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2Burns 1859Embodied Communities and Transnational Federation

Ann Rigney1

The celebration of the hundredth birthday of Robert Burns, on the 25th day of January, in the year 1859, presented a spectacle unprecedented in the history of the world.

These are the opening lines the Chronicle of the Hundredth Birthday of Robert Burns, edited by James Ballantine and published in May 1859.2 Ballantine’s chronicle records a mind-boggling total of 872 celebratory events, which had taken place in city halls, corn exchanges, local meeting halls, hotels, and pri-vate houses on 25 January earlier that year. Flanked by a flurry of centenary publications, there were more than 600 of such meetings in Scotland (a list is given in McKie 1881, 185–200). The others were spread across the British Isles, the United States, and the colonies, especially Canada and Australia, with only one event mentioned in continental Europe (in Copenhagen).3

Ballantine’s chronicle is made up of 606 pages of eye-straining, double-columned print containing verbatim reports of the speeches held at the most important venues along with summary descriptions of ancillary events and civic processions, giving the overriding impression of people having enjoyed a great party. The very existence of such a rich document within months of the centenary indicates an extraordinary level of organization and a network of correspondents stretching deep into the provinces and across the ocean, while the generic label ‘chronicle’ implies a self-conscious attempt to promote and enhance the status of the event itself as a ‘historic’ one that was worthy of remembrance in its own right.

From other sources, it would appear that the idea of having a mega- celebration on the occasion of Burns’s centenary had been launched in Glasgow in 1858 when a number of local enthusiasts had gathered at a supper in celebration of the poet’s ‘Immortal Memory’. Such suppers had been held regularly if not ubiquitously since the early 1800s, sometimes within the framework of local ‘Burns clubs’. Eating, drinking, recitation, and singing had been a salient feature of the reception of Burns’s poetry from the outset. Where other writers invited silent reading and private contemplation, Burns also mobilized energies of a

J. Leerssen et al. (eds.), Commemorating Writers in Nineteenth-Century Europe© Palgrave Macmillan, a division of Macmillan Publishers Limited 2014

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more performative and convivial kind. The global federation of clubs linked to the world-wide organization of annual ‘Burns suppers’, still going on today, would receive a big impetus from the success of 1859 (Mackay 1985, 44).4

Following the Glasgow supper of 1858 and spearheaded by the efforts of the owner of the Glasgow Daily Bulletin, a letter was circulated to various associations, societies, and individuals throughout the British Isles, United States, and British Empire with a view to creating an international move-ment for the centenary year. Like Henry V’s exhortation (see Introduction), the circular appealed in this way as much to a spirit of future-building as to a spirit of remembrance. While the coming centenary would recall the past, it would ideally take place on such a hyperbolic scale that it in turn would be remembered by future generations:

To Scotsmen and Scotswomen everywhere – and to their posterity in the generations to come – this Centenary Celebration will, if universal, prove not only a source of the greatest delight but a lasting bond of union between the inhabitants of Caledonia and those of every country and clime who sincerely adopt as their creed – ‘A man’s a man for a’ that.’ (Mackay 1985, 44)

The fact that hundreds of celebrations did actually take place in 1859 shows the remarkable momentum gathered by this circular; later enthusiasts have suggested that Ballantine’s 872 meetings represented a mere 5 per cent of all gatherings, but this seems like an implausible exaggeration of what were already significant numbers (McVie 1959, 45; also Mackay 1985, 45). Behind the organization was apparently the idea that the toast to the ‘Immortal Memory’ should be drunk at 6 o’clock in the evening at all the different ven-ues so that an effect of physical simultaneity would be achieved – or, since this was prior to the introduction of Greenwich Mean Time, at least imagined.

In the earlier part of the day street processions took place at various loca-tions, most prominently in Dumfries, the place where Burns had lived in his final years:

At twelve o’clock the procession, which was of extraordinary extent, and presented an exceedingly brilliant and imposing appearance, left the Academy grounds, where it had been marshalled four abreast, and, accompanied by seven bands of music, passed through the principal streets of Dumfries and Maxwelltown. It was headed by the Magistrates and Town Council of Dumfries, followed by the Magistrates and Town Council of Maxwelltown, the water commissioners, the merchants and traders, the various incorporated and other trades, the Celtic Society in Highland costume, the operatives in Nithsdale and Kinholm Mills, rail-way labourers, drapers’ assistants, Early Closing Association, members of Mechanics’ Institutes, and Freemasons – the whole being brought up by a

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body of carters on horseback. Almost all the bands played Scotch music; and all along the route the windows were crowded with interested and enthusiastic spectators. (B. 116)

The Dumfries procession, images of which appeared in the Illustrated London News, seems to have been the most extensive one in Scotland (see Figure 2.1). But it was echoed at other locations in various forms of public display (which we will repeatedly encounter in the festivities studied in this volume): bell-ringing (in Aberdeen; B. 147), cannon salutes (in Ayr; B. 92), bunting and flags (in Glasgow among many other places; B. 39). At the Crystal Palace in London, in keeping with that institution’s role in providing large-scale spectacles to crowds of visitors arriving by train, a multimedia Burns festival was on offer: an exhibition of Burnsian relics (portraits, manuscripts, the desk on which Tam O’Shanter had been written, an enormous bust of Burns erected for the occasion); continuous Scottish melodies played by the Scots Fusilier Guards; recitals of Tam O’Shanter with a ‘slide show’ of photographs illustrating the principal scenes, Scottish refreshments, a concert, and, as highpoint of the day, the announcement of the winner of the centenary poetry competition (which had attracted many entries of sometimes woeful doggerel).5 More unexpected perhaps, given its transatlantic location, was the large-scale procession that took place in Chicago and, accompanied by dragoons, included four marching bands, the city fathers, Masonic lodges, Odd Fellows, the fire brigade, and no less than a one-hundred-gun salute.

Nevertheless, the centre point of the centenary celebrations was formed, in keeping with the specific tradition of the Burns suppers, by the festive gatherings that took place on the evening of 25 January. In the bigger cit-ies, multifarious civic organizations held their own parties to celebrate the memory of the poet with more or less formality and undoubtedly with more or less alcohol. In adjacent venues, there was dining, music-making, and, in some places, dancing until the small hours; above all, there was toasting and speechifying in honour of Robert Burns, much of which was reported verbatim in later newspaper reports and standalone publications. In Aberdeen, for exam-ple, there were celebrations organized by the St Andrew’s Society (attended by the Provost), the Speculative Society, the Operative Shoemakers, the Masons, the Juridical Society, the Loyal Robert Burns Lodge of Odd Fellows, the Neptune Lodge, the Aberdeen Joiners Mutual Improvement Association, the Broadford Operatives, and the Bon-Accord Literary Association (B. 142–3).

In detailing the many meetings, Ballantine’s Chronicle provides a keyhole perspective on the social stratification that existed in Victorian Britain and on the multiple forms of sociability that helped people congregate. The prolifera-tion of voluntary associations exemplifies the importance of clubs and organ-izations already noted by Simon Gunn as characteristic of 19th-century urban culture (Gunn 2000). But even as the Chronicle highlights these local forms of conviviality, it also shows them to have been accompanied by larger-scale

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social networking and, thanks to this networking, by widespread involve-ment in a common project without there being any single institutionalized centre steering operations. I use the term ‘networking’ here in the strong sense, to refer to groups of individuals – and to constellations of groups – who are not only connected to each other, but also self-reflexively aware of their connectedness. They were contemporaries who shared the same moment, if not the same location. As one of the Glasgow toasts put it:

There is something impressive, something positively sublime in the con-templation of the wide-spread and far-extending series of social groups which are at this moment doing homage to the memory of our poet. (Glasgow; B. 81)

Echoing these sentiments, speechmakers elsewhere also evoked the won-der of the event itself and the fact that it linked Edinburgh, Aberdeen, and Belfast with the Australian bush, the banks of the Zambesi, the burning plains of India, the frozen plains of northern Canada, and so on.6 Some of the invocations of this interconnected world read like a rough guide to the Empire and, with the events of 1857 still fresh in people’s minds and imperialism in the air, there were indeed recurrent references to the Indian mutiny and the siege of Lucknow alongside celebrations of Burns’s radical egalitarianism.7

The importance of networking was reflected in the fact that in those cities where multiple events were taking place, delegations moved from one meet-ing to another so as to emphasize the idea that ‘down the road we’re doing the same thing as you’. Similar exchanges also took place with the help of that most modern of media technologies: the telegraph. Within the British Isles, for example, telegrams were exchanged between Edinburgh, Liverpool, and London’s Crystal Palace (thus allowing for the name of the winner of the poetry prize to be spread rapidly), while across North America, mul tiple telegrams were also exchanged (among other places, between Montreal and New Orleans). In Toronto, the Daily Globe newspaper reinforced the effect of the telegrams by including them verbatim in its report on 26 January 1859 and even referring to them in the main headline alongside an announcement of the banquet and celebrations, ‘Telegraphic despatches from all quarters’.8 As it happened, the transatlantic telegraph cable that had been inaugurated in 1858 with a highly publicized exchange of prolix telegraphs between Queen Victoria and President Buchanan was out of order by January 1859, a fact that was regularly regretted by the speechifiers at the Burns event. This technical hitch meant that the link between New York and Edinburgh had to be effected through the more traditional medium of letters. But whether they used the telegraph, the letter, or the face-to-face visit, it is clear that for the participants in the Burns evening of 1859 the event was perceived as a sort of Live Aid or Twitter-fest avant la lettre:

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a world-wide happening that involved people across the globe and their imagining a ‘one world’ of globalized simultaneity made possible by Burns and reinforced by modern technologies: ‘The Electric Telegraph, impatient with the progress of its great compeers in civilization, speeds a lightning-footed courier from city to city, shore to shore, and continent to continent, proclaiming the same heaven-born message to all the world: “It’s coming yet for ’a that”’ (Edinburgh Corn Exchange; B. 23). Indeed, as this last pas-sage suggests, the idea of electricity (as connector) and the idea of Burns (as connector) were often merged in metaphorical hybrids that spoke volumes about the excitement of the occasion and the sense that this commem-orative event was also about an emergent future. Thus Burns himself was repeatedly figured as an electric force with the power to galvanize individuals and link them, both face-to-face and at a distance, as members of the same community on the basis of equality:

On this day, Burns is to us, not the memory of a departed, but the pres-ence of a living power – (enthusiastic cheering) – the electric chain which knits the hearts of Scotchmen in every part of the world. (Edinburgh, Music Hall; B. 7)

[...] although the Atlantic telegraph cable lately laid by the energy, capital and skill of two great nations, is now silent and dumb, there is a cable of poetry and song, laid nearly a hundred years ago by a simple ploughman which neither the length, the depths, nor the storms of the Atlantic can ever sever, and through which this day the electric sparks flow, making hearts in America beat warmly and in unison with those in Scotland. (Auchterarder; B. 170)

It is evident from these passages that people in 1859 were as excited about telegraphy as a figure for their modernity, and about the ‘mediated immedi-acy’ it afforded, as later generations would be about cyberspace.9 There was a sense that the barriers and distances dividing people at different locations had fallen away, and that distance was no longer an impediment to com-munication and communality. In this regard, the Burns centenary provided a foretaste of the impact of the telegraph on what Duncan Bell (2007) calls the ‘global political imagination’ of the last decades of the century.

Given the infectious excitement of the speechmakers it is tempting to adopt the participants’ perspective on the 1859 celebrations and to see the event as indeed ‘unprecedented’ and anomalous. The present collec-tion provides ample evidence that it was not. To be sure, the Burns event was exceptional in its scale, geographical spread, and popular appeal, as well as in the discourse of universal brotherhood that enveloped it. But it was also part of the broader development being mapped in this vol-ume, in which the commemoration of writers was helping to articulate

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collective identities against the background of modernization and to shape communities that were both imagined and embodied, far-flung and locally specific.

Embodied communities

One of the basic contentions of this book, as indicated in the Introduction, is that the emphasis placed by Benedict Anderson (2006) and others on the ‘imagined’ character of modern nations has tended to obscure the persist-ence of embodied assembly as a feature of modern life and the fact that the 19th century was the age of ‘monster meetings’ and city gatherings as much as of mediated, long-distance communication. A significant number of these mass demonstrations in Great Britain were orchestrated around literature. Witness the spectacular Eglinton Tournament in 1839 (which involved replaying the tournament scene in Ivanhoe, 1819), the inauguration of the Scott monument in Edinburgh in 1840, and the welcoming festival organ-ized in 1844 to celebrate the return of Burns’s sons to Scotland after years of service in India. The latter had drawn an estimated crowd of between 50,000 and 80,000 people (12 times the population of the town), many of whom were brought to the venue by railway.10 A banqueting pavilion for more than 2,000 people had been erected near the Burns monument, but this held only a small portion of all those who turned up, the number of lower-class enthusiasts taking even the organizers by surprise.11 Festivals like this offered a platform for spectacles and for drawing crowds on such a scale that they too went down in national memory as worthy of remembrance in their own right, a remembrance that was often encapsulated in take-home souvenirs available for purchase.12 They allowed people to actually share lived experiences (song, dance, spectacle, exhibitions, drinks) in the here and now of civic space while also celebrating a particular imagined tradition and performing their affiliation to it.

The Burns celebration, like the Schiller celebration later that year, was multi-sited, playing out over multiple venues rather than being concentrated in one single mass event. A prominent feature of the Burns event, moreover, was the way in which telegraphic, epistolary, and human links were estab-lished between the different locations at which people had assembled. The ‘co-presence’ and thick relations characteristic of more traditional modes of sociability were thus combined with the ‘public without a place’ character-istic of media networks.13 This co-presence was in part also orchestrated by the media.14 While telegraphs were key elements with an enormous sym-bolic value, newspapers were arguably even more important in preparing events and in reporting them for the benefit of those elsewhere (or for those who could not hear: the lack of modern acoustics meant that those present on such occasions could not always hear what was being said).15 The result was a multifarious connectedness whereby local assemblies became part

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of a national and transnational community of Burns lovers that was both imagined and rooted in embodied experience.

Commemorations worked together, as the case studies in this volume show over and again, with the erection of monuments, the publication of biographies and histories, and the restoration of buildings. Nevertheless, as I will show in the case of Burns, a closer study of the festivals themselves can provide a new perspective on the interplay between performances of memory and present-day community-building. As we shall see, the celebra-tion of Burns, as a specifically literary figure, succeeded in mobilizing and connecting different groups, and in doing so operated both ‘vertically’ among different social classes and ‘horizontally’ across different locations.

Performance and canonicity

That the 19th century was in the thrall of heroes and hero worship, as we indicated in the Introduction to this volume, is evident in the many large statues to ‘great men’ in the streets of Western cities. Burns too was multiply memorialized in the streets of Scotland and beyond (perhaps most notably in Central Park, New York, in 1880).16 In Britain indeed, the commemorations of Burns (1844, 1859), Shakespeare (1864), and Scott (1840, 1871) provided an important, but hitherto unrecognized, impulse for the civic celebrations so prominent in public culture in the late Victorian era (Cannadine 1982). Recent research led by Murray Pittock and Pauline McKay (2012) has also revealed the extent to which the cult of Burns also involved the production of small-scale memorabilia for display or use in the home, suggesting its deep-rootedness in private experience as well as in collective enthusiasm.

Hero-worship has been a bit of an embarrassment in modern literary criti-cism, more concerned as it has been with subversiveness than with pieties. Where hero-worship is acknowledged, then, it is taken at best as proof of the writer’s enduring genius (often defined in terms of radical subversive-ness and value as a resource for counter-memory); at worst as proof of the narrowness of his readers and their outdated ideas. Thus Robert Crawford refers in his recent biography of Burns (2009) to the ‘misleading nineteenth-century presentations of Burns, making him safe for many an imperialist’s dinner or parlour ornament’ that he believes to be exemplified in J.G. Lockhart’s highly influential biography of the Scottish bard. It is true that many of Burns’s eulogizers in 1859 were enthusiastic amateurs who dem-onstrated little awareness of the complexities and ambivalences that more recent critics have discerned approvingly in his poetry. But as with more recent critics, their appreciation of Burns fed into a readiness to see him as a resource for expressing contemporary values and contemporary aspir ations. However naïve some of the statements made about Burns in 1859 may seem from a contemporary perspective, the critical quality of the reactions is less important at this point than the fact that they bear testimony to the

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indubitable capacity of Burns’s poetry to mobilize people on the basis of enthusiasm and appreciation. It is this unique combination of pleasure and value that provides us with the key to the singular importance of festivals relating to writers and artists within the 19th-century ‘cult of the centen-ary’, the celebratory character of which makes it so alien to more recent cultures of commemoration where victimhood, suffering, and mourning are paramount.

Benedict Anderson has argued influentially for the centrality of novels, alongside newspapers, in helping to create the sense of a complex society in which actors living in different places were nevertheless seen as contem-poraries and shareholders in the same world (Anderson 2006).17 In keeping with such ideas, the key to the role of literature has until recently been located in its representational force while poetry and its performance in the form of recitation and song have been marginalized. The case of Burns serves as a reminder of the fact that poetry functioned as a medium of community-building alongside the novel well into the 19th century. Where a novel’s primary impact lies in the characters and world it represents, that of poetry can be said to lie in the fact that its verbal and aural pleasures, combined with its articulation of shared values, engage people’s loyalties and invite re-enactment. The latter effect was enhanced when the poetry in question was set to music, as was the case with Burns and Thomas Moore among many others.

The festivities in January 1859 provide evidence of the fact that collective identity is a matter not just of foundational narratives, but also of a shared appreciation and cultivation of ‘re-usable texts’, to recall Assmann’s defini-tion of cultural memory (see Introduction). Seen in this light, speechifying on the subject of Burns ceases to be merely quaint and becomes meaning-ful as part of the ‘cultivation’ and ‘stabilization’ of a collective self-image through an act of cultural remembrance. More specifically, as we shall see, the centenary of Burns provided a platform in which private readers became participants in a collective event and members of a community that was embodied for an evening (and that later in the century, when the fashion of Burns suppers became widespread, would be annually so).

It is impossible to analyse all the speeches of 25 January 1859 in detail, but some trends can be adduced. Since his 100th birthday provided the occa-sion, it is not surprising that Burns’s colourful biography featured largely in the celebrations, with speechmakers evoking various legends already in circulation and which, in the case of his role as ‘bard’, he himself had helped foster.18 The portraits emphasized above all his legendary rise from the position of simple ploughman to that of celebrated poet, his defence of egalitarianism and the common people, his enjoyments of the flesh, and, much less frequently, his success in writing poetry in spite of philandering and drinking.19 That the appreciation of the poetry was linked to admir-ation for the man himself was borne out by the fact that the Illustrated

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London News, which reported lavishly on the centenary on 29 January and 5 February 1859, also offered an array of illustrations bearing on the life and work of Burns and the locations associated with it (most notably images of Burns composing poetry in a ploughed field and of the various houses in which he lived). The same issues of the Illustrated London News also carried engravings of the recent celebrations in Dumfries, London (see Figure 2.2), and Montreal.

These images yield a remarkable visual contrast between the top hats, crinolines, and urban settings marking the centenary and the rustic charac-ter of the illustrations relating to the poet (where, in keeping with the myth of the ploughman poet, no mention is made of his profession as excise man or of the period he spent among the literati of Edinburgh). Ironically, the mass identification in 1859 with Burns the ‘ploughman poet’ took place from within urban settings that were significantly different from the world in which the poet was imaginatively located and fondly recollected.

Figure 2.2 Festival at the Crystal Palace, Sydenham. Illustrated London News, 5 February 1859.

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Unsurprisingly, reminiscences about the man were fed by the memory of his poems and songs as well as, in some cases, by the deeper memory of the traditional Scots airs on which they were based. Burns’s eulogizers in fact worked from a limited canon of poems, including ‘A Cotter’s Saturday Night’, ‘Scots Wha Hae’’, and, invariably, ‘A Man’s a Man for a’ That’ and ‘Auld Lang Syne’ (the love poems regularly figured in the musical interludes, but they were less prominent in the actual speechmaking). Regularly punctuated by citations and recitations, the speeches thus also activated the connectedness of all those present as lovers of poetry, who knew many of Burns’s works by heart. ‘I have no doubt whatever that if, by some extraordinary event, the writings of Burns were to be all burnt, they could be reproduced from the memories of the people of Scotland,’ one enthusiast remarked (B. 19).

This familiarity with the work of Burns in 1859 in turn begs the ques-tion of what made his poetry in particular so memorable, in the sense both of ‘unforgettable’ and of ‘worthy of being remembered’. Although the poet himself had been dead since 1796, his work clearly still spoke to later gen-erations (even apparently to city-dwellers far removed from the world of ploughmen), and lived on in print as well as in the memory of individuals. To say that some poetry is ‘timeless’ sounds clichéd, but it also points in the direction of the peculiar capacity of art works to be ‘re-usable’ at later points in time, and hence to the temporal layering that their remembrance entails: where military heroes were remembered for specific deeds and events located in the past, artists and writers were remembered for works that were still ‘alive’ in the present, that is, still capable of generating affect, provoking pleasure, and inviting re-enactment. Indeed, performing old texts anew is paradigmatic for a non-historicizing mode of remem-brance based on re-enactment that has long been overlooked but is now being traced in other memory practices of the 19th century (see Rigney 2012, 106–26).

While the capacity to be ‘alive’ in the present was true in principle of all poetry, Burns’s work seems to have been particularly susceptible for a number of reasons to re-enactment. Most obviously: since his poems were generally short and highly rhythmical, and were often sung to traditional airs, they were relatively easy to memorize. This meant both that they could reach a wide audience, including those with limited literacy, and that they lent themselves to performance.20 One of the fixed features of the hundreds of events chronicled by Ballantine, as it continues to be of New Year celebra-tions, was the communal singing of ‘Auld Lang Syne’; the Illustrated London News described how the dinner at the Edinburgh Corn Exchange ended with the entire company singing it in unison (the importance of singing has already been noted in relation to Schiller in Chapter 1).21 As the music and recitation suggest, this commemoration was less a matter of solemnly dwell-ing on the past in its pastness than of convivially enjoying the pleasures of reiteration in the present.

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Robert Crawford (2009, 156) has used the term ‘performative verse’ to describe some of the poems by Burns that were designed to provoke a scan-dalized laugh. The term also seems appropriate in characterizing Burns’s work as a whole, certainly if it is taken in its strong sense to mean not just that it was recited or sung, but that it also mobilized its listeners in the pro-cess. Often written in the mode of apostrophe and with the strong presence of a speaking subject, Burns’s poetry addresses, evokes, conjoins, exclaims, exhorts, asserts, protests. The lavish use of the vocative along with exclama-tion marks means that information is inseparable from affect and a sense of urgency, whether the subject treated be as mundane as a haggis (‘Fair fa’ your honest, sonsie face / Great chieftan o’ the Puddin-race!’), as political as liberty (‘Lay the proud usurpers low! Tyrants fall in every foe!’), or as inti-mate as seduction (‘O Mary at thy window be’; Crawford and Maclachlan 2009, 113, 154, 11). More perhaps than any other poet, Burns energizes. He calls upon a repertoire of common human references rather than recondite literary ones, the exhortative aspect of many poems extending to fleshly enjoyments: to eating, drinking, dancing, lovemaking (though sex did not figure much in the public celebrations of 1859). Perhaps most important for the discussion here, the poems celebrate and enjoin conviviality – hence presumably the connection established from an early age between remem-bering Burns and having supper. The poetry ‘premediates’ conviviality, as it were, by orchestrating it and evoking it on the basis of equality. This helps explain the hyper-canonical status of ‘A Man’s a Man for a’ That’ with its evocation of egalitarian fellowship and of ‘Auld Lang Syne’ with its evoca-tion of past, present, and future communion through remembering.

Although pleasurable attachment to Burns in particular formed the ‘electric chain’ linking all celebrants in 1859, to quote an Edinburgh speechmaker (B. 7), evocations of the ‘ploughman poet’ nevertheless overflowed into the celebration of other things. Burns provided the occasion and he was the undoubted centre of attention, but the celebration of his birthday also pro-vided an opportunity to recall other figures of value even if they had little or nothing to do either with Burns or the particular date. The centenary of ‘Robert Burns’ thus elicited praise for Shakespeare, Walter Scott, and Thomas Moore, among others, whose achievements were regularly invoked in passing by celebrants and were often even the subject of a separate toast. Scott in par-ticular came in for mention (especially in Scotland, but also, for example, in Bradford and Halifax). The compliment would be repaid at the centenary cel-ebrations of Scott’s birth in 1871 (see Chapter 3 below), where songs by Burns were performed in the intervals between toasts in honour of the ‘author of Waverley’. This drifting from one figure to another might at first sight seem a bit promiscuous. But it is not arbitrary, and shows instead that canon-icity works as a system of ‘things valuable’ rather than as a set of discrete objects. The celebration of one poet led easily to eulogies on an adjacent one, with famous writers proving interchangeable at a certain level even as the

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uniqueness of their genius was also acknowledged. From cherished writers, it was a short step to acknowledging other loci of value on the same occasion.

Illustrating this tendency to drift away from the specifics of their main subject to related objects of value, the programme of the Burns banquet in the Scottish town of Paisley listed, alongside the toast to Burns, speeches in honour of Scott, Shakespeare, Tennyson, Irish poetry and Moore, Scottish literature, the biographers of Burns, and then, leaving the realm of the arts, the peasantry, the clergy, and, finally, the ladies – who otherwise were almost entirely absent from the occasion.22 The groups doing the remembering also ensured their own place in the historical record, since the programme of the Paisley event included, alongside the groups mentioned already, toasts in honour of the chairman of the evening, the stewards and secretary, and the press. By singling out focal points for recollection and hence for inscrip-tion into the future historical record, the organizers of the event were, in Assmann’s terms, helping both to articulate and to stabilize the collective self-image for at least a generation to come.

Multiple frames

Assmann’s account of canonicity (1995, 132) presumes that the self-image conveyed by and through cultural memory relates to the ‘unity and par-ticularity’ of a given group. In the case of Burns, however, it is difficult to identify a single mnemonic community. On the contrary, as we shall see, the commemoration of the poet involved the action and interaction of multiple, often overlapping communities in ways that challenge standard accounts and call for a more dynamic conceptualization of the relation between remembrance and identity. While ‘Scottishness’ was certainly a key horizon in the appropriations of Burns and remains central to his canonicity today, the national community was only one among many.

Where other commemorations were centred in the nation’s capital (see Chapter 12 on Prešeren, for example) and were clearly aimed at ‘central-izing’ the nation, the Burns event of 1859, like that of Schiller but for dif-ferent reasons, was remarkably poly-centred in its organization. Moreover, it was remarkable for its social inclusiveness and the involvement of a wide range of organizations, from shoemakers and speculative societies to Freemasons and total abstainers. The participation of so many groups was indicative of Burns’s ability to appeal to different social classes: his work was an active agent in bridging the gap between popular and literate culture, as well as between working men with scant education and the literati of his day. Significant in this regard was the prominent presence in 1859 of the socially inclusive Freemasons, to which society Burns himself had belonged and from which, according to Crawford, he had derived many of his ideas of fellowship (Crawford 2009, 112). Importantly, the very range of venues meant that the financial threshold for participation was low – in contrast,

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the ‘national festival’ for Scott would be pitched towards a genteel audience, as we shall see in Chapter 3, while admission costs to the main events of the Shakespeare centenary in 1864 at Stratford and the Crystal Palace (Foulkes 1984) would also make them exclusive affairs, much to the disgruntlement of some working-men’s associations that took to the street in protest. The celebration of the ‘ploughman poet’ was underpinned by a potentially radi-cal egalitarianism (what Pittock 2011, 17 has called its ‘internationalist and radical mood music’), but the celebrations as such did not have their origins in radical protests but rather in a tradition of conviviality; this meant that the public discourse around Burns in 1859 was predominantly one of harmonious fellowship. Nevertheless, there were important boundaries at work within the ‘Burns’ community in 1859, and tensions below the surface of shared enthusiasm and global fellowship that were papered over for the occasion. With the poet providing a common point of reference, the speeches by his admirers projected multiple social frameworks that operated below as well as beyond the level of the nation: while all eyes were focused on the same ‘Burns’, the poet meant different things to dif-ferent people.

To begin with, variations in tone and emphasis from one meeting to another can be correlated to the social and political background of those doing the celebrating. This is most evident in Scotland, where the scale of the event meant multiple sessions in the bigger towns and cities. Take Glasgow, for instance. The main event in the City Hall was presided over by various titled VIPs and included lengthy orations on Burns, on the poets of Scotland, England, and Ireland, and on more general topics such as ‘The City of Glasgow and its City Rulers’, ‘Lord Clyde and his Companions in Arms’, ‘Colonel Burns and the Other Existing Relatives of the Poet’, ‘The Festival Committee’, ‘The Centenary Celebrations all over the World’. In contrast, the event at the Merchants Hall was presided over by gentlemen without titles or official functions, and the toasts were fewer and more focused on Burns himself. The differences in the attitudes expressed at these parallel celebrations can be illustrated with reference to differing glosses on the common point of reference: ‘A Man’s a Man for a’ That’. At the City Hall, the chairman quoted the ‘noble lines’ of Burns, ‘The Rank is but the guinea stamp; / The man’s the gowd for a’ that’, and then went on to praise the poet for his ‘Radicalism’ (‘I do not respect him the less on that account’) with the rather condescending argument that the world needs both youth-ful geniuses like Burns to keep it from standing still and the ‘fly-wheel’ of experience to keep that movement within proper bounds (B. 43). It is clear that Burns’s radicalism was accepted only at the cost of its being paternal-istically reduced to the juvenile, at the cost of its indeed being ‘made safe’, to recall Robert Crawford’s phrase.23 At the meeting at the Merchants Hall, in contrast, an extensive toast by Thomas N. Brown Esq. took the phrase ‘A Man’s a Man for a’ That’ as its leitmotif and placed Burns in a long radical

54 Ann Rigney

tradition, along with Bunyan, Wallace, and Knox, which the speaker in the process also celebrated. The same phrase was also taken up by the next speaker, who emphasized the fact that Burns ‘taught his countrymen the art of being independent, though poor’ (B. 69). This double identification with Burns’s spirit of independence stands in sharp contrast to the lack of identification with the poet’s politics that was evinced at the City Hall, where energies were concentrated instead on containing the democratic potential of the poetry and channelling the public’s enthusiasm in a more conservative direction. In both cases, the public was being invited to bond around shared values, but the values and the underlying agenda were quite different.

Since the celebrations were distributed across different venues in the larger cities, these divergent inflections of Burns’s value seem to have subsisted side by side rather than in interaction. But there were some notable excep-tions. During the more formal banquet at the Assembly Rooms in Dumfries, for example, a delegation arrived from the parallel party at Nithsdale Mills, whose spokesman expressed ‘their great pleasure as working men to see a meeting of what might be called the aristocracy of the town doing homage to one who belonged to the class of working men’ (B. 127). This particular spokesman thus construed the upper-class celebration of Burns the working-man’s poet not as paternalism, but as part of a politics of recognition. The example bears out Jan Assmann’s contention that cultural remembrance is not only about ‘stabilizing’ a society’s self-image, but also about ‘convey-ing’ it. At the same time, it also indicates that this ‘conveying’ took place both within the in-group (bonding) and in the direction of those outside it (bridging). In other words, the memory of Burns could mobilize internal coherence at a local level as well as flag communality across the borders that divided one community from another, both within the multi-national British Isles and across the Atlantic.

Local and global positionings

In The Idea of Greater Britain: Empire and the Future of World Order, 1860–1900 (2007), Duncan Bell has characterized the last four decades of the 19th cen-tury by an intense preoccupation with re-imagining the relations between the nations on the British Isles, the settler colonies, the British Empire, and the United States. As Bell shows, referring to J.R. Seeley’s Expansion of England (1881–2) as a key text, ideas of federation and confederation emerged among political theorists at this period as imaginative responses to the foreshortening of distance made possible by new technologies and by the increasingly urgent need to rethink political connectedness across the long distances of Empire given the growing desire of the colonies to become more independent (Bell 2007). Surprisingly, Bell makes no mention of litera-ture in this context. As we will see, however, the centenaries of Burns and of

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Scott (to be discussed in the next chapter) provide in different ways ample evidence that literature helped in the formulation of these new political imaginaries. The responses of Burns’s fans in 1859 reflect and articulate the complicated relations between the nations within Great Britain, between Britain and her (former) colonies, and, more generally, between the inti-mately local and the imagined global. Perhaps more than any other writer treated in this volume, however, Burns generated a discourse of universal fellowship that transcended at least in theory the presumed nexus between nationality and identity. The fact that the many local Burns clubs that had sprung up following the 1859 celebrations should have turned themselves into a world-wide ‘Burns Federation’ in 1884 bears further testimony to this idea (Mackay 1985).

Not surprisingly given Burns’s biography, the idea of ‘Scotland’ (refer-ring to the territory and its people) and of ‘Scotsmen’ (referring to ethnic Scots) is present throughout the eulogies to Burns independent of their actual location. The meaning of ‘Scottishness’ differed from one location to another, however, as did its position vis-à-vis other collective frames of remembrance. The inhabitants of Ayr, for example, saw Burns above all as a local poet whose association with the town was a source of enormous local pride. The poet had put Ayr on the map, it was claimed, on a par with the Stratford of Shakespeare or the Weimar of Goethe (Ayr; B. 99) (see Kidd 1999, 121). In other towns and cities in Scotland, the occasion was also used for voicing local civic pride at being, if not the birthplace or burial place of Burns, at least a distinctive part of the larger movement that stretched from the local community, via the national frame, to the im -agined ‘universal’ community of Scotsmen: ‘The Centenary of Robert Burns is national – (cheers) – it is universal – (renewed cheering) – for in every land where his native tongue is spoken, his lyrics sung, his genius appreci-ated, from the Indus to the Pole, there is this day expressed [...] honour to his immortal name’ (Dumfries; B. 120).

Outside Scotland the celebrations were generally organized by local Scottish-interest groups, whether a Burns Club, a Caledonian Society, a St Andrews Society, or an ad hoc association of men of Scottish descent. Reflecting the close relationship between exile, memory, and awareness of nationality, members of the Scottish diaspora used the occasion to convey, both to themselves and to their surroundings, their common attachment to Burns and to Scottish heritage.24 But given the extraterritorial location and the frequent presence of fellow-citizens who were not of Scottish descent, such eulogies regularly ended up by also placing Burns in some larger and more accommodating frame, be it Britishness, Empire, a common descent from the ‘Mother Country’, a common language, or, moving from the cul-tural to the political, a common adherence to egalitarianism. In this sense, ‘Burns’ and the appreciation of his poetry helped in connecting the Scots and the wider community.

56 Ann Rigney

The British Isles

The point can be illustrated with reference to the celebrations taking place in other parts of the British Isles. As Colin Kidd has pointed out, the British Isles by this period had experienced considerable migration among both the Scots and the Irish, leading to diasporic communities on the islands themselves.25 Celebrations of Burns were caught up accord-ingly in the elaboration of ‘the union of multiple identities’ characterizing the two islands, which had been united politically since 1800 (Brockliss and Eastwood 1999). At celebrations in England and Ireland, remember-ing Burns provided an occasion for imagining a common, multi-ethnic Britishness within which the Scottish poet took pride of place alongside the English Shakespeare and the Irish Moore (see Chapter 4), and to which people in Ireland and England ‘affiliated’ themselves by showing their appreciation of the Scottish poet. Illustrative of this invocation of Britishness was the speech made by Samuel Ferguson at the Dublin event. Ferguson, an Irish poet and scholar of Ulster-Scottish descent who was an advocate of Irish independence within the framework of union with England (Leerssen 1996, 185; Patten 2004), invoked the distinct nationali-ties within the ‘temple of British fame’ (B. 505). Pride in their national poets and the ability to share admiration for the other group’s poetry he saw as proof of the equality between the various groups constitutive of Britishness. Literature thus allowed him to imagine England, Ireland, and Scotland as part of a confederation of self-confident equals under a British parliament. When Ferguson finished speaking, the Dublin celebra-tion moved on with a toast to ‘the Arts, Science, and Literature of Ireland’ and finally to the Army and Navy, including a reference to the common experiences of fearless ‘Englishmen, Irishmen, and Scotchmen’ during the siege of Sebastopol (B. 507).

The Dublin festivities illustrate the complex ways in which the place of ‘Burns’ was negotiated within a broader British framework based on the principle of subsidiarity. It resonates with the generally accepted argument, put forward by Linda Colley, Katie Trumpener, and others, that ‘Britishness’ is in effect a Scottish invention: a broad social frame that, by allowing Scots to retain their cultural distinctiveness without being politically independ-ent, also paved the way for their mass complicity in British imperialism (we shall see further evidence of this in the commemorations of Scott).26 At the Dublin event, the step from Burns to Britishness to Empire was certainly made, but only via a connection with Ireland. In other words, the figure of Burns helped build an imaginative bridge not only between Scotland and Empire, but also, with the help of Moore, between Ireland and the Empire. Even more importantly, the mutual recognition of the other group’s ‘great writer’ was also helping to build bridges and establish parity between the various constituent nationalities of the British Isles.

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North America

The centenary in North America reveals similar complexities in which frames were linked to each other (horizontally) or embedded in each other (vertically) in a dense network of connections. Take the case of Halifax. The celebrations were organized by the North British Society and the Highland Society, many of whose members appeared in Highland dress, and were accompanied by Scottish airs played by the 62nd regiment. But while the principal frame in the Nova Scotian capital was Scottish, other imagined communities were also invoked as the need arose: Britishness, the Empire, and the English-speaking world. Thus at the formal banquet that closed the day’s events in Halifax, the Lieutenant-General of Canada expressed his pleasure at being able to join ‘in the celebration of an event which is even now being celebrated, not only in this city, but in the Mother Country, British America, the United States, in fine, Sir, over the whole world, wher-ever the English language is known (enthusiastic cheers)’ (B. 520).27 In a similar extension of the geopolitical frame, the chairman at the Toronto banquet recalled that Burns’s songs could be heard in the cottages of Scotland, Ireland, and England and that, within an even broader frame, they were ‘a part of the living language of our common race’: ‘By the echoes of their music, repeated from land to land, may fancy follow the flag of British freedom around the world’ (B. 542).

Since they were approaching the event from a position outside the Empire as such, speechmakers in the United States preferred the ‘English-speaking world’ as a transnational framework within which to recall Burns and their common appreciation of what he stood for. One of the speakers in Philadelphia invoked this Anglophone unity: ‘Wherever the English lan-guage is spoken there the name of Burns is lovingly mentioned’ (B. 594). Very ironically in view of the fact that Burns actually wrote in Scots dialect and not in standard English, his work ends up providing a common focus for globally dispersed English-language communities. Within this global Anglophone community, however, there were interestingly different per-spectives on Burns, whose significance was inflected according to geopoliti-cal location and, in some cases, political alliances. According to one of the orators in Boston, for example, the natural kinship between all those who spoke English had been reinforced by their transnational appreciation of what Burns had added to the language, namely an egalitarian spirit:

In the British Empire itself, in this glorious country of our adoption and wherever throughout the world ‘a Scot can meet a neebor Scot’ – the Englishman, the native of the green Isle of Erin, the dweller in the Canadas, the citizen of these United States, and the intelligent foreigner everywhere, sit down with their brethren from North Britain to recognize the grand moral principle which pervades the life and writings of Robert Burns. (B. 554)

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In a variation of this reading voiced at the same event in Boston, Ralph Waldo Emerson portrayed Burns specifically as the poet who had expressed the revolutionary spirit that gave rise both to the American and French Revolutions: thus Burns represented ‘in the mind of men to-day that great uprising of the middle class against the armed and privileged minorities – that uprising which worked in the American and French Revolutions’ (B. 551).28 In this interpretation, both Burns and the speaker were posi-tioned within a transnational frame that, being based on adherence to democracy and middle-class liberties rather than on ethnicity, encompassed all like-minded people across the Western world, including France. (The idea that the Scottish poet belonged in an international community based on adherence to revolutionary principles was to recur in the 20th-century Russian reception of Burns, where he was construed, however, as the bard of working-class liberties rather than of the middle-class ones evoked by Emerson; see Vlach 1965; Vasileva 2004; Vid 2004.)

The different geopolitical framings of Burns in 1859 would deserve closer analysis with reference to more of the 800 or so meetings for which docu-mentation is available. But enough has been shown to support my basic argument: celebrating Burns was not just an exercise in conviviality, but also a way of performing affiliations within the framework both of local, embod-ied communities and large-scale imagined ones, formed variously along national, diasporic, imperial, linguistic, and ideological lines. The embodied celebrations helped to bring imagined communities into being, and to re -inforce existing ones, in the very act of defining the celebrants’ relationship to the figure of Burns. It is clear that in 1859, against the background of imperialism and migration, these communities were not exclusively national or even ethnic, with local civic identities being important on the one hand and transnational affiliations between like-minded democrats on the other. The memory of Burns and its ‘electric chain’ worked across borders of various kinds, and this, I argue, provides the key to the role of literature in community-building. Where Anderson and others have empha-sized the ways in which discrete communities are imagined, the case of Burns shows how people, in remembering the poet, were also articulating new relations between communities, relations that were as much oriented towards an open-ended future in which the writings of Burns would con-tinue to be recited as they were based on a shared past.

In conclusion

For one of the speakers at the celebrations in Sydney, Burns was above all ‘cosmopolitan – a man of the world – the poet of all countries and of all times’ (B. 538) and, as such, capable of appealing across borders to a common humanity. More recent critics too have recognized and celebrated his cosmopolitan qualities. Writing against those who would reduce Burns

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to a quintessential Scottishness, Leith Davis has described his poetry as working ‘against the attempt to write a cohesive national identity’ and as warning against the ‘dangers of the fixity and fetishism of identities’ (Davis 1998, 121). Her portrait of Burns as a writer who reflexively transgressed boundaries has been echoed by Gerard Carruthers (2007, 3) in his complaint against those who demonstrate a ‘limp inflexibility to the polyvocal, boundary-denying and cosmopolitan energies drawn upon by most writers of any stature’. My analysis of the centenary celebrations of 1859 shows that his work indeed operated across social and national borders and that in this sense his memory was indeed that of a cosmopolitan, ‘a man of the world – the poet of all countries and of all times’.

Burns’s border-crossing popularity did not necessarily mean, however, that his poetry itself was construed in 1859 in the anti-essentialist terms of these recent critics who celebrate unstable identities and cosmopolitan values. Rather, his immensely broad appeal created a convivial platform in which multi-layered identities were displayed in an increasingly globalized world, inhabited by people who had themselves crossed borders, first as migrants and then as colonial settlers. At times their frame of reference was very broad indeed. But the boundary-denying discourse of global fellowship that Burns had helped formulate and that permeated the proceedings in 1859 could go only so far. In the end, of course, the ‘world’ and ‘all coun-tries’ invoked in Sydney in 1859 were only as large as the imaginations of these networked English-speakers.

The centenary of Burns in 1859 represented a celebration of poetry on an extraordinary scale, with unparalleled enthusiasm for words and music. To point out that this enthusiasm was also helping to forge affiliations, of both the egalitarian and the imperial kind, is not in any way to diminish it. On the contrary, by relating such disinterested enthusiasm for poetry to its social resonance and to its capacity to empower some groups through a common pride in ‘their’ national poet, we may understand better the role of literature in the shaping of collective identities. For what all of this suggests, I submit, is that the role of literature in 19th-century community-building was not just a matter of the way in which it represented stories of Scottishness, Britishness, Europeanness, or whatever. It was also connected to the way in which literature could bind people together through their shared appre-ciation for a particular writer: the community as fan-base rather than victim. That fan-base was local and embodied, but it was also imagined as national, confederative, diasporic, cosmopolitan – and all of these things at once. Against the background of migration and colonialism the commemoration of Burns provided a way of briefly turning imagined communities into actual embodied communities, and vice versa. The ‘unprecedented’ spec-tacle of 1859 was in many ways unique, as were the subsequent blossoming of Burns clubs and the phenomenon of Burns suppers. But they can never-theless be seen as part of an evolving relationship between modernization,

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memory, and imagined communities in which works of literature seem to have played a key role as mobilizer of an enthusiasm that was both intensely embodied and transnational in its imaginative scope.

Notes

1. This chapter is a shortened and revised version of Rigney 2011. 2. Ballantine 1859 is my principal source for what follows; further page numbers will

be given in the text, prefaced by the letter B. Unfortunately Ballantine does not identify his own individual sources, but textual evidence suggests that he relied upon a network of local correspondents. Sample cross-checks show a significant, but not complete overlap with local newspapers and other published accounts such as Celebration of the Hundredth Anniversary of the Birth of Robert Burns, by the Boston Burns Club (Boston, 1859) and The Burns Centenary: Being an Account of the Proceedings and Speeches at the Various Banquets and Meetings throughout the Kingdom (Edinburgh, 1859).

3. The event at Copenhagen consisted of a public lecture given to a predominantly British audience (B. 606). By the mid-century, Burns’s poetry had been widely translated, especially into German, French, and Dutch, and more incidentally into other European languages (including Russian, Czech, and Norwegian); for more information, see the BOSLIT database, National Library of Scotland (BOSLIT 2014). That Burns was highly influential in German is shown in Mergenthal 2011. His centenary does not seem to have been celebrated as such in other parts of Europe; if such celebrations did occur they were not part of the English-speaking network called upon by Ballantine.

4. For the history of the Burns suppers, see Mackay 1985; on the planning of the centenary, esp. 41–4. A more recent survey is given in McGinn 2011.

5. On the Victorian culture of spectacle, see T. Richards 1990. With specific reference to the public and cultural functions of the Crystal Palace, see also Auerbach 1999 and Auerbach and Hoffenberg 2008.

6. The most egregious ‘guide to the empire’ was provided by William Cullen Bryant in his New York speech: ‘If we could imagine a human being endowed with the power of making himself, through the medium of his sense, a witness of whatever is passing on the face of the globe, what a series of festivities, what successive manifestations of the love and admiration which all who speak our language bear to the great Scottish poet, would present themselves to his obser-vations, accompanying the shadow of this night in its circuit round the earth! Some twelve hours before this time he would have heard the praises of Burns recited and the songs of Burns sung on the banks of the Ganges [...] A little later, he might have heard the same sounds from the mouth of the Euphrates; later still, from the southern extremity of Africa [...] and almost at the same moment from the rocky shores of the Ionian Isles’ (B. 585). Bryant’s world tour contin-ues in florid prose via Malta, Rome, Paris, Gibraltar, Liberia, and Sierra Leone to the New World, stopping at Newfoundland, the St Lawrence, the Hudson, the Potomac, and the Mississippi, and going from there to the Rocky Mountains, Sacramento, and from whence to Australia and China: the sun never set on the Empire indeed.

7. References to the recent troubles in India were made, for example, in Edinburgh (B. 34), Glasgow (B. 59, B. 67), Jedburgh (B. 289), Montrose (B. 353).

8. With thanks to Michael Vance for making the Globe account available to me.

Burns 1859 61

9. Hugill 1999; Cookson 2003; Picker 2008. The concept of ‘mediated immediacy’ is derived from Bolter and Grusin 1999. An analysis of the social impact of the new technology is given in Marvin 1988.

10. The 1844 festival was presided over by Lord Eglinton, whose estate had become internationally renowned as the venue of the spectacular (and rain-sodden) ‘Ashby-la-Zouche’ tournament held there in 1839 in emulation of Scott’s Ivanhoe; see Anstruther 1963 and, for the broader context, Rigney 2012, 106–26.

11. The phenomenon of ‘monster meetings’ is described with specific reference to Ireland in Leerssen 2002; an extensive account of the 1844 Burns festival is given in Mackay 1985, 39–41. My general understanding of the Scottish memorializa-tion of Burns within its social context is indebted to Tyrell 2005 and Whatley 2011a and 2011b.

12. On the production of souvenir-objects as part of the cult of Burns, see Pittock and McKay 2012.

13. The distinction between these forms of sociability is made in Thompson 1995, 25.14. On co-presence as a defining feature of commemorations, see Burke 2010.15. This point was brought out with reference to large-scale political assemblies in

Ireland in Beiner 2007.16. For a survey of the many monuments to Burns, see Goodwillie 1911; Vance 2012;

Whatley 2010.17. Anderson’s discussion of the novel is elaborated in Culler 2003; see also Moretti

1998.18. On the shaping of Burns’s image as ‘Bard’, see Davis 1998, 107–28; Crawford

2009, 179–236.19. The tenacious myths surrounding Burns are discussed in McGuirk 1987 and 1997.

An ethnographic account of the Burns ‘legend’, particularly among Scottish emi-grants to North America, is offered in Brown 1984.

20. My understanding of Burns’s engagement with the song tradition and the way it cut across printed and oral culture derives from Davis 2004.

21. Choral societies and communal singing were a key feature of national and im -perialist movements in the 19th century. See Chapter 1 on Schiller, above, and Klenke 1998; Unverhau 2000; Williams 2003; J. Richards 2001; Francfort 2004. With reference to music festivals as a way of performing identities, see especially Applegate 2005.

22. Colin Kidd (1999, 118) has noted, with reference to the 19th-century cult of William Wallace, that devotion to the Scottish hero did not preclude sympathy for Polish and Italian freedom fighters. The Shakespeare centenary of 1864 did turn accidentally into a demonstration in favour of Garibaldi: Foulkes 1984. In the celebrations of Burns, however, there is little direct evidence for a European frame of reference in the realm of either literature or politics.

23. Although the discourses of 1859 have not yet been examined in all the detail they deserve, earlier studies of the Ayr celebration of 1844 have revealed some of the political stakes in these various appropriations of Burns. Andrew Tyrell (2005) for example shows that the upper-class initiators of the Ayr festival were surprised by their own inability to orchestrate the occasion in the paternalistic way they had originally envisaged. For a general discussion of the politics of the Burns recep-tion, see Whatley 2011a.

24. On the relation between exile, memory, and nationality, see Anderson 1994 and Boym 2001.

25. The significance of internal migration within the British Isles for constructions of identity is highlighted in Kidd 1991, 116.

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26. Colley 1992; Trumpener 1997; Makdisi 1998. Specifically on Burns, see Leask 2011.27. An extensive account of the Halifax Burns celebration is provided in Weeks and

Cochran 1859. With thanks to Leith Davis for making this available.28. On variations in the interpretation of the figure of Burns across North America,

see further McGuirk 1997 and Alker, Davis, and Nelson 2012.

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