Bvocho (2005) Ornaments as social and chronological icons.pdf

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Ornaments as social and chronological icons

A case study of southeastern Zimbabwe

GODHI BVOCHO

Zimbabwe Museum of Human Sciences

ABSTRACTStudies of ornaments from the Zimbabwe plateau have focusedmainly on glass beads. When other ornaments are referred to, littleeffort is made to produce a broad classification to enhance broadercomparisons across the spectrum of ornaments in the region. Thisarticle examines archaeological ornaments as chronological indicatorsand communication devices. The period to be covered ranges from theeight to the eighteenth centuries AD, in southern Africa. In addition,the study attempts to contribute to filling the spatial gap between the

well-researched areas of Mapungubwe to the south and GreatZimbabwe to the north of the Limpopo.

KEYWORDS

chronological significance classification Malumba Mwenezi ornaments social significance trade networks

INTRODUCTION

Personal adornment has always played a significant part in every societyand, as such, the history of ornaments is probably as old as that of humanity

Journal of Social Archaeology A R T I C L E

Copyright 2005 SAGE Publications (www.sagepublications.com)

ISSN 1469-6053 Vol 5(3): 409424 DOI: 10.1177/1469605305057586


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410 Journal of Social Archaeology 5(3)

(Glover, 1991). Ornaments are central in the life of Africans as they are inmany parts of the world. These items include beads, bangles, rings and neck-laces. Glass beads survive long in the archaeological record. As a result,

most detailed studies in southern Africa have focused on them. As early asthe eighth century AD, glass beads were exchanged for ivory and goldbetween southern African communities and the Arab/Swahili traders on theEast African coast (Pwiti, 1991). Between the sixteenth and eighteenthcenturies AD, beads are noted to have been the most popular commodityof long distance trade in southern Africa (Bhila, 1982). Ornamentation isan expression of peoples values, and social and economic organization.Therefore, ornaments are an integral part of a multi-layered communi-cation system in many African societies (Dubin, 1987: 119). They commu-nicate cultural values in a symbolic language. In some parts of Africa,ornaments are indicators of age, marital status and social rank. The orna-ments people wore could also identify religious and social groups. InZimbabwe, brass and copper wire for armlets and leg rings were worn assymbols of wealth and importance in the community. Other ornaments arewidely worn around the waist, neck, the wrists and even on the head. InZimbabwe, gold was also used to decorate wooden stools, wooden head-rests, clubs, spears and swords (Ellert, 1984). Some ornaments, like beads,have been used as chronological indicators and as a reflection of a peoplestechnology. Ornaments of all forms are of vital cultural, economic and ritual

significance, as will be shown by the study of ornamental objects from thesites of Malumba and Mwenezi in southeastern Zimbabwe.

SOURCES OF DATA

The ornaments that are the subject of this study came from the archaeo-logical sites of Malumba and Mwenezi, both found in southeastern

Zimbabwe. Since 1993, surveys in this area by the University of ZimbabweArchaeology Unit have identified many Stone Age and Iron Age sites.Mwenezi Farm site is the biggest stone walled enclosure of the Zimbabwetradition in the area. It is on the northern edge of Mateke Hills (Figure 1).Large quantities of cultural material like shell and ivory beads, pottery andanimal bones were recovered from one of the middens on the site. Accord-ing to Manyanga (2000), radiocarbon dates suggest three occupationperiods. The first dates from the seventh to the ninth centuries, followed byan intermediate occupation from the twelfth to the thirteenth and finally

the seventeenth to the nineteenth centuries AD.In 1998, excavations were carried out at Malumba on the southwesternedge of Mateke Hills. Deep stratigraphy was evident from Trenches 2 and5 as well as Test-Pit 3, where cultural material was recovered from a depthof 1.5 m (Figure 2). The radiocarbon dates and associated material culture


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411Bvocho Ornaments as social and chronological icons

show that a Zimbabwe cultureoccupation at Malumba datedfrom the eleventh century to the

fourteenth century AD, therebymaking it contemporary withMapungubwe (12201290 AD)and Great Zimbabwe (12701450 AD) (Manyanga, 2000).

Chief Native Commission-ers reports found in theNational Archives of Zimbabwesuggest that local people previ-ously occupying Malumba andMwenezi ranches were relo-cated to the Matibi 2 Reserve.The Chief Native Com-missioners report of 17 May1927 states that the erection ofthe fence on the northwesternboundary of Matibi 2 Reservewas meant to protect the Ranchfrom the cattle of the local

people who had been movedfrom Nuanetsi (Mwenezi)Ranch. Most local people whowere forced to leave theirancestral homes to give way tothe commercial farms did notmove very far away. This makesMwenezi and Matibi 2 the mostprobable destinations of many

people from these nearby commercial farms and therefore a useful sourceof ethnographic information to help interpret the archaeological past. Forthe ethnographic survey, a questionnaire was designed targeting Matibi 2.People of different social classes and age groups were included in the inter-views. Some of the groups from Gezani village in Matibi 2 use MalumbaHill for traditional rain making ceremonies.

CLASSIFICATION OF ORNAMENTS

Ornaments for the study were first classified using the material from whichthey were manufactured. These are mainly glass and shell. The mainattributes recorded included material used for manufacture, colour, shape,

Figure 1 Location of the research area

(after Manyanga,2000: 10)


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diameter, thickness and perforation size. Colour changes over time helpedin determining trade patterns and preferences.

Glass beads

Following Beck (1928), the classification was largely based on shape, colourand size as the main attributes. This method has been successfully applied

because it enables comparisons. Out of the 1944 glass beads recovered fromMalumba, nine different colours were determined. Light blue is dominant.Other colours include translucent green, red, black and white as shown inTable 1.

Figure 2 Malumba site plan (after Manyanga, 2000: 36)


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Ref

Lightblue

Blue-trans

Red

White

Yellow

Pink

Black

Dark-green

Uc

Green-trans

Total

T1L1

470

110

318

100

103

48

136

88

31

1404

T1L2

39

2

19

2

9

10

13

5

99

T2L1

3

3

3

1

19

1

3

33

T2L2

4

3

7

T3L1

2

1

3

T3L2

1

2

3

T3L3

2

1

1

4

T3L4

3

4

3

2

7

19

T4L4

26

1

1

3

31

T6L6

6

33

6

45

T6L7

6

1

6

1

14

T6L9

4

1

3

1

9

TP1L6

70

8

33

3

16

6

21

4

9

170

TP2L1

3

3

TP3L2

5

1

1

7

TP3L3

2

1

2

5

13

23

T5L2

1

13

1

15

T5L4

13

13

T5L7

2

3

5

T5L8

1

2

3

T6L5

2

5

17

9

1

34

Total

590

163

395

124

145

84

74

197

104

68

1944

Key:T1

L1,Trench1Layer1;TP1L6,Test-Pit1Layer6;Trans,Translucent;Uc

,Uncertain

Table

1

ColoursofglassbeadsfromMalumba


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The method of shape categorization followed that of Beck (1928). Hisshape classes are simple to use and have been successfully used by archae-ologists like Chittick (1974), Mupira (1991) and Kinahan (2000). The beads

examined were assigned to six basic shape categories. The shape categorieswere established with close reference to the nearest geometric shape.Oblates refer to small rounded beads; cylindrical refer to beads wherethe thickness is less than the diameter. Garden roller beads are circular inshape, mainly with large perforations. Of all the 1944, 1345 (69 percent) areoblates, 591 (30.4 percent) are cylinders, 3 (0.2 percent) hexagon and 2 (0.1percent) are barrels while 1 (0.1 percent) is a heptagon. The beads that areof particular interest are the hexagons, garden rollers and the heptagon.These were recovered only from levels 1 and 2 of Trench 2. All are trans-lucent blue in colour and the largest of all the glass beads. These large bluebeads came from the same levels as the small glass beads of similar colour.At the sites of Schroda and Pont Drift found in the Shashe Limpopo valleyin South Africa, both garden roller beads and moulds were recovered(Hanisch, 1980). These relate well with Malumba and Mwenezi becausethey also constitute part of the Shashe Limpopo valley. From Malumba, twobarrels were recovered. The diameter of the beads ranges from 1 to 9 mm.Most of the beads measure 2 mm (62 percent) followed by those between3 mm and 4 mm (37 percent) and those in the 59 mm category (0.3percent). Bead thickness is what some scholars refer to as the length. Thick-

ness was measured parallel to or along the perforation line. Some 1423 (73.7percent) beads fall into the 12 mm category of thickness. Close similari-ties were noted in shape and colours with those from Shroda, K2, Mapun-gubwe and Great Zimbabwe.

Organic ornaments

Beads made from organic material are fewer than the glass beads. This isprobably mainly due to poor preservation. It was determined that organic

beads from Malumba and Mwenezi are made of ostrich eggshell, Achatina,mussel and ivory.

Ostrich eggshell beads The most abundant of the organic ornaments werethe ostrich eggshell beads. The diameter ranges from 314 mm with the 56mm class accounting for most beads. The last diameter class is the 714 mm,where most beads in that class measure 13 mm and 14 mm. Some of thebeads still retain the original outer surface with pores, an aspect thatenhanced identification. The diameter/thickness ratio places many beads in

the discs category. Perforation sizes are also larger than for glass beads,with19 (38 percent) accounting for those with 1 mm and 31 (62 percent) being24 mm. This perforation size, shape and diameter closely resembleHanischs (1980) findings on ostrich eggshell beads from Schroda and PontDrift and Becks (1931) at Great Zimbabwe.


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Achatina and mussel beads After the ostrich eggshell beads,Achatina andmussels were relatively plentiful. Achatina shell is more durable than

eggshell. The diameter range is largely similar to that of eggshell beads. Thismeans that the Achatina beads like the eggshell beads are disc-shaped. Amussel is a water snail whose shell is very shiny and glitters like quartz.Beads of this material are few in number when compared with Achatinaand eggshells. Only 23 were recovered. The diameter and thicknesscategories as well as perforation resemble the distribution for Achatina.

Ivory ornaments Ivory remains were also recovered from the two sites. Atotal of 19 ivory beads were recovered from Malumba. Mwenezi yielded

only 10 such beads. Of the Malumba assemblage, 14 of the beads are cylin-drical in shape and five are discs. Mwenezi yielded six cylinders and fourdiscs. The perforation diameters are mainly 24 mm. Most of the beadsreveal a very smooth surface. From Malumba, the bead is irregular althoughit is generally discoid in shape. The diameter is 14 mm, while the thickness

Ref Oblate Cylinder Hexagon Heptagon Garden roller Barrels Total

T1L1 915 484 3 1 1 1403

T1L2 82 15 2 99

T2L1 22 11 33

T2L2 4 3 7

T3L1 3 3

T3L2 3 3

T3L3 4 4

T3L4 10 9 19

T4L4 27 4 31

T6L6 39 6 45T6L7 10 4 14

T6L9 6 3 9

TP1L6 132 37 1 169

TP2L1 3 3

TP3L2 7 7

TP3L3 20 3 23

T5L2 15 15

T5L4 11 2 13

T5L7 3 2 5T5L8 2 1 3

T6L5 27 7 34

Total 1345 591 3 1 2 2 1944

Key: T1 L1,Trench 1 Layer 1; TP 1 L6,Test-Pit 1 Layer 6

Table 2 Bead shape categories from Malumba


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is 5 mm. Of particular interest is that it has two perforations of an identi-cal 4 mm-perforation size (Figure 3a).

Two perforations were not common among the beads recovered in

Zimbabwe. The relatively large size and the unpolished surface suggest that,other than being worn for decoration, this object could have fulfilled socialroles (Bent, 1969: 36). From Mwenezi, an elaborately decorated fragmentof ivory is of interest. It measured 10 mm in length and had a diameter of4.3 mm. The elaborate decoration at the other end reveals systematic cross-hatching that comprises very closely packed fine lines of incision (Figure3b). The parts that are not decorated are polished smoothly.

Metal ornamentsFrom Malumba,a total of 20 copper ornaments were recovered. The perfor-ations suggest that the beads could have been strung into bangles or neck-laces. From the Mwenezi Farm site, metal ornaments are mainly woundcopper and iron. Pieces of wound copper were recovered and spirals orfragments of this nature were also recovered from a midden. For Zimbabwein general,metal ornaments are largely made of copper,copper alloys, brass,gold and iron. The most commonly recovered objects from archaeologicalsites in Zimbabwe are copper gold and iron. Caton-Thompson (1931)

recovered bracelets, rings, bangles and beads made of copper and goldduring excavations at Great Zimbabwe. From the Mapungubwe and K2burials, such metal ornamental objects were recovered in association withmale figures in burials. Of interest has been the association of gold orna-ments with remains of people believed to be of high status (Huffman, 2000).

CHRONOLOGICAL SIGNIFICANCE

Glass beads constitute the most abundant artefacts in the archaeologicalrecord that attest to international trade. Therefore, the earliest evidence fortrading relations between southern Africa and the outside world has beendocumented using glass beads. Largely, glass beads have been studied as

Figure 3 (a) Ivory from Malumba. (b) Ivory from Mwenezi. (c) Bone from

Malumba. (d) Wound copper from Mwenezi


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chronological indicators. This has been within the context of pushing for anexotic theory (external trade) as the prime mover in the rise and decline of

prehistoric states in southern Africa. Therefore foreign trade glass beadshave largely been used as chronological indicators. Early works by Caton-Thompson (1931), Robinson (1958) and Schofield (1958) tried this withlimited success. As Wood (2000: 78) notes, they had insufficient knowledgeof matching types and periods of manufacture.

From the lower levels of the trenches and test-pits at Malumba, beadssimilar to the ones recovered from Schroda (eleventh century AD) wererecovered. Most of the beads from middle levels closely resemble thosefrom Pont Drift and Bambandyanalo. These trenches largely yielded

translucent blue,green and a few yellow beads. The bulk of Malumba beadsare similar to the ones from Bambandyanalo and Mapungubwe. Thetranslucent blue beads, both oblates and cylinders, are highly characteristicof Bambandyanalo (Figure 4a). This goes hand in hand with the large quan-tities of Indian Red beads from Trench 2, level 3. The upper levels of thetrenches and test-pits show similarities with the green, yellow and light bluebeads from Great Zimbabwe (Caton-Thompson, 1931; Figure 4b).

Other large beads from Malumba are the wound barrels, both green andblue. The large beads are similar to those recovered front Bambandyanalo,

Mapungubwe and Ndanga cave (Beck, 1931). Their rarity and large sizecould have signified high-ranking social positions. Most of the opaque blackand white beads are from the lower levels. These black oblates (Figure 4c)have been used by Wood (2000) to define the Mapungubwe culture thatdates from 1220 to 1270 AD. Large and small black and white glass beadsin the Renders enclosure were found at Great Zimbabwe. Therefore,Malumba was occupied largely in contemporaneity with Mapungubwe aswell as Great Zimbabwe. The earlier phases of Malumba reveal beadssimilar to the ones from Schroda and Pont Drift, while the middle phases

reveal beads like those from Mapungubwe and the late phases revealcontemporaneity with Great Zimbabwe. The absence of glass beads fromMwenezi is not an unusual situation, as other researchers south of theLimpopo have found out (Gray, personal communication, 2001). Thecommunity at Mwenezi could have thrived more from hunting than on

Figure 4 (a) Malumba blue and yellow translucent. (b) Indopacific beads

from Malumba. (c) Black and white beads from Malumba. (d) Hexagonal beads

from Malumba


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external trade (Manyanga, 2000). People at Mwenezi who thrived onhunting could have benefited from external trade at Malumba. Alterna-tively, this explains how complexity developed without the influence of the

trade with the outside world.

TRADE NETWORKS

Imported glass beads in the Shashe-Limpopo region provide evidence oftrade between the local inhabitants and the outside world beginning in theeighth century AD (Wood, 2000). The people in the Shashe-Limpopo regionexchanged goods, starting with the Muslim traders who dominated theIndian Ocean trade routes. Traders from the Persian Gulf and ports ofOman were most active. Glass beads from Chibuene on the Mozambiquecoast are similar to those from Zhizo occupations at Makuru and LeopardsKopje in Zimbabwe. The similarities between the beads from the easterncoast (Chibuene) and those from Malumba suggest that Chibuene was oneentry point for beads coming into the interior of southern Africa (Sinclair,1982: 163). Most opaque green, Indian Red, yellow and grey-blue areIndopacific beads from India. The colour and shape clearly show that theyare from one source. Great quantities of beads from Mapungubwe and

Bambandyanalo are said to have come from Indian sites (Dubin, 1987).Caton-Thompson suggested that beads found at Great Zimbabwe were ofMalay or Indian origin. Most yellow beads from Great Zimbabwe are likethose recovered from Pemba,proving to be Indopacific in origin. Such kindsof Indopacific beads were also recovered from Zanzibar (Beck, 1931). Thebeads managed to reach southern Africa through long distance trade. Theglass beads could have been exchanged for goods such as ivory and animal(leopard) skins (Pwiti, 2005). European beads in the form of hexagonal andone heptagonal bead as well as small oblate pink beads, which date to the

seventeenth and eighteenth centuries AD, indicate contact with the Euro-peans. These beads from the upper layers at Malumba were recoveredtogether with nineteenth-century pottery. This shows that they are a laterintroduction as the local people came into contact with European traderssuch as the Portuguese.

THE CHOICE OF ORNAMENTS

The archaeological ornaments had significant meanings to their makers andusers. However, to get to such meanings using the archaeological materialalone is very difficult. The Shona people of Zimbabwe comprise a numberof different dialect groups. The basis of using ethnographic data to interpret


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archaeological evidence rests on the historical and cultural continuitybetween the Iron Age prehistoric populations and modern Shona groups(Pwiti and Mahachi, 1987: 57). The story of Shona ornaments is the story of

many contrasting life-styles that have developed in Zimbabwe. For a longtime, it had been thought that ornaments were merely worn to decorate thebody. This perception has been associated with the assumption that onlywomen wore ornaments (Glover, 1991). Beauty therefore was linked towomen and not men in a society. In reality, adornment communicatescultural values in symbolic language that expresses rank, religion, age gradeand marital status. This makes ornaments an integral part of a multi-layeredcommunication system among all Shona speaking people (Dubin, 1987). Infact, the Shona extend the practice of adornment to include objects like toolsand weapons. The picture painted by the earliest researchers is that importedglass beads were more important and commonly used than locally manu-factured ornaments (Chirapa, 1988). The way the Shona speaking peoplecombine various ornaments depends on taste, status and religious beliefs.These combinations are powerful communication tools.

Ancestral spirit mediums (vadzimu) can be identified by black and whitebeads. Traditionally among the Shona, combining black and white issymbolic of spirit mediums. In the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, glassbeads were symbolic of wealth and importance in the society. During theinvestiture of a new chief by the Rozvi Mambo or his representative, they

were handed black and white calico and beads as part of the regalia(Mudenge, 1974: 383). This signified conferring legitimacy and authority onthe vassal chiefs. The conus shells symbolize fertility of land, animals andplants as well as the people themselves. Chiefs wore them as representa-tives of the communities and the landscapes. Spirit mediums wear rings,bangles and anklets made of brass, copper and gold. The copper and goldbangles are known in Shona as ndaririra or tsambo (Ellert, 1984: 5). Thoseplagued by the avenging spirits (ngozi) wore red and black beads. The redsymbolizes blood spilt and black symbolizes accepting of the wrong

committed in bringing the sorrow.Some ancestors work and hunt for the person whom they possess. These

spirit mediums are distinguished from others by wearing the white and redor black in place of white beads. For them, the red element is more import-ant as a symbol for blood. Some hunters wear ornaments made of animalbones or teeth. The creators or wearers of the ornaments claim to gain ameasure of control over the animals spirit. It is difficult to separatetraditional medicine and religion among the Shona because of the close linkbetween them. Traditional healers claim that they use ornaments as a way

of enhancing their healing powers. For most traditional healers, beads arethe most popular items for adornment. They are slung obliquely across thechest or worn as a necklace. Some nangas wear the conus shells (ndoro).During the liberation struggle (19759), most of the Zimbabwean guerrillasgot these armbands from respected nangas. Chipande refers to a necklace


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for babies to ensure that the head fontanel fuses fully. The mollusc shellbeads worn by the babies act as immunization against diseases like measlesand whooping cough (Gelfand, 1985).

Waist girdles (mukanda) with bright colours of beads are largely acomponent of the womens private ornamentation. Ornaments that areworn for sexual enticement vary from metal bangles to necklaces made ofvarious kinds of material. Some of them are not private but are functional.The sound produced by ornaments on the wrist, legs and neck is claimedto attract the unmarried individuals of the other sex. Mukanda are claimedto arouse the sexual feelings of the partner during lovemaking. Traditionalmen are said to have teased females without mukanda for being as smoothand slippery as fish or frogs. Mature virgin women ready for marriage worewhite beads to show purity. When some Shona women wear the waist girdle,they believe that they will not get pregnant. The Shona decorate theirobjects in a manner that goes with their social status. Huffman (1996) showshow decorations on divining dices among the Shona are similar to thedecoration style on buildings or on stonewalls. The different forms, likechitokwadzima, kwami chirume and nhokwara, have designs carved thatrepresent four adult statuses (Huffman, 1996).

Ornaments have widely been viewed as objects that adorn the humanbody. Just as people want to adorn their bodies, they also have the feelingthat tools and weapons, which they use, should be adorned. A walking stick

(tsvimbo) plays an important role in religious beliefs of the Shona. Most ofthem are brightly decorated using bands of glass beads, copper and brasswire. Decorated in the same manner are the dagger (bakatwa), the spearand wooden snuffboxes. Beaded aprons (zvichakati) are used mainly bywomen during traditional dances. The dominant decorations are thechevron and triangular motifs. Stools are decorated using different patterns,some of which are engravings. Clubs and axe handles are also decorated ina similar fashion. Of major interest is that most of the decorations are saidto be instructions from the ancestors. The oil gourd container (chinu) used

for traditional washing at wedding ceremonies and for family cohesion isdecorated brightly. The newly married wife brings this for her in-laws andit signifies her transition to womanhood. From this wide range of choicesof ornaments and forms of adornment, it can be noted that human behav-iour is patterned and systematic in conveying messages.

DISCUSSION

The patterns coming from the ethnographic surveys show close similaritieswith the archaeological record. Of particular note is the similarity betweenthe black and white beads recovered from Malumba, Mapungubwe and


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Great Zimbabwe, with the ones similar in colour and shape being used bythe Shona people as symbols for ancestral spirit mediums. With the avail-ability in the archaeological record of a multiplicity of colours on beads and

the presence of multi-coloured waist girdles, walking sticks and oil guards,it is tempting to conclude that they were used for the same purposes inprehistory. Although there is a big time gap and significant changes thathave taken place, the general patterns of messages being communicated byornaments remain crucial.

From observations made in the ethnographic survey, there is a strikingsimilarity between the wound copper from Mwenezi (Figure 3d) and woundcopper bangles and anklets worn by Shona spirit mediums. They use fibreto tie up the bangles, and copper from Mwenezi was coiled onto a fibre.These two ivory objects, one with a large perforation and the other oneelaborately decorated, probably assumed social roles in the societies inwhich they were used. These roles include totems, symbolism of power andtraditional medicine from nangas.

Worked bones have been recovered from many archaeological sites inrelatively small quantities when compared to other bones. Thorp (l984)excavated Khami Hill complex and recovered perforated bones, which sheattributed to the work of traditional healers (nangas). The ivory diviningdice (hakata) and ivory lions recovered suggest that Khami Hill complexwas also a place for ritual activities. Thorp (1984: 84) also says that frag-

ments of such bones could be cut off and given to patients as medicine.Worked bones have been recovered from Mapungubwe, Schroda and K2as well as Great Zimbabwe. The worked bones recovered from Malumbacould have been used as pendants since there is a hole, or they could havebeen used as protection against evil spirits. Therefore, the choice of theornaments was not random but a systematic way of conveying a variety ofsocial messages.

The presence of organic and metal ornaments is proof that exotic orna-ments did not replace the locally manufactured ones. The large land snail

(Achatina), the water mollusc (mussel), elephants and ostrich eggs were allexploited in different ways including ornamentation. This is testified to bythe availability of ivory fragments, Achatina and mussel as well as eggshellornaments from Malumba. Large numbers of ostrich eggshell beads andAchatina were recovered from Great Zimbabwe and Danamombe (Beck,1931).

These beads were used differently by different people and at differenttimes. Ivory could be used for external trade to acquire glass beads or cloth.It was also used to make bangles and beads for local consumption. The

association of organic ornaments with metal ones shows the local peoplestechnology in mining, smelting and smithing. Ancient copper mines wereidentified in one of the ranches in the research area. Bar G. Grobbler(a commercial farmer in the Mwenezi area) collected many metal items


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including an item that could have been used to draw copper into wire. Mostof the spiral coils of copper and iron from Mwenezi are similar to thosefrom Mapungubwe and Great Zimbabwe. One of the problems of using

beads to develop chronologies, however, is that the bead types can be rein-troduced as a result of changing political or economic tastes in the sameway that fashion changes.

CONCLUSION

The study of ornaments should move away from the tradition of looking atan individual class of objects in isolation without taking an integratedapproach wherein various ornaments are studied together to ascertain theirmutually constitutive significance. Glass beads, metal and organic orna-ments from Mwenezi and Malumba were studied together as ornaments.Chronologies range from the ninth century to the late Great Zimbabweperiod. The eighteenth and nineteenth century beads are in the form ofhexagonal and pink beads. Malumba was linked to the outside world, astheir glass beads resemble those from India and the Persian Gulf. Beadmaking sites in the Middle East, India, East Africa and Mozambique needto be carefully examined to understand the chronologies of the Shashe-

Limpopo region. Ornaments are symbols that communicate socialmessages. The great similarity between the archaeological and the ethno-graphic material suggests cultural continuity. Therefore the social valuesattached by the Shona groups to ornaments can reliably be used to inter-pret the archaeological material.

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GODHI BVOCHO is Curator of Archaeology and Monuments for

National Museums and Monuments of Zimbabwe and is currently

studying for a Master of Arts in archaeology at the University of Bergen,

Norway.Research interests include development of social complexity,the

use of information technology and community participation in heritage

management.

[email: [email protected], [email protected]]

Documents

Bvocho (2005) Ornaments as social and chronological icons.pdf