 DAVID CAIRNSsymbolism s impregnatedwith its sectarian significance: t is the loyalistsocial occasion which providesan opportunity or identityformation ndreinforcement, site for the discourse to work itself nto person and objectalike.A typical vent s the Orange disco. Such an eventwill be held in the localOrange Hall. Each loyalist ommunityn Northern relandpossesses t leastone such civic amenity,xpressly or the purposesof Orange-related nter-tainment. n the surface, hese events red,white, nd blue decorations side- are similar o the average provincialdisco: in terms of the music played('rave' music,mainstream op, and a few golden oldies' for the mums anddads) and the opportunities ordrinking much of it under-age), ancing, ndtheall-importantiaisonswith theoppositesex.In thesummer,he eventmayalso be precededbya barbecue.Such events re importanto marching andsin financial erms.Many of these outfits re severely nderfunded nd receivelittle upport owards he cost of instrumentsnd uniforms rom he Orangelodge they ccompany n marchdays. und-raising onsists f a nominalentrycharge, elling ins of beer and the ubiquitous raffle.As an evening unfoldsand the revellers ecome increasinglyntoxicated,distinctoyalist ituals merge. here is the raucoussingingoffootball hant-like party ongs, requentlyt a volume loud enough to drown out the disco.These songs, udging by the passion with which they are sung, provide animportant oint of reference or theirvocalists. heir lyrics which glorifythe deeds of KingWilliam ('The green grassy lopes of the Boyne' is onepopular tune) and more contemporary aramilitants'Soldier of the UVF' issecond in popularity nlyto 'The sashmyfatherwore') - evoke a world inwhich loyalists eroically riumph ver theforces f Catholicism:King Jamesand his Catholic army,herepublican-deified unger triker obby Sands, heIRA, or GerryAdams and Sinn Fein.In theimaginativeworld ofsong, f notin the real world ofNorthern rishpolitics, oyalists lwayswin.These tunesare sungto theaccompaniment f a local or visitingkickthepope' or bloodand thunder' and. The instrumentationf such bands consists f flutes,idedrums, nd one or occasionally wo bass drums. he originsof the terminol-ogywill be obvious to anyonewho has seen or heardone of these bands inaction (Bell 1990: 102). A band mayventure s far as Scotland for a socialevent.Around half an hour of Orange tunes will be played by the band atthe climax of the evening, ulminatingn a rendition f theperennialOrangefavourite:The sash'.The significance f the music is explained by a bands-man who has participatedn numerous uch occasions:

Well,a lot of the tunesplayed, he marches n' all, you could hear anywhere n the worlda band playing t. But there are tunes unique to us: The sash', Derry's walls', things ikethat there. hey're traditional unes which stem from Protestantismnd they again wouldbe partof our culture. .. [When] we talkabout folkmusic, would saythatwould be theProtestant ommunity's olk music.Them songs, theyare folksongs. The sash' has alreadyhas beenaccepteds a folk ong.Those in attendance sing along to the choruses, nserting mprovisedparamilitary-praisingnd ritualizedanti-Catholic nsults, uch as 'Fuck thePope' or FuckBobby Sands', nto the yrics. t the end of thenight, he band

play 'God save the Queen', signifyingheir continued loyaltyto English



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DAVID CAIRNS 449monarchy nd the ideals of the British tate. he lightsgo on, the audiencerise to theirfeet and proudly ing along, addingthe odd refrain f'No sur-render'between ines, ignalling he end of the evening's ntertainment.

ConclusionI have shown how particularultural rtefacts including lags, ootball trips,and politicalparaphernalia, ot to mentionsongs,slogans, nd the Englishnationalanthem comprisea 'materialization'f sectarianism.xposing thisprocesshelpsus to appreciatewhy suchflags,nthems,nd perhapsOrangeismitself,re offensive o the sectarian thers'of the loyalist ommunity. hat ismore, hismaterializations so widespread s to constitute structuringhichreflects he reality f a fundamentalocial division' Burton1978: 37). In thestreet,n thehome and at leisure, he sectarian bject also possesses certainsocial practicality,ignifyinghe individual's r family'sink with the widerloyalist magined community, ot to mention their difference rom theirsectarian thers.Observation f the use ofparticularectarian etish bjects n social ritualsalso providesan answer to a major, previouslyunexplained,conundrum.Sectarianisms an essentially umanproperty:t is an attribute fpeople,notthings.However, nanimate bjectsand social rituals re commonlydescribedas sectarian. ow do discrete bjectsand cultural ctionsacquire thischarac-teristic? here is considerabledepth in our answer.Famously,Marx arguedthatan intrinsic lementof the commoditywas its fetish alue.

A commodityappears at first ight an extremely bvious,trivial thing.But its analysisbringsout that t is a verystrange hing, bounding n metaphysicalubtleties nd theolog-ical niceties. .. It is absolutely learthat, yhis activity, an changestheforms f the mate-rials of nature n sucha way as to make them useful o him.The formofwood, for nstance,is altered f a table is made out of it. ... Through thissubstitution,he productsof labourbecome commodities, ensuous thingswhich are at the same time supra-sensible r social(Marx 1990: 163-5).We have observed hattheobjectsofsectarianismremanifoldn terms ftheirmaterial orms. ut theyare all,at one point or another, ommodities,albeit in greatly ifferenttructures:heyare inheritedor purchased,mobi-lized as symbolicgoods and read for sectarianvalue by the actor's others'.Sectarianobjects are thusperverse n theirnature,n theirdifferenceromother objects;hence my adoption of 'sectarianfetishization'o explain the

'sectarianism f things'. he sectarian ocial ritual s a fundamental art inthisprocess,n providing or the operationalizationf the object's sectarianmeaning.Both object and social ritual ervicethe sectariandiscursive orma-tion,enabling ts survival nd spread. his processalso enablessectarianismobe objectifiedn a relatively assivemanner.Merely sporting ertainhighlyfetishizedignifiers,isplayinghem n thehome,or singing hem when outdrinking,s not perceived s sectarian ehaviourby mostpeople. Restrictingsectarianism o the narrowfield of violence and direct ntimidation,atherthan admittingt into the field of material cultureand social rituals, huscreates an impression,within the subject,that in theireveryday ctivities,



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450 DAVID CAIRNSthey are not being sectarianwhen, n actual fact, heyare,albeit n a sociallyacceptable manner.

NOTESThe original fieldwork pon which this article s based consistsof ethnographic nvestiga-tion of four successive marching easons (1993-6) and a subsequent series of forty n-depthinterviewswith members of the marching raternity,o whom I am deeply indebted for theircooperation. would also like to thankAndrew Sanders at UUC and Jim Smyth t QUB, inaddition to my anonymous reviewers, or theirhelpful nd perceptive omments.1This belief is reflected n the officialdefinitionof sectarianismused in state discourse:sectarianisms a complex of attitudes, eliefs, ehaviours, nd structuresn which religion s

a significantomponent, and which (i) directly,r indirectly,nfringes he rights f individu-als or groups, and/or (ii) influencesor causes situations f destructive onflict' North et al.1997: 7).2Jenkins1986: 11-17) notes three strandsof interconnectionbetween religion and 'theconflict': n education, the role of the Church in the Republic of Ireland, and the ethnicchauvinismof fundamentalist rotestantism.3Foucault takesthis dea to its extreme n arguing hat ociety tself s essentially historico-political discourse, discoursein which truth functions s a weapon for a partisanvictory'(1997b: 63).'The extentof the embeddingof sectarianism an be gauged from he fact that, s Sugdenand Bairner note,'It is not possible .. for people who are fromNorthern reland to abdicatefrom hewider sectarian mplications f their eligiousheritage nd simply eing abelled Catholicor Protestantan be sufficiento render person vulnerable o sectarian buse' (1995: 16).'The significanceof 'telling', Burton argues, s not so much in its actual operation (inpractice t is highlyunreliable)but rather n the fact thatpeople in Northern reland have thedesire and necessity o tell' (1978: 38).6Particularlyegregation-prone,ccording o Darby (1986:28), are the public-ownedworking-class areas, ffectively orthern reland Housing Executive (NIHE) housing.7The terrorization f the urban environment as itselfproduced an architecturemouldedon an anti-insurgency ynamic, eadily bservable n fortified arbuncles fpolice stations, rmybarracks, bservationposts, and permanent check-points.Even new urban housing has beendesigned to be less terrorist-friendlyO'Leary & McGarry 1996: 33). All of these buildingsrepresent symbolic, nd concrete,manifestation f sectarianism.8There is considerable necdotal evidence to support he claimthat treet ainting s carriedout by over-zealous paraniilitaries gainst the wishes of powerlessresidents.McCartney andBryson report ncidences of an 'anti-painting roup' who 'paid very dearly'for their efforts(1994: 139-40).9For a full discussion of Northern Ireland's mural culture,see Rolston (1991; 1992;1995). The loyalist isual narrative as also recently olonized the Ancientdefender fUlster',Cuichulainn Jarman1997: 227).l?The Linen Hall Library, elfast'sPolitical Collection, houses a formidable ssemblageofsuch memorabilia.11 oleraine, Glenavon, Glentoran, Linfield,and Portadown are all teams which have'substantial rotestant upport' Bairner 1997: 99).12As is the kind of footballpreferred: ssociation or Gaelic. The decline of the NorthernIrish nationalfootball eam is chartedby Harvie (1996: 192-219) and Bairner (1997: 99-100).

REFERENCESAnderson,B. 1994. Imagined ommunities.ondon:Verso.Bairner, . 1997.'Up to theirknees'?:football,masculinity nd Protestant orking-classdentity.In Who are the eople'? eds) P Shirlow & M. McGovern, 95-113. London: Pluto Press.



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DAVID CAIRNS 451Bell, D. 1990. Acts of Union: youthculture nd sectarianismn Northernreland.Houndmills:Macmillan.Bruce, S. 1986. God save Ulster: hereligionnd politics fPaisleyism. xford: Clarendon Press.Bryan,D., T.G. Fraser,& S. Dunn 1995. Political ituals: oyalistarades n Portadown. oleraine:Centre forthe Study of Conflict,University f Ulster.Burton, F 1978. Politics f egitimacy.ondon: Routledge and Kegan Paul.Cairns,D. 1999. Sectarianism n popular culture.D.Phil Thesis. Coleraine: University fUlster.2000. Moving the immovable: discursivechallenge and discursivechange in UlsterLoyalism. n European ournal f Cultural tudies, orthcoming.Calhoun, C. 1994. Social theorynd thepolitics f dentity. xford: Blackwell.Darby,J. 1986. Intimidationnd the control f conflictn Northernreland.New York: SyracuseUniversity ress.Farrell,M. 1980. Northernreland: he Orange tate. Second edition). London: Pluto Press.1983. Arming heProtestants:heformationf the Ulster pecial Constabularynd theRoyal

UlsterConstabulary920-27. London: Pluto Press.Foucault, M. 1972. The archaeologyfknotwledge.ondon: Tavistock.1990. The historyf exuality : an introduction.ondon: Allen Lane.1997a. The will to knowledge. n Ethics: heessential orks (ed.) P. Rabinow, 11-16.London: Allen Lane.1997b. Society must be defended.In Ethics: theessentialworks1 (ed.) P. Rabinow,59-65. London: Allen Lane.1997c. Subjectivity nd truth. n Ethics: he essentialworks1 (ed.) P. Rabinow, 87-92.London:Allen Lane.1997d. On the genealogyof ethics. n Ethics: heessentialworks1 (ed.) P. Rabinow,253-80. London: Allen Lane.Harvie, S. 1996. 17 November 1993 - a night to remember? n Unionism n modernreland:newperspectivesnpoliticsnd cultureeds) R. English & G.Walker, 92-219. Dublin: Gill andMacmillan.Jarman,N. 1997. Material onflicts:arades nd visualdisplays n Northernreland.Oxford:Berg.& D. Bryan 1996. Paradeandprotest: discussionfparading isputesn Northernreland.Coleraine:University f UlsterCentre forthe Studyof Conflict.Jenkins, . 1986. Northern reland: n what sense religions' n conflict?n The sectarian ividein Northernreland oday eds) R. Jenkins, . Hastings,& G. McFarlane.Royal Anthropologi-cal Institute f Great Britain and IrelandOccasional Paper 41, 1-21.Loftus,B. 1994. Mirrors: range nd Green. undrum: Picture Press.McCann, E. 1980. War and an Irishtown. Second edition). London: Pluto Press.McCartney,C. & L. Bryson 1994. Clashing ymbols? reportn thle seof lags, ntlems nd othernationalymbolsn Northernreland. elfast:Queen's Universitynstitute f IrishStudies.McVeigh,R. 1992. The undertheorisation f sectarianism.n CanadianJournal f rish Studies16, 119-22.Marx, K. 1990. Capital 1. London: Penguin.& F Engels 1971. On Ireland. ondon: Lawrence and Wishart.Miller,D. 1994. Material ulture nd massconsumption.xford: Blackwell.Milner,A. 1994. Contemporaryulturalheory.ondon: UCL Press.Montgomery,G.G.W & J.R. Whitten 1995. The Order n parade.Belfast:Grand Orange Lodgeof IrelandEducation Committee.North, P., 0. Crilly,& J. Dunlop 1997. Independenteview f parades nd marches.elfast:The

StationeryOffice.O'Dowd, L., B. Rolston,& M. Tomlinson 1980. Northernreland: etweenivil ightsndcivilwar.London: CSE Books.O'Leary,B. & J.McGarry 1996. Thepolitics f ntagonism:nderstandingorthernreland.Secondedition).London:AthlonePress.Rolston, B. 1989. Politics nd painting:murals nd conflictn Northernreland.Cranbury,NJ.:AssociatedUniversity resses.1992. Drawing upport:muralsn theNorth f reland. elfast:Beyond the Pale.1995. Drawing upport : murals fwar andpeace.Belfast:Beyond the Pale.Ruane, J.& J.Todd 1996. The dynamics fconflictn Northernreland.Cambridge: CambridgeUniversity ress.



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452 DAVID CAIRNSShirlow, P. & M. McGovern 1997. Who are 'the people'? Unionism, ProtestantismndLoyalism n Northern Ireland. n Wo are 'thepeople'? (eds) P. Shirlow & M. McGovern,1-15. London: Pluto Press.Sugden,J. & A. Bairner 1995. Sport, ectarianismnd societyn a divided reland.Leicester:LeicesterUniversity ress.Whyte,J.1990. Interpretingorthernreland. xford:Clarendon Press.

L'object du sectarisme: la realite materielle du sectarismedans le loyalisme en UlsterResumeCet articleexamine un aspect neglige mais importantdu sectarisme n Irlande du Nordcontemporaine: on incorporationdans la culturematerielle et les pratiquessociales quoti-diennes de ses factions ntagonistes. pres une breve revue theorique du sectarisme carac-terise comme formationdiscursive),e decris ce phenomene tel qu'il se trouve dans unecommunaute oyaliste n Ulster.Jemontre omment a realitematerielle u sectarisme ncor-pore les activites uotidiennes de ces loyalistes, compris eur culture traditionnelle' e 1'0-rangisme et les domaines du sport,des loisirs et des distractions. u sein de ces pratiquesculturelles uotidiennes, es valeurssectaires ont objectifieeset conservees dans des objetsfetichises els que drapeaux et bannieres ainsi que dans une culture orale de chants et deslogans.

Further nd HigherEducationResearchUnit, School of Education 14L), Universityf Ulster tJordanstown,ewtonabbey,o.Antrim T3 7 OQB. D. Cairns@ulst. c. k

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