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  • Building Cross-Cultural Competence

  • Building

    Cross-Cultural

    Competenceh o w t o c r e a t e w e a l t h

    f r o m c o n f l i c t i n g v a l u e s

    Charles M. Hampden-Turner

    and Fons Trompenaars

    Illustrations byDavid Lewis

    y a l e u n i v e r s i t y p r e s s

    n e w h a v e n & l o n d o n

  • Copyright 2000 by Charles Hampden-Turner and FonsTrompenaars. All rights reserved.

    This book may not be reproduced, in whole or in part, includingillustrations, in any form (beyond that copying permitted by Sections107 and 108 of the U.S. Copyright Law and except by reviewers for the

    public press), without written permission from the publishers.

    Printed in the United States of America.

    Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

    Hampden-Turner, Charles.Building cross-cultural competence : how to create wealth from

    conflicting values / Charles M. Hampden-Turnerand Fons Trompenaars.

    p. cm.Includes bibliographical references and index.

    isbn 0-300-08497-81. International business enterprisesManagement.

    2. Intercultural communication. 3. Communication inmanagementSocial aspects. I. Trompenaars, Alfons. II. Title.

    HD62.4 .H35 2000658.049dc21 00-028107

    A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

    The paper in this book meets the guidelines for permanence anddurability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book

    Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

    10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1

  • To our wives, Shelley and Cens, whose view of us is more comprehensiveAnd to Abraham Maslow, one of our earliest mentors

  • Contents

    Acknowledgments ixIntroduction 1

    1UniversalismParticularism: The Dilemma 13

    2Reconciling Universalism and Particularism:

    Stories and Cases 33

    3IndividualismCommunitarianism: The Dilemma 68

    4Reconciling Individualism and Communitarianism:

    Stories and Cases 98

    5SpecificityDiffuseness: The Dilemma 123

    6Reconciling Specificity with Diffuseness: Stories and Cases 159

    7AchievedAscribed Status: The Dilemma 189

    8Reconciling Achieved with Ascribed Status:

    Stories and Cases 209

    vii

  • 9Inner Direction versus Outer Direction: The Dilemma 234

    10Reconciling Inner and Outer Direction: Stories and Cases 267

    11Sequential and Synchronous Time: The Dilemma 295

    12Reconciling Sequential with Synchronous Time:

    Stories and Cases 320

    Appendix 1Dilemma Theory and Its Origins 345

    Appendix 2Exercises in Reconciliation 349

    Appendix 3Measuring Transcultural Competence:

    Old and New Questionnaires 353

    Appendix 4The Space Between Dimensions 359

    Bibliography 365Filmography 377

    Index 379

    viii contents

  • Acknowledgments

    The following passage from Abraham Maslows Motivation and Personality(1954) was the beginning of our quest:

    The age-old opposition between heart and head, reason and instinct, or

    cognition and conation was seen to disappear in healthy people where they

    became synergic rather than antagonists, and where conict between them

    disappears because they say the same thing and point to the same conclu-

    sion. . . .

    The dichotomy between selshness and unselshness disappears . . . be-

    cause in principle every act is both selsh and unselsh. Our subjects are si-

    multaneously very spiritual and very pagan and sensual. Duty cannot be

    contrasted with pleasure or work with play where duty is pleasure, when

    work is play. . . .

    Similar ndings have been reached for kindness-ruthlessness, concrete-

    ness-abstractness, acceptance-rebellion, self-society, adjustment-maladjust-

    ment . . . serious-humorous, Dionysian-Apollonian, introverted-extro-

    verted, intense-casual, serious-frivolous . . . mystic-realistic, active-passive,

    masculine-feminine, lust-love, Eros-Agape . . . and a thousand philosophi-

    cal dilemmas are discovered to have more than two horns, or paradoxically,

    no horns at all.

    The British author passed his sixty-fth year as this book was beingnished, as the twentieth century was drawing to an end. This has put us in a retrospective mood. We were both educated as graduate students in the United StatesCharles Hampden-Turner at Harvard and FonsTrompenaars at Wharton. Without our American friends, this book couldnever have been written.

    ix

  • Foremost among these friends are Fritz Roethlisberger, Russ Ackoff, ByBarnes, Robert Freed Bales, Paul Lawrence, Hasan Ozbekhan, GeorgeLodge, Gar Alperowitz, Peter Senge, Rosabeth Kanter, Adam Curle, War-ren Bennis, Christopher Jencks, Donald Schn, Chris Argyris, Bob Lifton,Maurice Steinall on the east coast.

    In the Bay Area, we were crucially inuenced by Gregory Bateson,Nevitt Sanford, James McGregor Burns, Rollo May, and Mimi Silbert of the Delancey Street Foundation, where dilemma theory was born. Otherimportant inuences were Frank Barron, Carl Rogers, James Hillman,John Kao, Royal Foote, Ed Lawler, and Jim OToole.

    An invaluable bridge across the world was created by the Global Busi-ness Network, especially Peter Schwartz, Jay Ogilvy, Napier Collyns, NancyMurphy, Arie de Geus, Kevin Kelly, Eamonn Kelly, Stewart Brand, EricBest, Lawrence Wilkinson, and Kees van der Heijden. It was largely thanksto Napier that we found our editors Henning Gutmann of Yale UniversityPress and Diane Taylor of John Wiley in the United Kingdom, for whosejudgment and skill we are most grateful. We are also indebted to JoeSpieler, our agent.

    Crossing cultures is by now a business, and we owe much to Milton andJanet Bennett of the Intercultural Communication Institute and their ex-tensive network, including Nancy Adler, R. S. Moorthy, Bob Textor, andAndr Laurent. And then there are the many kind and inspiring people wemeet on our journeys, especially on shared platforms. These includeTommy Koh, Edward De Bono, Richard Sennett, Elliott Jaques, Danah Zo-har, Tim Galwey, Tom Peters, Howard Gardner, David K. Hurst, CharlesHandy, Gifford Pinchot, Henry Mintzberg, Gareth Morgan, Anthony Gid-dens, James Moore, Charles M. Savage, and Jeffrey Pfeffer.

    All these individuals might have regarded themselves as too busy at thetime to pay us much attention, but from our perspective, these meetings,however brief, were memorable. Our intellectual debt to Geert Hofstede,the father of cross-cultural data bases, is also deep.

    We owe an immeasurable debt to all those who have supported us, espe-cially in our Amsterdam ofce, and at the Judge Institute of ManagementStudies at Cambridge University.

    At the TrompenaarsHampden-Turner Group in Amsterdam we owemuch to Maarten Asser, Naomi Stubb de Groot, Katherine Flook, Anne-mieke Lof-de Kok, Peter Prudhomme van Reine, Vincent Merke, Tineke

    x acknowledgments

  • Boucher, and Oscar van Weedenburg, not forgetting our man in Malay-sia, Philip Merry, and in Australia, Cheenu Srinivasan.

    At the Judge Institute our thanks go to John Child, Mary Beveridge, An-drew Brown, Nick Oliver, Jane Collier, Michael Dempster, Sven Haake,Ginger Chi, John Hendry, Sakai Sugai, Tim Minshall, Laura Luckyn-Malone, Nick OShaughnessy, Elizabeth Briggs, Malcolm Warner, GeorgeYip, Dawn Perry, and especially my voluntary assistant Rob Koepp alongwith our leader Sandra Dawson.

    Finally, our friends in Europe are too numerous to thank individually.But Jaap Leemhuis stands out, as do Georgio Inzerilli, Martin Gillo, BobGarratt, Anne Deering, Max Boisot, Marja Maijala, Peter Woolliams, FritzHaseloff, Rei Torres, Erik Bree, Bo Ekman, Brian Eno, and Gerard Fairt-lough.

    Last, but perhaps most of all, we are grateful to David Lewis, our in-spired young artist, whose sense of humor contributed much to the car-toons in this book, in addition to his outstanding graphic artistry. We arelucky to have encountered him at a forum organized by Anne Deering ofA. T. Kearney.

    Charles Hampden-TurnerCambridge UniversityJudge Institute of Management Studies24 Trumpington StreetCambridge CP2 1AGTel.: 44 1223 339700Fax: 44 1223 339701

    Fons TrompenaarsTrompenaarsHampden-Turner GroupAJ Ernstraat 595D1082 LD AmsterdamThe NetherlandsTel.: 31 20 301 6666Fax: 31 20 301 6555http://www.interculturalcompetence.com

    acknowledgments xi

  • Introduction

    We believe we have made a signicant discovery after eighteen years ofcross-cultural research. Or perhaps, in a spirit of greater humility, we haveat last noticed what has for years been staring us in the face. As AlfredNorth Whitehead put it, Everything was seen before by someone who didnot discover it.

    We nally noticed that foreign cultures are not arbitrarily or randomlydifferent from one another. They are instead mirror images of one anothersvalues, reversals of the order and sequence of looking and learning.

    Such reversals are both frightening to some people and a source of fas-cination and wonder to others of us. This book hopes to lead you throughthe fright into the fascination. The fright comes about because many of usmistake the reversal of our own value systems for a negation of what webelieve in. It is as if we were celebrating some Black Mass by reciting thescriptures backward before an inverted crucix. Satan, it is said, is left-handed, as is the reection of a right-handed person. Stay in a foreign cul-ture long enough, some believe, and you will lose your ethical mooringsand sink down into a swamp of relativism. But however frightened we feel,the culture that is a reversal of our own is in fact coherent and comprehen-sible. It works very much like our own, albeit with changed priorities. Val-ues switched over from left to right and from right to left work effectivelyand logically.

    Once we grasp this reverse view everything the foreign culture saysand does falls into place. We typically do the same when inhabiting thislooking-glass land. Cultures have always been reections of the worldmirrored in the eyes of members. Who is to say where we should look rst,

    1

  • or in which direction our eyes should scan? Neither direction is normal.Cultures have simply made different initial choices.

    We should have worked this out many years ago. After all, some culturesdrive on the left-hand side of the road and some on the right-hand side.More important, all cultures with roadways use different sides for vehiclestraveling in opposite directions.

    In China, Japan, and Southeast Asia books start at what is for westernersthe back and end at the front. Instead of reading from left to right later-ally as we do, they read from right to left and usually in vertical columns.

    Family names come second in most western cultures, with the givenname rst. This order is reversed in Sino-Japanese cultures, perhaps be-cause the family is considered prior to the person. When giving a taxi dri-ver your address in Tokyo or Beijing, the town or district comes rst, thenthe street, then the building, then the apartment number. That way he canstart to drive before you nish your instructions. Mirror image worldsmake good sense and may even have their own advantages. The initial re-versal is frightening at rst, but when we pass through the glass, wholenew worlds appear on the other side. Nor do we lose our own values;rather, we see these as our own touchstones within a wider context.

    The context of mirror image reversal is illustrated below. Here we focuson the rst three value dimensions used in this book. These are:

    UNPA(or UniversalismParticularism)INCO(or IndividualismCommunitarianism)SPDI(or SpecicityDiffuseness)

    Universalism emphasizes rules that apply to a universe of people, whileParticularism emphasizes exceptions and particular cases.

    Individualism emphasizes the individual, while Communitarianismstresses the family, organization, community, or nation in which that indi-vidual has membership.

    Specicity emphasizes precision, analysis, and getting to the point,while Diffuseness looks to wholes and to the larger context.

    But look what happens when we hold these three dimensions up to themirror (Figure 1). Apart from the mirror-writing, which is a little awkwardto read, the pairs of binary concepts have switched places and their se-

    2 introduct ion

  • quences are now reversed, so that particularism is prior to universalism,the community comes before the individual, and the diffuse whole pre-cedes the specic parts. Although the culture must still deal with the samedilemmas, the view of what is primary has shifted over to the left.

    This book describes our conventional order of things, and then comparesthis with unconventional reversals of that order, used by some (not all) for-eign cultures. In doing this we discover that what we see so clearly, someforeigners miss. What they see so clearly, most of us miss. The ideal weseek in this book is to perceive and think in both directions. This is anotherway of arguing that we must learn to think in circles, or cybernetically.

    Let us apply circular thinking to our three dimensions. Not only mustuniversal rules (Universalism) cover more and more exceptions or specialcases (Particularism), but those exceptions must be used to improve theuniversalism of our rules.

    Not only must individuals justify themselves by building families, com-panies, and communities, but communities and the social units withinthese must justify themselves by nurturing individuality among theirmembers.

    Not only must every large context be analyzed into separate elementsand specic results, but these specics must be synthesized and elabo-rated into whole and diffuse congurations.

    As you go around these circles, the rst value leads to the second, then

    introduct ion 3

    Figure 1 Culture as a Mirror Image

  • the second value leads back to the rst. Different cultures value differentarcs of the same circle, celebrating the movement from A to Z or, in othercultures, the movement from Z back to A. Although the descending arcmay seem to mock and contradict the ascending arc, and vice versa, thetruth is that these complement each other, like yin and yang. Thinking incircles, using encompassing reason, is a form of wisdom. The fashionablename for this among the consulting community is cross-cultural compe-tence, and it is this learned capacity which this book seeks to illuminate.

    In addition to the three dimensions already introduced are three others.Do cultures regard status as achieved by ones record of success or is sta-

    tus ascribed to persons for other reasons? Are cultures inner directedthatis, motivated or driven from withinor outer directedthat is, adjustingthemselves to the ow of external events? Finally, do they regard time as se-quential or seriatim, a passing line of increments, or is time synchronous,key conjunctions of events, expertly timed?

    The Ubiquity of Dilemma

    We all know the old dilemma of the chicken and the egg. Which camerst? All six value dimensions investigated in this book represent similardilemmas. Which came rstthe universal rule or the exceptional event?Which is rstthe family or the individual, the whole or the constituentelement? There is no nal answer to these dilemmas. Which is where cul-tures come in. Cultures tend to assert that to which no nal answer can begiven. The resourceful individual comes rst, says American culture.The rice-growing village comes rst, says Chinese culture. Whereverpeople are not sure about basic values, culture makes that assertion forthem, and that assertion has often meant survival or destruction.

    Consider the famous dictum of Adam Smith, that self-interest leads as ifby an invisible hand to social and public benet. Is there truth to thisproposition? Certainly. Do individuals competing with one another inserving customers thereby improve service to those customers? Yes. Is thisa truth upon which the science of economics can be squarely based? Per-haps not.

    For have we not ignored the reverse proposition? Do teams, groups, andcompanies, wherein persons cooperate harmoniously with each other,thereby serve the individual interests of their members, as if by an invis-ible hand? Certainly. Do cohesive teams encouraging high participa-

    4 introduct ion

  • tion thereby improve the morale and power of individual members? Yes.Would it not then be a wiser economic science that encompassed boththese sequences, not just one? Perhaps so.

    The circular form by which values interact is shown in Figure 2. Thedescending arc moves left and top down. This is the traditional western,individualistic view. The ascending arc moves right and bottom up. Thisis the communitarian view, held by at least half the worlds people. Notethe essential ambiguity of this illustration, based on the work of M. C. Es-cher. Who is doing the writing, and what is being written? Depending onyour culture, the Individualistic hand is assuring community benet orthe Communitarian hand is assuring individual benet.

    We recommend neither view exclusively but rather the whole circle. F. Scott Fitzgerald put it well: The test of a rst-rate intelligence is the abil-ity to hold two opposed ideas in the mind at the same time, and still retainthe ability to function. We paraphrase the remainder of this quotation:You must, for example, be able to see that just as individuals can con-tribute much to the life of the community, that community has nurturedand originates the individuality they express.

    That is intelligence of an unusual kind, yet essential to a transculturalworld.

    introduct ion 5

    Figure 2

  • What Makes Diverse People Generate Wealth?

    What does crossing cultures and being diverse have to do with wealthcreation? Obviously, traveling to other countries and reaching rm under-standings is an advantage, but is there anything beyond that? More thanwe might expect. Immigrants, refugees, outsiders, and diverse religiousand ethnic groups within cultures have so often been spectacularly suc-cessful at wealth creation that it cannot be a coincidence.

    Among the spectacular successes are the Chinese outside China, Indi-ans outside India, and Jews outside Israel. To be a stranger in a strangeland can break you, but surprisingly it often makes you. Refugees and mi-grants travel light and must rely on what they can carry between their ears.Over 50 percent of the entrepreneurs in Ashtons The Industrial Revolution(in Great Britain) turned out to be of Nonconformist religions, manyrefugees from foreign persecution. At that time Nonconformists consti-tuted 5.0 percent of the population.

    While Nonconformist entrepreneurs constituted over ten times morethan their numbers indicated, one religious sect, the Society of Friends, orQuakers, contributed forty times in excess of their numbers. The foundersof Barclays Bank, Lloyds Bank, Lloyds Insurance, Rowntrees, Cadbury, andFry were all Quakers. Quakers gave unprecedented authority to women,tithed their community to pay for apprentice training, formed a nationalnetwork of local groups, and would doff their hats to no one!

    One consequence of being diverse, religiously or ethnically, is that manycustomary avenues to upward mobility are blocked. Nonconformists werebarred from major universities and hence medicine, law, church, and gov-ernment. They did not rely on gentility, charm, conversation, and man-ners.

    What persons of highly diverse identity did and still do is substituteproducts for their personalities and sell physical things in place of them-selves. If most people will not accept you, at least they will use the thingsyou make or supply. Making tangible products is a typical survival strategyof the culturally diverse.

    Nor is this strategy purely historical. Much of Americas current wealthcomes from computer nerds and techno-freaks, consummate out-siders. Silicon Valley is Americas great success story, so where do its lead-ers come from?

    A recent study by AnnaLee Saxenian for the Public Policy Institute of

    6 introduct ion

  • California proles Silicon Valleys New Immigrant Entrepreneurs. The state-ment Silicon Valley is built on ICs refers to Indian and Chinese immi-grants, who account for at least one-third of the engineering work force ofthe regions high-technology rms. Chinese and Indian engineers, whohave immigrated to the United States steadily since 1970 to pursue gradu-ate degrees, are now running 25 percent of Silicon Valleys technologybusinesses. Immigrant-run companies accounted for $16.8 billion in salesin 1998, and created 58,282 jobs in that year alone. This constituted 17 per-cent of total sales and 14 percent of total jobs.

    The proportion of Indian and Chinese immigrants in this region isskewed toward senior positions, with fewer semiskilled workers propor-tionately than those found in the white population. Because so many ofthese immigrants run their own companies, or cluster near the top, thereare few barriers to upward mobility for Chinese and Indian employees.

    In a style similar to the Quakers, Indian and Chinese entrepreneurs arenetwork specialists. They are in touch with most members of their ethnicgroups not only in California but also in Bangalore, Delhi, Hsinchu, Tai-pei, and similar areas. They have created not a brain drain but a brain cir-culation, spending their lives traveling between Silicon Valley and home-grown centers of technology. They are more interested in world thanAmerican citizenship. The boom in electronics in Bangalore and aroundTaipei is directly traceable to the California connection.

    All immigrants need ways of engaging the outside world that will makeup for their strangeness, for the lack of what the dominant culture denesas airs and graces intelligible to that culture. Success in enterprise is amajor resort of the otherwise inarticulate, uncomfortable, and ill-tting. Adense array of dazzling products stands between them and likely prejudiceand disparagement. It is not that prejudice is good for you. It clearly isnot. What elevates the enterprising are their ways of overcoming preju-dice, from the Asian corner store that stays open twelve hours a day to thetransformation of silicon into novel forms.

    While those to the manor born are tempted to trickle away their lives inclever conversation and witty repartee, immigrants lack that option. Theymust build formidable complexes of goods and services, hiring others todo the face-to-face work. By valuing education, especially the hard sci-ences and disciplinesphysics, engineering, accounting, mathematicsthey concentrate in elds that are relatively stable and impersonal. Theyavoid most people-intensive, arts-intensive activities where their strange-

    introduct ion 7

  • ness could prove a handicap. No wonder that Silicon Valleys Chinese andIndian immigrants are underrepresented in administrative positions.

    Value Is not Added, but Reconciled

    One of the half-truths of economics is the idea of added value. InAdam Smiths pin factory, the pins went through successive stages of man-ufacture, each stage adding value until the total pin was formed andnished.

    This is an archaic vision. Modern development and manufacture is farmore complex. Since values are differences, it is fallacious to believe thatthese easily add up. Values, as we have seen, come at opposite ends of con-tinua, analyzing and synthesizing, making rules and discovering excep-tions. You cannot simply add a rule to an exception or add a synthesis to an analysis; you must integrate these, reconcile the dilemma. Exceptionsmust be integrated into a new rule, individuals must be integrated into thecommunity, analyzed pieces must be integrated into a new synthesis.

    This also applies to many products. Consider the differences incorpo-rated into an automobile. We wish it to be high-performing yet safe, to econo-mize on fuel yet accelerate sharply, to be sporty yet reliable, to give freedom tothe driver yet reassert control in emergencies, to be compact yet roomy in-side, to absorb the impact of a collision so that the occupants escape that im-pact. We want it to be low-cost yet distinctive.

    Clearly this list of values is full of contrasts. A car that performs moresluggishly is safer; acceleration uses up fuel; a compact car, all things beingequal, is less roomy; and so on. These values are in tension with each other.The conventional wisdom is that we must choose between these values, sothat a Volvo, for example, is safe and reliable but not high-performing andsporty.

    But if we look deeper, we see that despite some trade-offs, automobilesare considerably safer and better-performing, more fuel-saving and moreresponsive to the throttle than they were just a few years ago. The industryconsistently improves both values-in-tension. The makers of the originalVolkswagen beetle, for example, turned its engine sideways and put it inthe back, thus making the vehicle much roomier than comparable smallcars.

    It is not easy to reconcile economy with luxuryor freedom for the dri-ver with antiskid and crash-protection devicesbut it is possible. More-

    8 introduct ion

  • over, the greater the challenge, the greater the value created for the cus-tomer. If reconciling contrasting values is hard, instances are likely to bescarce and hence valuable.

    This principle is not conned to a single industry. We need food to begood-tasting and fast to prepare. We need computers to be complex andmultifunctional yet user friendlya considerable challenge! We needclothes to be elegant yet hard-wearing, the Internet to be open yet secureand encrypted. We need police services to assail criminals but not innocentcivilians. None of this is easy. All of this is possible.

    What is true of nished products (or services) is true of the processes in-volved in supplying these. Value conicts and clashes emerge within re-search, development, manufacturing, marketing, distribution, and after-sales service departments, and many conicts erupt between them. Yet onlythose managers and workers who are reconciled with one another can rec-oncile the supply processes, to distribute reconciled products and services.It is routine for manufacturing departments to wish to churn out quanti-ties of product that sales cannot move. Conicts are everywhere.

    Strategies are full of values-in-tension also. You create a strong strategythat everyone in the company applauds and lose sight of business opportu-nities it has failed to anticipate. You downsize the work force to save costsand nd that the low morale of your staff is being inicted on customers.You create an elaborate mission statement and nd that the changing en-vironment renders it obsolete.

    If creating wealth reconciles value differences, this would also explainwhy some immigrants have proved so adept at free enterprise. Creatingwealth solves the problems of being very different from your environment.It is a training ground for reconciliation.

    Are There Universal Dilemmas of Wealth Creation?

    Because differences abound between functions, disciplines, genders,industries, ethnic groups, and nations of the world, reconciling suchdilemmas should be an important part of creating wealth, and of develop-ing a humane, peaceful, and just system of world governance.

    Among the multiplying variations in cultural responses, many of themangry and discordant, we believe a nite number of universal dilemmas ex-ist. We cannot think of a nation, tribe, or tiddlywinks team, for example,that does not make rules and is not then shortly faced with exceptions to

    introduct ion 9

  • those rules. We cannot imagine any group anywhere that is not at times intension with the demands of its individual members. We have created sixof these archetypal dilemmas, and we plan to show that where these dif-ferences are reconciled whole organizations grow healthier, wealthier, andwiser as a consequence.

    It is true that human creativity and innovation are innitely variable, butwe see this variation as an endless series of responses to the same underly-ing dilemmas. The answer to business problems may not be to apply TheAmerican Way to every conceivable one, but to view the six dimensionsand their mirror-image reversals as alternative ways of coping with lifesexigencies. These dimensions, all reversible, create twelve different logicsthat in different combinations constitute 24 or 64 variations. If we assumea third integrative position, the number of variations rises to 729.

    Serious Humor

    There remains the need to justify the style of this book, lled with car-toon depictions. Are we dumbing down an otherwise serious work and ap-pealing to a tabloid audience? The cartoons are playful but serve a seriouspurpose. They reect the fact that cultures stereotype and satirize them-selves, creating archetypal, one-dimensional images of good and evil. Bysharing a cultures laughter, we both acknowledge the surface representa-tion and remind ourselves of the superciality and excess to which thesatirist draws our attention. The United States is like that but not likethat or it would not laugh at itself! That this is a joke signies a deeper re-ality.

    In Ancient Greece the comic cycle of plays preceded the tragedies. It wassaid that if you could not laugh, you would presently cry. In this book we ex-pose cultural stereotypes because they cannot be ignored, but everyone canand must get beyond them. For the realities lie in the subtle interaction ofsatire and satirist, in the ground between the convention and the critic. Wecannot avoid the use of polarized values, but we can be aware of our exag-geration.

    Images and congurations are necessary for another reason. Our thirddimension contrasts specic items and units with diffuse wholes. Num-bers and words are specic. Patterns, congurations, and images are dif-fuse. Hence a book on culture which lacks visual-spatial forms of explana-tion is biased against diffuse cultures and fails to convey their experiences.

    10 introduct ion

  • The use of Chinese kanji, or picture words, primarily conveying compositemeanings; the recently published Japan Inc., by Shotaro Ishinomori, con-sisting largely of strip cartoons translated (by Alan G. Gleason) fromJapanese; even the manga read by sober Japanese commuters on the sub-wayare all evidences of diffuse ways of thinking not conned to artistsand children.

    The Six Dimensions of Cultural Diversity

    Some fourteen years of research, largely conducted by Fons Trompe-naars and based on his doctoral thesis at University of PennsylvaniasWharton School of Finance, has resulted in a sample of forty-six thousandmanagers from more than forty countries on at least six dimensions:

    1. Universalism Particularism(rules, codes, laws, (exceptions, special circumstances,and generalizations) unique relations)

    2. Individualism Communitarianism(personal freedom, human (social responsibility, harmoniousrights, competitiveness) relations, cooperation)

    3. Specicity Diffusion(atomistic, reductive (holistic, elaborativeanalytic, objective) synthetic, relational)

    4. Achieved status Ascribed status(what youve done, (who you are, your potentialyour track record) and connections)

    5. Inner direction Outer direction(conscience and (examples and inuencesconvictions are located inside) are located outside)

    6. Sequential time Synchronous time(time is a race along (time is a dance of nea set course) coordinations)

    The odd-numbered chapters in this book explore and describe the par-ticular dilemma or values dimension.

    The even-numbered chapters describe how these dilemmas have beenreconciled, using both storytelling and business case studies to show howorganizational dilemmas have been resolved to create wealth.

    introduct ion 11

  • The odd-numbered chapters detail

    How the dilemma is dened How we measure the dimension Why American business culture is that way At its best, this culture . . . But taken too far . . . At its best, this (contrasting) culture . . . But taken too far . . . Culture clashes and derivative conicts: in business, industry, religion,

    society, science, ethics, and politics

    The even-numbered chapters (with exception of Chapter 2, which has abroader framework) detail:

    Stories told by American culture Mirror-image stories told by contrasting cultures Domination or reconciliation Business cases 1, 2, 3, etc. Vicious and virtuous circles

    12 introduct ion

  • 1 UniversalismParticularism

    t h e d i l e m m a

    The view taken here is that all values take the form of dilemmas. Wewould not even know what a universal rule was unless we could contrast itwith an exception, a not-rule. Evaluative terms are differences on a (usu-ally) tacit continuum. When we say this object is the same as others, weare insisting that it is not different.

    Why do values such as UniversalismParticularism constitute a dilem-ma? Because we have a difcult choice. We can search for those many re-spects in which two or more objects/people are the same. Or we can searchfor the many respects in which these are different. We can, for example, in-sist that men and women are both human and should be treated the same,thereby upholding the universal rights of both genders. Alternatively wecan insist that men and women are different and should be treated differ-ently. Each approach has advantages, but also serious disadvantages. Somecultures, in the United States especially, stress sameness regarding gen-der. Others cry Vive la difference.

    How the Dilemma Is Dened

    Universalism Particularism(rules, codes, laws, (exceptions, circumstances,and generalizations) relations)

    Should we apply to this situation the most appropriate rule, even if thet is inexact, or do special circumstances and unique occurrences raisequestions about the rule itself?

    13

  • Consider the contrast between two eggs shown in Figure 1.1. On the leftare universal hens eggs, a popular commodity. On the right is a Fabergegg, a unique and decorated work of art.

    Universalism searches for same- Particularism searches for differ-ness and similarity and tries to ences, for unique and exceptionalimpose on all members of a class forms of distinction that renderor universe the laws of their com- phenomena incomparable andmonality. of matchless quality.

    Since every situation we encounter is in some respects similar to earliersituations and in some respects different, whether we apply customaryrules or new circumstances is a dilemma that keeps recurring.

    Take the following corporate rule: All employees with one year of ser-vice may buy X number of company shares at a 5 percent discount. Thisapplies equally to all members of the universe, and no exceptions shouldbe made. If the CEOs nephew is an employee, for example, he should havethe same entitlement, with the same limits, as any other employee. To ex-tend special favors to himsay, a 10 percent discountis nepotism andfavoritism.

    Universalism is important in both legal and scientic spheres. Com-mon law requires that every citizen be treated in common and that noth-ing be done to obstruct the course of justice. However, courts take into

    14 universal ism part icular ism

    Figure 1.1

  • consideration mitigating circumstances, that is, the exceptional character-istics of a case.

    Scientic laws must also be tested, so that if there are exceptions to thescope of any law this will be discovered. Strictly speaking, scientic lawscannot be proved. They can only be refuted, so we generally extend laws,principles, and technologies until such time as exceptions multiply, inwhich case the law is either wrong or has reached the limits of its uni-verse. Newtonian physics, for example, cannot be applied to subatomicphenomena. These are beyond the range of its applicability.

    Particularism refers to the claim that a particular event or phenomenon isoutside the scope of any rules and is sui generis, of its own particular kind.The nephew of the CEO could receive shares at a 10 percent discount if his uncle made him a present of the difference. But he is doing this as an un-cle for a particular relative and not as a CEO handing out a universal employeeentitlement. In practice, it can be difcult to separate the two roles and keepthe benets of kinship and friendship apart from the fair administration ofrights and entitlements. It is for this reason that we measure UniversalismParticularism by telling stories in which both values clash.

    How We Measure UniversalismParticularism

    We measure the extent to which different cultures are universalist orparticularist by presenting a dilemma and forcing a choice upon respon-dents. One of our questions poses the following dilemma.

    You are riding in a car driven by a close friend. He hits a pedestrian. Youknow he was going at least thirty-ve miles per hour in an area of the citywhere the maximum allowed speed is twenty miles per hour. There are nowitnesses other than you. His lawyer says that if you testify under oath thathe was driving only twenty miles per hour, you will save him from seriousconsequences.

    What right has your friend to expect you to protect him?

    1a. My friend has a denite right as a friend to expect me to testify to thelower speed.

    1b. He has some right as a friend to expect me to testify to the lower speed.1c. He has no right as a friend to expect me to testify to the lower speed.

    What do you think you would do in view of the obligations of a swornwitness and the obligation to your friend?

    the d ilemma 15

  • 1d. Testify that he was going twenty miles per hour.1e. Not testify that he was going twenty miles per hour.

    The results of this research are interesting (Figure 1.2). Seven out ofeight of the most universalist countries are Protestant and stable democ-racies: Switzerland, the United States, Canada, Sweden, Australia, theUnited Kingdom, and the Netherlands. Ireland is the exception, but thiscountry was under British rule until 1921 and shares a common law tradi-tion. Catholics are, on the whole, less universalist: see the scores for Brazil,Spain, Poland, France, Mexico, Cuba, and Venezuela. Buddhist, Confu-cian, Hindu, and Shinto countries are more particularist still: see SouthKorea, China, Indonesia, Nepal, Japan, and Singapore.

    Another variable would seem to be trust in the legal system. This isknown to be low in Venezuela, Nepal, South Korea, Russia, and China.Without acceptance of national regulations it is difcult to universalize theduty to uphold the legal system. Because people can usually trust theirfriends, however bad the legal system, in turbulent times citizens tend tocount only on friends and family.

    Why Is American Culture Universalist?

    We ask this question not because we are exclusively concerned with theUnited States but because America has contributed disproportionately to

    16 universal ism part icular ism

    Figure 1.2 The Car and the Pedestrian

  • the total volume of business studies. It is therefore crucial to ask: What as-pects of business studies consist of North American cultural preferences?We need to distinguish between what promotes wealth creation and whatwealth creators in the United States espouse. The answers are not neces-sarily the same.

    The business culture of the United States is universalist because:

    Protestants teach that Gods word has been codied in the Bible for Hisfaithful to read (Switzerland, where Calvinism originated, scores evenhigher in Universalism than does the United States).

    The founders created a New World or universe, with a written constitu-tion and a Declaration of Independence.

    Most immigrants to the United States over three centuries have been in-vited to share American beliefs and pledge their allegiance.

    Immigrants have voluntarily relegated their ethnic origins, places ofbirth, and so forth to a commitment to a new belief system.

    Protestant cosmology holds that God wound up a celestial clock and bidHis saints to discover, through science, how it worked.

    The European Enlightenment doctrine of Americas founders com-mended discovery, science, laws, and methodologies of inquiry.

    Early in the twentieth century, educators codied professional businesseducation, which was systematized and mastered (hence the MBA) in anattempt to create an administrative science.

    As the United States has grown more and more powerful economicallyand militarily, it has been increasingly able to develop and enforce uponthe world its own rules.

    Because many of the foreigners Americans meet are also recent immi-grants, there is a tendency to assume that everyone, everywhere wouldAmericanize if they could and knew how.

    The process of global westernization and the ubiquity of the English lan-guage in world business reinforces the impression that The AmericanWay is universally acceptable.

    When someone speaks your language, you tend to assume that they alsoshare your thoughts and assumptions.

    At Its Best . . .

    The universalist culture accepts and serves all comers equally, whetherthey want citizenship or hamburgers. The sheer variety of ethnic groups

    the d ilemma 17

  • coming to America and living prosperously, for the most part, under therule of law, is without precedent in the world.

    None of this could work unless the citizens themselves could choosetheir lawmakers. A universalist society counts every vote, even if it cannotmake every vote count. Free and fair elections are crucial to a universalistculture.

    18 universal ism part icular ism

    Figure 1.3

  • An extraordinary feature of a culture high in Universalism is that evenpeople of extraordinary power with many particular relationships can beforced to yield to the supremacy of law. As Archibald Cox, special prosecu-tor for the Watergate investigations, put it just before President Nixon redhim, Whether this is to be a government of laws or men, must now be de-cided. It turned out to be a government of laws, and Nixon was forced toresign to avoid impeachment.

    The great strength of American Universalism is its tolerance for diver-sity. When the United States welcomed Albert Einstein to its shores it notonly protested anti-Semitism, it included a scientist who would eventuallyadvise Roosevelt on the potential of atomic weapons. What might havebeen German science and weaponry became American.

    Universalism celebrates science and technology in general. From light-bulbs to telephones to space exploration to the computer revolution to theInternet, the United States leads the world in Nobel Prizes won and in thepractical applications of scientic principles. The search for new laws is anall-consuming passion (Figure 1.3).

    And, of course, Universalism is crucial to mass manufacturing andmass marketing. Americas huge domestic market, created by the millionswho choose to live under its laws, has created a larger universal massthan exists anywhere else in the world. Universalism pays off when theuniverse is large. Moreover, prices fall as scale increases. When HenryFord doubled the wages of his workers, much to his shareholders anger,he put the Model T within reach of his own workers. America is the homeof the valuable, cheap commodity, with so many competitors that the lawsof neoclassical economics actually work and real prices fall continually.

    But Taken Too Far . . .

    No single end of a values dimension is an unlimited good. Not every-thing in life can be easily rubricated. There are whole subjects and areas ofcultural interest that are particularistthe arts, for example, and the spiri-tuality of people (see Figure 1.4).

    American Universalism and general enthusiasm for simplistic moralformulas have led to televangelism and fundamentalist dogmas. From thenineteenth century onward spiritual technology has been popular, andwe have seen endlessly repeated the career of the Reverend Dimmesdale inThe Scarlet Letter, where the ascent of his rhetoric was accompanied by the

    the d ilemma 19

  • Figure 1.4

  • descent of his trousers. Scandal follows on scandal, yet instant salvation re-mains in high demandfast food for spiritual starvation.

    Dale Carnegies best-seller How to Win Friends and Inuence People re-mains a foremost example of the technological approach to friendship. Re-membering and repeating peoples names during a conversation and lav-ishing them with praise are typical keys to unlock friendship. That youmight enjoy the unique particularity of your friend and share somethingincomparable seems to be of no interest!

    The stereotyped nature of universal criteria is never more obviousthan in beauty pageants, where the measurements and sentiments of MissAmerica are ludicrously limited to a narrowly construed ideal of beautythat excludes 90 percent of women. That such contests are under assaultfrom those advocating greater political correctness merely shows how oldformulas are attacked by newer ones. The formulas remain. At AntiochCollege, for example, each level of sexual intimacy between students mustbe formally negotiated.

    Although many scientic laws are nonlinear, cultural scientism tendsto maximize forces borrowed from nineteenth-century physics and deemedobjective. Quantity is seen as good in itself. Hence you must be 100 per-cent American, more received in your wisdom than anyone else. Not longago citizens of less than 100 percent purity could be summoned before theHouse Un-American Activities Committee or put on a Hollywood black-list. That certain thoughts can be classied in advance as subversive re-gardless of context is evidence of a vulgar, doctrinal Universalism. Bench-marking, the comparative measurement of industrial processes, tends toassume that the major challenge is doing things right, as opposed to doingthe right things. But this assumption is only occasionally true and leads todoing the right things being overlooked in the search for perfection.

    Finally, an excess of Universalism results in a litigious society and thelawyer from hell sitting in Reception with nightmare news. Apparently,America requires twenty-two times as many lawyers per capita as Japan.The phenomenon of the lawyer joke in America is testimony: Give methree reasons why they are using lawyers instead of rats in animal experi-ments.

    1. Because there are more lawyers than rats2. Because research assistants feel sorrier for the rats3. Because there are some things that rats wont do

    the d ilemma 21

  • The number of lawyers has doubled since the sixties. As more law stu-dents pass the bar, more litigation is stirred up, and each disagreeable ex-perience is universalized into a federal case.

    At Its Best . . .

    A particularist culture celebrates what is unique and incomparableabout people, situation, and events. If we were afraid of the unprecedentedor the original, we could not create. Before the general rule must come theevents or phenomena concerning which the rule is made. When a cus-tomer demands a new level of service, do we curse him for being muchmore particular than other customers, or do we grasp that a particular re-quest today could well start a universal trend in the future?

    Customization, where the product is specially made for the recipient, isan important source of prototype devices. The scarcity that enhances val-ues is not simply a scarcity of the skills needed to be at the leading edge ofdevelopment, but the scarcity of really close, really complex relationships.There is no time to have more than a few particular friends and associ-ates. The individual who builds unique mutualities is in a very strong po-sition.

    Somewhat more particularist cultures like France are famous for certainsuperlative productshaute cuisine, haute couture, gourmet foods, newines, exquisite furnitureall dedicated to the well-developed tastes ofthe connoisseur. For Particularism is an aesthetic, a fellowship of renedsensibilities (Figure 1.5).

    Particularism is also involved in our intimate and passionate relation-ships. There has never been a love like ours, a passion like ours, an under-standing like ours. Moments of life are endowed with eternal signicancea glance, a smile abounds with subtlety and meaning. In ambiguity, irony,and suggestion lie the most elusive yet most enchanting experiences.

    Particularist phenomena, like Japanese ower arrangements, Zen rocksin an ever-changing garden, and the elegance of a handmade broom ofgreen birch sticks, are closer to nature. Living systems, although governedby biological laws, have the aspect of growth, owering wildness, chaos,and vitality. Shinto, a Japanese religion based in nature, takes inspirationfrom the tumultuous, the blooming, and the owing. To be alive is to breakout of the serried ranks of uniformity and be a person like no other.

    22 universal ism part icular ism

  • Figure 1.5

  • But Taken Too Far . . .

    A particularist culture becomes hostile to human rights and universaliz-ing claims of equality. This has happened in East Asia, in Serbias ethniccleansing, and in the resistance to universal human rights found in some ar-eas of the United States. Hence the Ku Klux Klan sets re to crosses, trans-forming a symbol of worship into an object of terror. This group is racist,anti-Semitic, anti-Catholic, and anti-Communist and claims to be protectingwhite society against rampaging ethnic diversity. White men wearing bed-sheets believe themselves descended from the clans of Old Scotland.

    Another strand of Particularism attacks science, with Eastern reli-gions, obscurantist mysticism, Hippie happenings, and mind-expand-ing drugs, and by deliberate reversals of conventional values, as typied bythe counterculture. We are the people our parents warned us against.

    Without the sanction of legality, Particularism often resorts to powerand coercion, using intimidation, mystication, complicity, and conspir-acy. The Maa and criminal gangs are particularistic, whether in Sicily, theUnited States, or Russia. The loyalty is to the extended family, but violencerules beyond its bounds. There is no way of resolving rival particularities,in the absence of law, save through force. The historic quarrel between theMontagues and Capulets in Romeo and Juliet, which resulted in the deathof two lovers, is a moral fable about Particularism.

    Nationalism, tribalism, super-patriotism, and appeals to ethnic identityare all particularistic (Figure 1.6). International law does not apply to theFrench agents who sank The Rainbow Warrior in New Zealand. French in-terests came before lawful international conduct.

    Much Particularism in the world is a protest against rules imposed fromthe outside by cultures seen as foreign. Such rules are not legislated inter-nally but generalized across the globe and mandated by alien inuence.What is considered sacred and religious is affronted by the Great Satanof American Universalism, intent on turning the world into a fast-foodemporiumhence the assaults by French protesters against McDonaldsrestaurants. Protests are likely to be violent and hatred unremitting be-cause the plea But we are different goes unheard.

    Especially perilous is Particularism dressed up as Universalism. Thishappened in the United States during the Prohibition era (19181933)when the Eighteenth Amendment banned alcohol. Ostensibly this was auniversal answer to crime, divorce, alcohol addiction, and electoral block

    24 universal ism part icular ism

  • Figure 1.6

  • votes delivered by intoxicated mobs rounded up by political bosses. But ifwe note how people actually behaved, we see that this was a struggle be-tween older, rural-based immigrants to America against the urban inuxof newer Irish, German, and southern European immigrants. The attackwas upon them as new, less moral immigrants. The amendment waslater repealed.

    Culture Clashes and Derivative Conicts: In Business and Industry

    The clash between Universalism and Particularism takes many forms.There are family resemblances in different aspects of business.

    One example is the historic clash between scientic management, amost universalist approach to business introduced by engineer-inventorFrederick Winslow Taylor, and the human relations movement, champi-oned by Elton Mayo and by Fritz Roethlisberger of Harvard BusinessSchool and culminating in the famous Hawthorne Experiment.

    Taylor, followed by Henry Ford and efciency experts in general, ar-gued that an engineering-type discipline could be imposed on blue-collarfactory workers to make them substantially more productive. They were toperform a carefully specied number of simple hand motions and whenthese reached the standard set for them, incremental piecework incentiveswere to be paid.

    Taylor believed that his methods would resolve all industrial conicts,since the one best way of working could be mathematically demon-strated in advance. Business hoping to remain competitive and workersseeking continued employment must yield to the verdicts of science(Figure 1.7).

    Mayo and Roethlisberger investigated the phenomenon of work restric-tion, the deliberate attempt by a work force to restrict output and hold downthe level of productivitysometimes organized by unions, but usually aform of spontaneous revolt against coercion and dehumanization in theworkplace. Against the formal system of required tasks and interactions,there arose an informal system that sought to defy management, by meansof sabotage, featherbedding, and the social ostracism of rate busters,high-producing workers.

    While scientic management is now discredited, operations researchand more ominously reengineering have taken their toll on human rela-tionships in the workplace.

    26 universal ism part icular ism

  • Figure 1.7

  • What gave scientic management its vast momentum were the tri-umphs of the Machine Age, especially mass manufacturing and its accom-paniment, mass marketing. These swept all before them from the earlytwenties to the late sixties.

    UniversalismParticularism also elucidates the two contrasting strate-gies of developing core competence and getting close to the customer. This is be-cause core competence, like Intel Inside, is a core scientic development,while closeness to customers makes every relationship particular. Such re-lationships may include jointly developed strategies and shared secrets.

    Another contrast is between low-cost strategy, which utilizes the near-universal appeal of cheapness, and premium strategies, which stress theuniqueness, incomparability, and status of owning a product. Like Mot etChandon champagne, the premium product has a cachet, a hiddenvirtue. It is of note that both the champagne and the word are French.Both premium quality and closeness to the customer inspire loyalty. Cus-tomers may continue to buy from you and advise you, even when protsand revenues are heading down. They may provide you with a crucial sec-ond chance.

    Another common polarization that reects UniversalismParticular-ism is the distinction between global corporations, typically centralized ontheir home country, and multinational corporations, with highly decen-tralized business units particular to their local cultures. The distinctionwas made by Christopher Bartlett and Sumantra Ghoshal and is taken upin Chapter 2.

    The global corporation has the advantage of world scale for productsthat have much the same function everywhere, for example, microchips,VHS recorders, and fax machines. The multinational corporation has theadvantage of tting into diverse cultural niches. For example, taste in foodand styles of washing and cleaning are particular to different cultures.Hence AT&T is typical of a global, universalist corporation, while Unileveris typical of a multinational, particularist corporation (Figure 1.8).

    Culture Clashes and Derivative Conicts:In Religion, Politics, and Society

    The tension between Universalism and Particularism spills over into re-ligion, politics, and society. We have already seen that Protestant culturesscore higher on the Universalism scale than most Catholic cultures. The

    28 universal ism part icular ism

  • Figure 1.8

  • image of Jesus is less commonly featured in Protestant liturgy. The cross isusually depicted baremore an abstract, universal symbol, than the por-trait of a real event. Protestants worship God as the word. For Catholicsthe crucixion is depicted in elaborate detail, blood trickling from thecrown of thorns. A very particular being is suffering in very particularways.

    Universalist cultures seek moral absolutes, typied by the Ten Com-mandments; for particularist cultures, it depends. Indulgence maysometimes be extended, and forgiveness follows confession and repen-tance. In Japanese culture, multiple points of view coexist. The ideal is tond a harmony among the varied particulars of nature. The relativist viewis well expressed in Ecclesiastes: To everything there is a season. . . . A timeto break down and a time to build up; A time to weep, and a time to laugh.

    Universalism has always sought a higher law. Its classic expression isthe Writing of the Wall at Belshazzars Feast in ancient Babylon. Despitethe kings magnicence and power, the ceremony was interrupted by ahand that wrote, You have been weighed in the balance and found want-ing. His kingdom collapsed on the morrow. Particularist cultures appealto the mystery, magnicence, and splendor of kings. Louis XIV, the SunKing, is an example of French Particularism and grandeur.

    The argument carries into architecture and literary criticism (Figure1.9). The so-called international school of architecture is an expression ofmodernism. It is international because geometric forms and simplefunctions were deemed to be the same everywhere. Technology drives con-struction and is global in its scope and predictable in its application. It isthe machine aestheticabstract, intellectual, numerate, with at or curvi-linear, undecorated surfaces. Because it was reproducible anywhere it wasuniversal. Its advocates were Mies van der Rohe, Walter Gropius, and LeCorbusier.

    In contrast to this trend is postmodernism, which reintroduces the ex-pressive ourishes of particular architects. A famous example is PhilipJohnsons AT&T building in Manhattan, which looks like a grandfatherclock with a Chippendale pediment and is ironic and ambiguous, withmultiple meanings.

    Postmodernism also attacks logo-centrism, the idea that great writershave a singular message to impart and that novels have a meaning andlogic the critic can grasp and expound. On the contrary, postmodernistsand deconstructionists say, great novels have multiple meanings, capable

    30 universal ism part icular ism

  • Figure 1.9

  • of being interpreted by readers with diverse life experiences according totheir particular outlooks. Some have criticized logo-centrism, the belief insome logical unity of all things, for privileging certain interpretations, es-pecially those of dead, white European males and bastions of academic or-thodoxy.

    It would be absurd to call Universalism right and Particularismwrong, or vice versa. We all need to generalize to some restricted uni-verse of members, and we all need to know when this process has to stop.Rules need exceptions to keep them relevant and just. Exceptions needrules to prove their exceptionality.

    Cultures with great enthusiasm for universals sometimes go too far. In1972, for example, the Pruitt-Igoe high-rise public housing project in St.Louis, Missouri, had to be dynamited down. Yet it had won prizes from theenthusiastic advocates of the international school. It may have been logi-cal to store the poor vertically, thus saving on land costs, but the residentshated it. The buildings became nests for crime, which proved impossibleto police. The formal system was overwhelmed by informal systems, andthe universalists confronted a host of unpredicted events that reproachedtheir science.

    But these examples should not be used to argue against universalizingas a process. They should stand as a warning against doing so rashly andprecipitously.

    Particularism taken too far may be even more objectionable. Up to 2 mil-lion ethnic Albanians, most of the Muslim faith, were recently cleansedfrom Kosovo because the land claims of Orthodox Christian and ex-Com-munist Serbs were regarded as superior. The expulsion was not for crimescommitted but for ethnic identity itself. This kind of ultranationalism rep-resents Particularism gone mad and is reminiscent of the Nazi era. As theNATO bombing showed, this kind of activity is widely condemned by in-ternationalist forces as a deance of their Universalist creed.

    We have a choice then. We can claim that Particularist cultures, whowould bear false witness, are not t to share this earth with us truth-tellers.Alternatively, we can claim that Universalist cultures, who would not evenhelp their best friends in trouble, are too bloodless to belong to the familyof humanity. There is fuel for righteous indignation at both poles.

    But there is a third option, explored in Chapter 2. We can ask what rulesand exceptions have to teach one another and how to create an integrity ofthe two. To this cross-cultural learning process we now turn.

    32 universal ism part icular ism

  • Our position is that human integrity inheres not in universal codes orparticular instances, but in the mutual development of the entire contin-uum. As William Blake put it, He who would do good must do it inminute particulars. If good is the universal abstraction, then this mustbe instanced in many particular acts covered by that rule.

    We show in this chapter that wealth is created and value added whencontrasting values are reconciled. What effective business offers customersis the proceeds of its organizational integrity. These high-level integrationsare incorporated into products and/or services.

    We look rst at the stories cultures tell that idealize their favorite valuesbut typically include the contrasting value as well. Hence an Americanstory will put Universalism rst, but a French story may put Particularismrst. We then show how reconciling both values is superior to imposingour own rules or particular interests on others. We nally turn to businesscases in which reconciliation has proved advantageous and has helped cre-ate wealth and to moral issues in general. Finally, we warn against the vi-cious circle, the degenerative spiral.

    The sequence of our argument is as follows.

    1. A story told by a universalist culture2. A (mirror-image) story told by a particularist culture3. The particular exception tests the universal rule4. Freedom exists within the law5. Corporate stories reveal the culture6. How we managed a copyright dispute

    33

    2 Reconciling Universalism and Particularism

    s t o r i e s a n d c a s e s

  • 7. Beyond globalism and multiculturalism8. Business strategies of universal and particular appeal9. New paradigms create scientic revolutions

    10. Developing moral judgment11. Culture as a fractal phenomenon12. Vicious and virtuous circles13. The answer lies not in values but in their interactions

    All these illustrations show how universals interact with particulars forgood or for ill. It is not the existence of universal rules and particular ex-ceptions that elevates or dooms a culture, but the quality of their relation-ship.

    A Story Told by a Universalist Culture

    A very powerful way of passing on your culture is through storytelling.The story features a crisis or dilemma, which the American hero or pro-tagonist solves by putting universalism rst. Such stories have an almostmythic and archetypal structure within the culture.

    One story was told by the American director Fred Zinnemann in HighNoon. Here, the towns marshal must place his sworn legal duty before hishoneymoon and his private happiness. The story begins as the towns mar-shal, Will Kane, is marrying Amy Fowler, his Quaker bride. They are re-ceiving the congratulations of a small wedding party, including the townsjudge and selectmen. Will takes off his gun and his badge and hangs theseon a peg. The gesture is symbolic. He has just resigned his job. Tomorrowthe new marshal arrives. There are jokes about him becoming a store-keeper. Amy will insist. They prepare to leave on their honeymoon.

    Here is a lm occurring in real time. It starts at 10:50 am and reachesits climax seventy minutes later, so that the audience and the protagonistsjoin in counting the minutes to high noon. The wedding party is rudelyinterrupted by the telegraph operator from the railroad station, bearing amessage that Frank Miller, arrested by Will and sentenced to death by thejudge ve years ago, has been unaccountably pardoned by up-state politi-cians. He is arriving by the noon train in Hadleyville. He has sworn to killboth marshal and judge.

    The immediate reaction of the wedding party is that Will and Amyshould leave for their honeymoon without delay. He must think of Amy

    34 universal ism part icular ism

  • now. He is no longer marshal. The couple drive quickly out of town, buttwo miles down the road Will reins in the horses.

    He cannot run away, he tells her. If they run now, they will always be run-ning. This is their town, their people. Although he is no longer the mar-shal, he is the same man who put Frank Miller away last time and whomFrank Miller hates. Amy is furious. She has seen both her brothers shotand is a convert to Quakerism. Will is asking her to wait until noon to dis-cover whether she is a wife or a widow. She wont do it. If he does not comewith her now, she will be on that noon train when it leaves.

    In the meantime, Ben Miller, Franks brother, and two other gunslingersare riding ostentatiously through town. They will meet the noon train andthen ride back into town wreaking vengeancethe Four Horsemen of theApocalypse bringing to an end the brief security and quietude the townhad recently enjoyed. Frank has his supporters in the town: the gamblers,gunsmiths, drinkers, and cofn-makers.

    The rst man to ee is the town judge. At Indian Falls last year thetownspeople offered up their law enforcement ofcials to gunmen. He isnot exposing himself to that. Will then contacts his deputy marshal, but theyoung man has a grievance. Why was he not offered Kanes job? Why wasanother marshal appointed? Kane cannot say. It was not his decision. Thedeputy tries to sell his services in the present crisis in exchange for themarshals job. But Will is not buying. The deputy quits.

    Now desperate, Will interrupts the Sunday service at the local church toplead for deputies. The minister invokes Thou shall not kill and re-proaches Will for not getting married in that church. Several worshippersask if this is not a private quarrel. Is it not true that Frank Miller and Willquarreled over Helen Ramirez, the Mexican owner of the towns hotel?(Will saved Helen from Franks sts.) Why should the town intervene in agrudge match?

    Others complain that the state has never given them sufcient law en-forcement funds. Are they now expected to risk their own lives after payingtaxes? But it is Wills friend, the chief selectman, who puts in the knife.Who will invest in this town if they hear of gunghts in the street? Its badfor business. Will is the best marshal we ever had, but if he is gone whenFrank comes, there wont be any ghting. Will should not have come backfrom his honeymoon. Even Helen Ramirez acts to stop her male businesspartner from joining Will. She wants to sell him her hotel and get out oftown before Frank beats her up.

    stories and cases 35

  • 36 universal ism part icular ism

    One by one the pillars of the community desert Will. Even the one whovolunteered backs out when told there are only two of them. But now thetrain is arriving. Amy and Helen get on. Amy gets off again. She cannotleave Will. The Four Horsemen ride into town where Will alone waits tooppose them.

    The theme song tells of Will Kanes dilemma: Oh to be torn twixt loveand duty/Sposing I lose my fair-haired beauty? He faces not simplydeath but desertion by all he holds dear: Do not forsake me, oh my dar-ling/On this our wedding day.

    Schematically we can depict the story as a struggle between Universal-ism, or the Rule of Law, and Particularism, or private devotion to anotherperson (Figure 2.1).

    On the vertical diagram is the duty Will has as a lawman to the uni-verse of townspeople, not to mention the spread of American civilizationinto the wilderness of lawlessness. On the horizontal dimension is the par-ticular love and intimacy he feels toward his new bride, who abhors vio-lence.

    Figure 2.1 High Noon

  • The resolution is depicted by the direction of the arrow in the diagram.The marshall rst upholds his duty, which then allows him to resume hisinterrupted love life. The second value is realized through the rst.

    The dilemma is resolved when Will and Amy succeed in killing all fourvillains and Will returns to Amys arms. The ordering of these values makesgood sense. How would he have felt on his honeymoon if he had run out onthe townspeople? How much domestic bliss could there be in a town run bybrigands? To what kind of home or job could he have returned?

    Does this mean that universalism must always or necessarily be putahead of particularism? No, it does not. It means that Americans, who livein a universalist culture, will make lms and tell stories about the triumphof universalism and these will be successful at the box ofce, since the au-dience already thinks this way.

    A (Mirror-Image) Story Told by a Particularist Culture

    Consider a story in which conicting values are resolved in an oppositesequence. It comes from France, a Catholic country much higher in partic-ularism. The hero is Jean Valjean of Les Miserables, the novel by VictorHugo, which has been adapted for the stage as a musical. Valjean has beenimprisoned for nineteen years, initially for stealing a loaf of bread and laterfor attempting to escape. Note that the Law is not always fair or com-mensurate.

    Once released, Valjean cannot nd work because the conditions of hisparole require his yellow parole certicate to be displayed. Hungry anddestitute, he is offered dinner and a bed by a kindly bishop to whom he tellshis life story. But Valjean wakes up in the night and with an armful of thebishops silver tries to escape. But he is caught sneaking out of town,dragged back to the bishops house, and thrown at the bishops feet. He isinvited to repeat his pretty story about the silver being a gift, but thebishop interrupts with an astounding conrmation. In the musical ver-sion, he sings

    That is right!

    But my friend you left too early

    It has surely slipped your mind

    You forgot I gave these also

    Would you leave the best behind?

    stories and cases 37

  • 38 universal ism part icular ism

    And he gives Valjean two additional candlesticks. He dismisses the con-stabulary and when they have left, he says to Valjean:

    But remember this my brother

    See in this a higher plan

    You must use this precious silver

    To become an honest man

    By the witness of the martyrs

    By the passion and the blood

    God hath raised you out of darkness

    I have bought your soul for God.

    The solution to this dilemma is the obverse, the mirror image, of theprevious one and is full of personal and particular passion (Figure 2.2).The order of priority is depicted by the direction of the arrow. The lyingbishop reasons that Jean Valjean will understand the universal law ofGod only if he is rst shown a particular act of love and kindness. Send-ing him back to lifetime imprisonment under a law that has already em-bittered him would crush his spirit. The danger (shown at the bottomright of the diagram) is that the bishops act of forgiveness will be ex-ploited and conrm Valjean in his thievery. Instead, the criminal is re-deemed. His life changes forever. He has discovered the law of God in thelove of humanity.

    The story is a moving tribute to the human capacity for redemption andrenewal. When Javert, the police chief, nds himself at the mercy of his oldenemy (Valjean) and is spared, he kills himself rather than live in a worldwhere people can change the meaning of their lives and where judgmentsare not xed.

    Such a story is better adapted to French history than to American. In thehistory of France, cruel and unjust regimes have had to be overthrown.Nazi occupation was endured. Rebellious acts had to be forgiven and lawsremade from the ideals of brotherly love and human interaction. What per-sisted over the centuries was not the rule of law but the resilience of the hu-man spiritthe capacity of the French people to reinvent themselves.

    If the United States and Switzerland are, respectively, the worlds mostpowerful culture and the country with the worlds highest per capita in-come, and if these two score higher on the scale of universalism than anyother culture, then surely it is better to be universalist. That is not our in-terpretation. Nor does this make sense in light of the recent economic

  • stories and cases 39

    successes of East Asia, which comprises nations quite high in Particu-larism.

    Let us consider the two cultural folktales just related. In neither casedid the culture reject the value at the other end of the dimension. Themoral of High Noon was not that the marshal should neglect his bride orcease to love her, but that after he had done his duty of law enforcement,there would be time enough for marital bliss. Similarly, the moral of thestolen silver scene from Les Miserables was not that the universal law ofGod, the higher plan as the bishop called it, was unimportant, but that,for this man, a particular act of love must precede his commitment to thislaw. He had to be shown before he could be told.

    What we see from both these stories is that cultures reconcile universal-ism and particularism. They seek one through the other and have their pre-ferred sequences. In other words, the solution lies not in universalism orparticularism but in the integration of both. Laws by themselves are noguarantee of virtuewhat makes for a good society are laws that accountfor a diversity of particular interests and contingencies. Similarly, exceptions

    Figure 2.2 Redeeming Jean Valjean

  • 40 universal ism part icular ism

    are not good in and of themselveswhat makes for a good society is a di-versity of novel forms and expressions that transcend known laws andstandards.

    A corporation, business unit, or whole society learns by making rulesand laws, studying the exceptions that arise, and revising those rules to ac-commodate the exceptions. The process of rule making and exceptionnding never ends. It is circular.

    The Particular Exception Tests the Universal Rule

    The most crucial nexus between rules and exceptions is where rules aremeant to limit the number of exceptions and exceptions are meant to tran-scend existing rules and standardsa dialectic that never ends.

    We all make rules. We have to. This includes simple business proce-dures like Give customers this level of service. But no sooner do we pro-mulgate rules when exceptions arise. The world is changing. Marketsshift. Customers want something else. Do we simply ignore the mountingnumber of exceptions or revise our rules to cover these?

    Successful businesses do the latter. They constantly reinvent rules to ac-commodate more customers more effectively.

    For example, in the early eighties People Express reinvented the rules ofair travel, so that 30 million Americans who could not afford to y werenow included. Huge savings were made by removing kitchens, selling tick-ets on board, and not checking baggage but hefting it into enlarged over-head lockers. Prices fell to $50 or less.

    But a second rule change killed People Express. United Airlines andAmerican Airlines used management yield software to predict how fulltheir ights would be, and then slashed their prices on slow-selling ights.Flexible low costs beat xed low costs. People Express, whose own man-agement yield software had been delayed in development, could not sur-vive the competition.

    Making rules that better cover multiplying exceptions is essentially away of thinking. We all generalize until our generalizations break downand then we reconceive our categories of thought. It is we who invent rulesand we who must accept responsibility for how adequate these are.

    Exceptions can be used to prove or test the rule we have made (Figure2.3). Rules and exceptions are not adversaries but potential complemen-tors. To be exceptional is to rise above current rules and standards. To in-

  • stories and cases 41

    clude more exceptions within your rules is to universalize or generalizebetter. It is to legislate more skillfully.

    There can of course be conicts. The rule may beat us around the head(top left of Figure 2.3) so that we are provoked into breaking the rule (bottomright). But this tension also helps us learn, hence the helical pattern by whichrules get better as more and more particulars are covered by their scope.

    But it could be a mistake to believe that rules, codes, and laws will even-tually account for every particular. Unprecedented and incomparableworks of art and literature will never be completely accounted for by rule-based axioms. There will always remain, as in physics, areas of indetermi-nacy and uncertainty, a tendency for knowers to inuence what is known.

    Freedom Exists Within the Law

    It is important not to polarize freedom with lawfulness. The lawfulgrowth and development of living organisms shows a freedom within the

    Figure 2.3 Universalism/Particularism

  • process of development. No ower, no animal, no human being is quitelike another. All are engaged in a growth process, but no two will turn outexactly the same as a result of that process.

    You can be determined at one level and free at another level. For exam-ple, Gregory Bateson rst reinforced dolphins for doing specic tricks byrewarding them with sh. He then switched to rewarding a trick not wit-nessed before. Initially the dolphins were greatly confused, until one byone they worked it out and performed a series of original antics. Were theydetermined? Yes. They had to perform tricks to survive in captivity. Werethey free? Yes: the particular trick they would perform next could not bepredicted.

    A way in which human societies recognize freedom within the law is bydoctrines of human rights. We are given rights within which we are free tobehave as we wish, so that we may lawfully assemble, protest, worship, andso forth.

    It was Sir Thomas More, the Roman Catholic martyr, and the author ofUtopia, who described this freedom at his trial for treason, in Robert BoltsA Man for All Seasons. Told that by the light of the law he was guilty oftreason against Henry VIII, he replied: The law is not a light for you orany man to see by. . . . The law is not an instrument of any kind. The law isa broad highway, on which, so long as he keeps to it, a man may walk freelyin matters of conscience.

    More was arguing for a freedom of personal conscience within the law.Just as you can go this way or that while keeping to the highway, so the roadthat wound to Mores Utopia respected each mans freedom of conscience.We see this in Figure 2.4. At top left is the famous Old Testament story ofBelshazzars Feast, during which appeared a ghostly hand Writing on theWall. Thou hast been weighed in the balance and found wanting. Thisis an early example of the Israelites insistence on a written Law of God,which in this instance cast down the mightiest of pagan kings.

    How such monarchs ruled is illustrated at bottom right by Percy ByssheShelleys poem Ozymandias, which describes a crumbling monument,Two vast and trunkless legs of stone/Stand in the desert. These were allthat remained of a once mighty monarch, ruling by fear and mystery inpure particularism. The inscription read

    My name is Ozymandias, king of kings:

    Look on my works, ye Mighty, and despair!

    42 universal ism part icular ism

  • stories and cases 43

    Nothing beside remains. Round the decay

    Of that colossal wreck, boundless and bare

    The lone and level sands stretch far away.

    His was an absolute power without logic or legitimacy, an absolutepower that corrupted absolutely. We develop only when laws protect ourautonomy and discretion.

    It follows from the arguments above that universalism and particular-ism develop together in corporate and societal cultures. The United Statesand Switzerland may indeed be more universalist than other cultures, but,paradoxical as it seems, this universalism survives by being tested againstmore particular instances and by legally protecting diverse and particularexpressions. It matters less which value is given priority than that both val-ues should be reconciled and integrated.

    Corporate Stories Reveal the Culture

    Universalism and Particularism are not commonly used words in thediscourse of employees and managers. If people do not identify them-

    Figure 2.4 Universalism/Particularism

  • 44 universal ism part icular ism

    selves by these labels, how are we to discern their mental models? One wayis to look at the stories they tell, much as we looked at High Noon and LesMiserables to discover what values these cultures were extolling and in whatsequence. Stories that make us feel good usually have reconciled values. Instories that make us laugh, cry, or grow angry, reconciliation is not usuallya priority. Our intuitive liking or disliking are vital clues. What dilemma israised by the following stories (Figure 2.5)?

    Case 1: Renery Fire Tim K. was a personal assistant to the managing di-rector of an oil company. Suddenly Tim heard his boss cry out in alarm.Look! The renery is on re! Sure enough, they could see from the topoor of the ofce a plume of black smoke on the horizon. Get down tothe renery in a car and report back to me. So Tim took the elevator tothe parking garage in the basement. I need a car! he cried breathlessly.

    Figure 2.5 Four Corporate Stories

  • stories and cases 45

    Ill take that one, and he pointed to an old Mercedes. Oh no youwont! said the garage supervisor. Youre job-group 3. Mercedes is forgroup 2 and above. So Tim had to wait twenty-ve minutes for a Fordfrom Avis.

    Case 2: Revsons Revenge Charles Revson, head of Revlon Corporation,insisted that everyone sign the time of his or her arrival in the ofce in abook kept in Reception. A new receptionist was at her rst week on thejob when a man she had not seen before walked into Reception andwalked off with the book. She chased him. Excuse me, Sir! But that bookis not to be removed. I have strict instructions. Revson turned andstared at her. When you pick up your last paycheck this evening, askthem to tell you who I am.

    Case 3: The Indignant Client There was a rule at one advertising agencythat copywriters were not to speak to clients. When an august client wasdue to be entertained for lunch in the penthouse suite of the agency, thedirectors all waited, oozing obsequiousness, outside the top oor eleva-tor. But the client had gotten stuck in the elevator, with his head andshoulders visible through the gate on the fourth oor and his legs andbriefcase hanging around the third oor. One of the copywriters hap-pened upon his top half. I say, little man, are you stuck? he asked cheer-fully. Well, never mind, well feed you through the bars. In the mean-time, no peeking up the girls skirts! The agency lost the account. Eversince that day the account executives and creative people have main-tained a segregation and a standoff.

    Case 4: Watsons Badge A 19-year-old, ninety-pound female securityguard was at the gate of IBMs high-security building, when Tom Watsonand a group of senior managers and top brass from the Pentagon ap-proached. I cannot let that man through, she said in a quavering voice.He does not have his security clearance badge. Another managerhissed, Dont you know who that is? Its the chairman himself! ButWatson halted the whole party and sent for his badge. Shes quite right,he said. We make the rules. We keep em.

    All these stories describe unique situations and outcomes, yet thethemes of conict are curiously similar. What are these?

    All four stories are variations on universal rules versus personal and par-ticular discretion in exceptional circumstances. In Renery Fire, the rulesare so strict that you cannot investigate an accident, in a case of clear emer-

  • 46 universal ism part icular ism

    gency, even when you are representing the managing director! Hence,Renery Fire is a story about strong rules that minimize discretion.

    The obverse of this situation is Revsons Revenge. Here the new recep-tionist is red at the whim of Charles Revson, precisely because she is fol-lowing his rules. Her offense is that she does not know who he is anddoes not realize that he overrides any rule that gets in his way. To survive insuch an organization, you must know which particular person is inpower and mollify him. Following rules is no protection.

    The Indignant Client is a compromise, because while keeping creativepeople away from the client bypasses exposure to their irreverent wit, itprecludes the opportunity to delight him. Creative people have been lockedinto a particularist compartment, while the account executives play itstrictly by the rules. The rules cannot easily be changed by creative em-ployees with such a division of labor.

    Only when we come to Watsons Badge do we recognize that values canbe integrated. Watson chooses to obey the rules he himself has made, exer-cising his personal and particular discretion within these rules. He proba-bly has the power to amend the rules, but until he does this he will complywith them. This is a trivial incident. It is not a good story worth telling forits own sake. The Indignant Client is more entertaining. That the story ofWatsons Badge was told and retold at IBM for twenty-ve years testies tothe importance of the cultural message conveyed. In this organization theleaders live by the rules they have made, and employees using these rulesare vindicated and supported. These kinds of corporate stories are veryimportant to know if you are a new employee entering the corporate cul-ture and wondering how you should behave.

    How We Managed a Copyright Dispute

    This case actually happened to the TrompenaarsHampden-TurnerGroup in its dealings with Samsung, the South Korean chaebol (a family ofbusinesses). We received a very friendly letter thanking Dr. Trompenaarsfor a previously published book of ours and conveying the good newsthat it had been translated and widely used by Samsung executives, whohad found it most enlightening. There was only one problem: the copy-right was ours. We had given no permission for translation or publicationin Korea. The advice of our original British publisher who owned the trans-

  • stories and cases 47

    lation rights was clear. Sue them! What we had here, they explained, was aclear breach of the international copyright convention, to which South Ko-rea was a signatory. There could be no excuse.

    Yet we hesitated for obvious reasons. The letter was so nice, they clearlyexpected us to be delighted. It was attering that Samsung, a world-leagueplayer, found our book so useful. Were we not, as experts in cross-culturalcommunication, obliged to explore this incident for sources of misunder-standing?

    We considered, and quickly dismissed, the idea that Samsung did notunderstand international copyright law or had signed it for reasons of sub-terfuge. We knew that South Korea was one of the most particularist cul-tures we had surveyed. Might it be, therefore, that they thought a particularand warm relationship should precede the exercise of legal rights?

    Samsung had had our book translated into Korean at their own expense.It was sent to us with their original letter as a gift. Inquiries revealed thatthe translation was of the highest quality. Had we commissioned our owntranslation, the cost would have been $18,000, with very real difculty ingua