Buddhism and British Colonialism

7/27/2019 Buddhism and British Colonialism

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The Transformation of Buddhism during British ColonialismAuthor(s): Yarina ListonSource: Journal of Law and Religion, Vol. 14, No. 1 (1999 - 2000), pp. 189-210Published by: Journal of Law and Religion, Inc.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/1051784 .

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THETRANSFORMATIONOF BUDDHISMDURINGBRITISHCOLONIALISMYarina Liston tINTRODUCTION

In orderto understand he changesthatoccurred n the BuddhistSangha (monastic community) in Sri Lanka during and aftercolonializationby the British, it is first necessary to understand hesituationof Buddhismprior o colonialization s well as therelationshipof Buddhismto secularpowerandthe ideaof civil law.Locationis crucialto understandinghepositionof Buddhism nSri Lanka. Sri LankanBuddhism definitively changed the Indianmodel's relationshipof the Sanghato the political order. From theearliest times Sri LankanBuddhismwas connected to kingshipand tothe geographic space of the island of Sri Lanka,in a way that seemsuniquein Buddhisthistory. In Sri Lanka the Buddhistking was notanswerable o a 'god', but was elected by the Sanghaand otherhighministersand was required o patronize he Sanghaandenforce socialstability.'In his critiqueof CliffordGeertz,Talal Asad claims thatreligionis notjust a symbolic systembuta systemof power,in manycases, onethat s totalizing n character.2Asad's argument an be demonstratednSri Lanka,where the implantationof a 'seculargovernment'duringcolonialtimesby theBritishprofoundly ltered herelationship etweenBuddhism and the inhabitantsof Sri Lanka. The modem idea ofreligionas divorced frompowersucceeded n dislodgingthe influencethatBuddhismhad over Sri Lankanpolitics, butonly for a short time.In India,the Britishcodification of customary aw alongsidetheimplementation of British legal procedure succeeded in making

t YarinaListon is a graduatestudent in the Religion Departmentat TempleUniversityin Philadelphia.She is workingon women in earlyBuddhist exts for herdissertation. She lives in New York City and is currently teaching Buddhistphilosophyat SUNY/Purchase.1. TilakHettiarachchy,Historyof Kingship n Ceylon(LakeHouseInvestmentsLtd Book Pub, 1972).2. TalalAsad, Genealogiesof Religion35 (JohnsHopkinsU Press, 1993).

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JOURNALOFLAW& RELIGIONjurisprudenceappearharsherand more inflexible.3 In the case of SriLanka, the Buddhist Sangha, which had always held considerablepower,was left on the outside of this process and was deprivedof itstraditional unctionas intermediary etween theking andhis subjects.I suggest that once the Sanghalost its ability to influence thesovereign, and the laity began to infringeon the social roles of theSangha, heSanghawas aneasy target or the orientalistnfluenceof W.Rhys Davids andHenryOlcott. The Buddhistfunctionof the Sanghaas intermediaryand educatorwas forever altered by the colonialpresence;and a new social identitywas formed. Modem bhikkhus(monks) as political agents were initiated into their roles by thedialectical relationshipbetween the colonial rule and the BuddhistSangha.The transformation f Buddhism in Sri Lanka came from thebreak between legitimaterule frompolitical authority. In a situationsimilar o that n Indiawhen theMughalEmpirewas crumbling, he SriLankan Kingdom of Kandy was falling apart prior to Britishcolonialization. This allowedthe British o enter ntothepoliticalarenaof SriLankaand establish hemselvesnot only as powerfultraders,butas the sovereign power.

BUDDHISMANDLAWEarlyBuddhism,as established n Northern ndia around he 6thcenturyB.C.E. made a clear distinctionbetween the worldly and thesupermundane.4The path to ultimate salvation was trod upon by

monks/nunsalone.5 The laitylooked forward o heaven,but their liveswere too caught up with worldlymattersfor final release.6 The gods,whom most Buddhists tillworshipped,werepartof the mundaneworld(grantingmaterialboons) but were irrelevant or final release.7 Thiscultural patternbrings up the interesting question of who was aBuddhist.Buddhismholdsupthemodelof a fourfoldcommunity, onsisting

3. KishwarMadhu,CodifiedHinduLaw, in Economic and Political Weekly(August 13, 1994).4. A.K. Warder, ndianBuddhism 3-80, 157-287(MotilalBamarsidass,1970).5. Id.6. Id.7. Id.

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THE TRANSFORMATIONF BUDDHISMof monks, nuns,laymenandlaywomenas a social ideal.8The Buddhistlaity appears o be a more fluidconceptthan the Sangha n SriLankanreligion. The laity are expectedto support he Sangha,and listen toteachingsby monks;andthenmaytakecertainvows. The bhikkhusandbhikkhunis monksandnuns) are much more clearly set off fromtherest of society by their renunciationof householder life, chastity,separatecommunitiesand their adherence o the Vinaya.9The Vinayais what one would call "Buddhist aw."'? After thedeath of the Buddha, the Sangha gatheredtogether to collect theteachingsof the Buddhaand the rulestheywereto live by (DharmaandVinaya)." Since the Buddha did not establish a succession ofleadership, he Sanghaneededthe teachingsand rules to guide them.The Vinayais composedof lists of hundredsof rules in vignette formthat regulatethe lives of individual monks and nuns, but it did notencompasssocietyas a whole."2Norwas the idea of a reformed ocietyever a Buddhistgoal, for in Buddhisthistorysocial conditions arenotcompletelyunimportantut aresecondary o individual reedom.13Theindividualrenunciants the basis for Buddhistthought,as well as thedistinctionbetweentheworldlyandthesupermundane.This distinctionbetween the lay peopleandthosewho haverenounced he worldcreatesa spatialdivision in the social worldbetween what we would call thereligious and the worldly.Aside fromtheVinaya,the monks also abidedby local customarylaws.'4Inthisway, theVinayaaddedto thealreadyexistinglaws of theland. Thus,theBuddhistmonks/nunswere ruledby two realmsof law,the one governingsocietyas a whole, theotherconveyingspecificrulesof theVinayafor Buddhistmonasticism. Fromthis we can also see thatthe BuddhistDharma s not completelyself-sufficient. Secularlaw isnecessary.As it grewinto a religious nstitution,heSanghaultimatelyrestedon the economic support from a prosperous,peaceful, and stable

8. Id.9. Id.10. John CliffordHolt,Discipline, the Canonical Buddhismof the Vinayapitaka(MotilalBanarsidass,1981).11. Id.12. Id.13. Id.14. Id.

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JOURNALOFLAW& RELIGIONsociety.'5 The Sanghareceived patronagefrom the local kings andBuddhistsacceptedthe idea of kingshipas a normaland appropriateformof government.'6TheBuddhahimself,thoughrenouncinghis ownclaim to political power,neverdeniedthenecessity of havinga 'civil'government.'7This kind of worldly powerwas useful for the sake oforder,but was less religiouslymeaningful. The Sangha,though,wasforbidden to transversethe division between the two. "Their ruleforbids them to assume other religious roles and other worldlyoccupations."'8hisdistinction einforcedhetwo parallel ormsof lawandpower,one worldlyandone supermundane.Buddhistmonasticshadrenouncedworldlyaffairs,but were nevercompletely isolated from local politics. Several of the Buddha'ssermons advised the monks not to speakof kings andwars,but kingswould oftengo andseek outinfluentialmonks fortheiradviceon socialmatters.'9Once the Buddhahadpassed away, the Sanghadecided itsown matters,usuallyby means of voting.20As thedisagreements f theSanghamembers ncreasedalongwith theirgrowingmembership, hepossibility of a division in the Sanghaperiodicallyappeared. Only akingcould enter nto ecclesiasticaffairsandhelpsettle thesedisputes.21Theking's role in relationto the Sanghawas to be a righteousrulerofsociety, a patron and also sometimes an overseer/purifierof theSangha.22TheSangha'srole in relation o thekingwas to give thekingreligious legitimacy,to serve as a model moralpeople, andto educatethepopulacein BuddhistDharma.23The most famous case of royalinterventionn the Sanghawas bythe IndianEmperorAshoka, who aroundthe second centuryB.C.E.convenedthe ThirdBuddhistCouncil.24At this time, therewere some

15. Warder,ndianBuddhismcited n note4).16. Id.17. Id.18. RichardGombrich& GananathObeyesekere, uddhismTransformed3(Princeton Press,1988).19. UrmilaPhadnis,ReligionandPolitics in SriLanka24 (Manohar ooks,1976).20. Warder,ndianBuddhismcited nnote4).21. Id.22. Id.23. Id.24. Id.

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THETRANSFORMATIONF BUDDHISMmonks who would not performtheirpurificationceremony togetherwith other monks (due to perceived Vinaya infringements). Ashokaunitedandpurifiedthe Sanghaby beheadingsome heterodox monks.This act became anoft-repeatedprecedent ortherelationshipbetweenSouthAsian kings and the BuddhistSangha.25

ESTABLISHMENT FBUDDHISMIN SRI LANKASri LankanBuddhistsare in the uniqueposition of having beenthe first to write down the Buddha'steachings(1st centuryC.E.) and

were the firstgroup o createa Buddhisthistoricalrecord 2-4thcenturyC.E.) which continues to this day.26 Their two main historicalchronicles are the Mahavamsa and the Dipavamsa.27 These areimportantnot only for their vision of ancientBuddhism,but also forunderstandinghe modemreinterpretationf Buddhismduringandafterindependence rom the British.The Dipavamsa and the Mahavamsa relate a two-part story ofhow Buddhismcame to SriLanka. Partone begins around he time ofthe Buddhaandtells the storyof how the Sinhalese,as descendantsofone prince,came to the islandthathadbeen prepared or themby theBuddhahimself.28The secondpartgives the accountof how EmperorAshoka sends a delegation of monks to the Sri Lankan kingDevanamapiya 247-207 B.C.E.)alongwith Buddhistrelics such as theBuddha's tooth anda branchof the Bo tree.29This storyis criticalinunderstandingSri Lankan Buddhism, which evolved not from agroundswellof popular religious sentiment,but througha "trickle-down"model of religiousconversion rom a royal system. In thisway,kingshipwas instrumentaln the formationandspreadof the BuddhistSangha n SriLanka.Thesetwo storiesportrayBuddhismnot only as a worldview andmythology,accountedfor in Buddhistdoctrines,but as a "continuouspoliticalhistorythatbinds the islandraciallyandreligiously."30The Sri

25. Id.26. RichardLester,TheravadaBuddhism n SoutheastAsian 66-77 (U of MichPress, 1973).27. Wilhelm Geiger, The Mahavamsa(Asian Edu Serv, 1986) and HermannOldenberg,TheDipavamsa(Asian EduServ, 1982).28. Id.29. Id.30. AnandaWickremeratne, uddhismandEthnicity n SriLanka 82 (ViaksPub

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JOURNALOFLAW& RELIGIONLankanSanghawrote down Buddhistscriptures or the first time inwhat has come to be laterknown as the Theravada anon.In so doing,they connected Buddhismto ". . . a political identityof the Sinhalesenationand a nationalreligion . . . of a politically definedterritory."3'TheSriLankankingwasplacedat the head of theBuddhistcultbecauseof his possession of the Buddhistrelics (given to him by Ashoka).32This strong symbolic connection of the king to Buddhism latertransformed is imageinto thatof abodhisattva, futureBuddha.33 heking then acted as if he practicallywas the Buddhain his ability tooversee andcontrol the Sangha.34On the otherhand,kingshipin SriLankawas bestowed throughthe Sangha. Yet even thoughthe king was beholden to the Sangha,giving them great sums of the kingdom's wealth and grantingthemmanyimmunities, heSanghacould neverrival theking's power. It hadno consolidatedauthority,either in a head monk or in a centralizedmonasticism;also, the prohibitionsof the Vinaya kept it from directpolitical involvement.35

Historically, onflictsbetweentheSanghaand thekingaroseoverthe issues of property ndprivileges. SriLankanBuddhismdiffersfromearly Indian Buddhism because of the initial and constant royalpatronage.36 heSriLankanSanghaalso ownedland(givento it by theking) andoperated enantfarms,which were specifically prohibited otheearlyIndianmonks.37ThisgaveSriLankanBuddhism he nickname"landlordBuddhism."38Ownershipof land seems to have directlyaffectedwho could becomea Buddhistmonk or nunin SriLanka. TheSangha n SriLanka s verymuch tied to the land-holding"goyigama"caste, which also goes against the supposed breakdown of castedistinctionsof earlyIndianBuddhism.39The bestowal of authority o the king invested the king with theHouse, 1995).31. Phadnis,ReligionandPolitics in Sri Lanka at 8 (cited in note 19).32. Id.

33. R. Gunawardara, obeandPlough 175 (U of ArizPress, 1979).34. Id.35. Id.36. Phadnis,Religionand Politics in SriLanka at42 (cited in note 19).37. Id.38. Id.39. Id at40.

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THETRANSFORMATIONFBUDDHISMduty to defend the Sangha.40 When the Sangha felt the king hadoversteppedboundariesof his privileges as king, it could rouse thepeasantryo revolt.41Thisgave it a powerfulace-in-the-hole gainst hekings.The Sangha'scloser connectionto the peasantryalso allowed itsome control over adjudication n monasticproperty. The monasterywas often used as a place of refugeforpoliticalexiles, criminals,etc.42The monks restricted heking'spowerby theirabilityto keeptheking'sofficials off their land.43 The only crime over which the king couldoverridethe Sangha's interventionwas murder.44This points to oneimportant ocial function of the Sanghaas intermediarybetween theking and his subjectsandits abilityto act asjudge overpettycrimes iftheguilty partysoughtrefugeonmonasteryands. TheSanghawas alsousedby the kings as emissaryto otherkings on the islandto negotiatedisputesandhelp keep peacebetweenkingdoms.45In the courseof explicatingthe Buddha'sinjunction o obey theking, a fifth centurymonk, Buddhaghosa,wrote commentaryon theVinayaand introduced heproviso:"Theking maybe obeyedas regardrighteousacts;but in the cases of unrighteousness,no one, whoever itmaybe, should be obeyed."46

THEBRITISH ULE 1796-1948)British rule of Sri Lanka was quite different from both thePortuguese 1505 - 1658) andthe Dutch(1658-1796) who camebeforethem.47The othertwo colonialpowersweremostly interested n trade

and the export of spices. These two previous colonialists onlycontrolled the maritime provinces and did not radically alter theprevailing ndigenousadministrativeystems,althoughall threegained40. Marshall inger,TheEmerging lite 15(M.I.T.Press,1964).41. Id.42. TheMonasteries ereevena haven orthePortuguese atholicswhowerepersecutedytheDutch.Wickremeratne,uddhismndEthnicitynSriLanka t206

(cited n note30).43. Gunawardana,obeandPloughat 190(cited nnote33).44. Id.45. Id at205.46. Id at 171.47. RobertCrane&N. GeraldBarrier, ritish mperial olicy n IndiaandSriLankaHeritage ub,1981).

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JOURNALOFLAW& RELIGIONpower in a similar way.48

In a time of social upheaval,a SriLankanking (or in the case ofthe British,the Kandianelite) turnedto the foreigntradingpower tohelp them solve theirpolitical problem.49This engagementwith theoutsiders led to the three different colonial rules on the island. TheBritish took control over the islandin 1796 when they were asked tostep into the Kandianroyal succession dispute.50When the Britishfinally signed the treatywith the Dutch againstthe French,Sri Lankawas relinquished o the East IndiaCompany.51For the first time, notonly was the whole island under one administration,but the lastBuddhiststrongholdn theKandiankingdomfell to a colonialpower.52The Britishwereinitially nterested n making heisland amilitarybase in case of an IndianOceanbattle with France.53To secure theirfoothold the British immediatelycreated a professionalcivil servicewith the executive andjudicial branches n one office.54 The Britishwere mostly ignorantof local customs and institutionsand wronglybelieved thatmany partsof Sri Lankahad been governedby Roman-Dutchlaw.55Theyalso soughtto createnative headmen/overseerswhowouldbe trained ntermediaries hatwere loyal to theBritish Crown.56TheBritish,though,never trusted hese headmenandwere constantlytryingto curtail heirauthorityandinfluence.57TheBuddhistSanghahadless aproblemwith British"laws" hanwiththepositionof the Britishas "rulers" f Sri Lanka.58By politicallycontrolling the island, the British in one fell swoop destroyed theSangha'ssocial function as the educatorof the peasantryand the linkbetween it and the king, as well as severing its influence over royalpolitical egitimacyandpower.59TheSangha'sroyalfunctionwas a key

48. Id.49. Kandywas a large kingdomin the centerof Sri Lanka. Id.50. Id.51. Id.52. Id.53. Id.54. Id.55. Idat 111.56. Id.57. Id.58. DuncanDerrett,Religion, Law and the State in India 290 (Faber& Faber,1982).59. Id.

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THETRANSFORMATIONF BUDDHISMto understandinghe balance of power in Sri Lanka,suggests DuncanDerrett.60 his institutional upture alledthe whole Buddhistsymbolicandcosmologic order into questioneven thoughBuddhism's specialstatus as the state religion was supposedly guaranteedthroughtheKandianCommissionof 1815:61 [T]heReligionof Boodhooprofessedby the Chiefs and inhabitantsof the Provinces is declaredinviolable,and its Rites,MinistersandPlaces of worshipare to be maintainedandprotected."62The fifth clause of the KandianCommissionof 1815 stated thattheprotectionof the BuddhistSanghawas similar o what thekinghaddone for Buddhism.63However, GeneralBrownriggfelt that withoutthis clausethe British would never have been able to maintaincontrolof SriLanka:

[t]he ifthconfirmshesuperstitionf theBoodhoo n a mannermoreemphaticalhanwouldhave beenmy choice. Butas thereverenceelttowardt atpresent yallclassesof the nhabitantsis unbounded nd mixed with a strongshadeof jealousy,anddoubt bout tsprotection-andhatn ourwaysecurepossessionof thecountry ingedupon hispoint.I found tnecessaryoquietuneasinessespectingt,byarticle f guaranteeouched nmorequalifiederms.64What this actually meant to the Sri Lankansthough was the"[m]aintenanceof a certain orthodox interpretationof (Buddhist)Dharma, he appointments f religiousauthorities, he guardingof thetoothrelic and thepatronageof templeschools."65After a riotbroke out againstthe British in 1818, the Britishfeltit necessaryto even add to the fifthclause:"[a]swell as the priestsallthe ceremonies andprocessionsof the Buddhistreligion shall receivetherespectwhich in former imes was shownto them."66Theironyof havinganAnglicanroyalty housandsof miles awayoverseeingBuddhism n Sri Lankawas resentedby both the Churchof

60. Id.61. Francoisoutart,eligionnd deologynSriLanka80 Hansaub,1974).62. Id at 178.63. Id.64. TessaBartholemeuzs,WomenUnder he Bo Tree30 (Cambridge Press,1994).65. Houtart, eligion ndIdeologynSriLanka t 181(cited nnote61).66. Bartholemeuzs,WomenUnderheBo Tree cited nnote64).

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JOURNALOFLAW& RELIGIONEngland and the Sangha. The British then tried to break up theremainingpocketsof authorityby disassociatingthe Sanghafrom thearistocracyn a way thathad not existedpreviously.67Through he useof different1818proclamationsheBritishdeprived ocal chiefsof theirpowersandintegrated hem into the Britishadministration.68hroughtheseproclamationsheGovernor,who was worriedabout he influencethe Sanghahad over the aristocracy, oughtto put them at odds witheach other:69[t]hepriestsappear o be the grandmoversof theseplots,by their influence over the chiefs. They are dangerousand secretenemies with whom it is difficultto cope."70The Governorwas a keenpoliticianas well and not only triedtodiscourage he Sangha's nfluencebut also soughtto win the Sangha othe side of the British:

Article21: TheGovernor esirous f showing he adherence fGovernmento its stipulationsn favor of the religionof thepeople,exemptsall lands which now arethe Property f theTemples romall Taxationwhatever.71The ocalchiefs'landsweretaxed.)At first,the statusof the Sanghaas a protected nstitutiondidnotchange. The British Governorkeptthe key to the toothreliquaryandthearmyprotected emplelands.72 nfact,manyof the Governorswereeven sympathetic o Buddhismand enjoyedplaying little "kings."73Theirrelationshipo the Britishgovernmentbecameproblematicn the1840s when a Methodistmissionary,the Rev. R. Spence-Hardy romIndia, arguedthat the "principleof non-collusion"between the East

IndiaCompanyand Hinduismshouldapplyto Sri Lanka as well. HeassociatedBuddhismwith a formof Hinduism,anddesired o make theBritishprotectionof it illegal.74He portrayed he collusion between aChristian government and an idolatrous religion as sinful, as asanctificationof Buddhismanda violationof the law of God.7567. Houtart,ReligionandIdeologyin SriLanka at 185 (cited in note 61).68. Id.69. The Sanghawas often of the samefamilyand/orcaste as the aristocracy.70. Id at 186.71. Id.72. Id at 208.73. Wickremeratne,uddhism ndEthnicitynSriLankaat 194(citedin note30).74. Houtart,ReligionandIdeologyin Sri Lankaat 209 (cited in note 61).75. F. Houtartsuggests that other British Missionaries were less interestedin

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THETRANSFORMATIONF BUDDHISMThe Sangharefused to acceptany modificationsin its protected

status, even though the British government began to passdisestablishmentpolicies in 1846:First . . . the Government s to withdraw rom all directinterferencen theirreligiousobservances. Second,. . . thecustody f therelic s tobegivenuptothemselves.Third,... nomorepriestswill beappointedythegovernment. ourth,... allpecuniary aymentsothepriestswillcease. Fifth,... all landsrecognizedandregistered s templepropertywill be entirelyexemptedrom axation.76Local British governorsbegan to refuse to participatein theappointment f thetemple positionsandconsidered or awhile stealinganddestroying hetoothrelic.77The Britishformaldisassociation romBuddhismcame about in 1852:By thisgesture thereturn f thetoothrelic) heBritish uthorityand tspowerwithdrewompletely nd oreverfromanyactivesupport f paganism;he sanctionof a ChristianGovernmentcould not upholdandenforce,or eventolerate,he errorsof apagancultdevoidof hope.78After this gesture, the governmentkept itself separate fromBuddhistceremonies,confiscatedsome templelandsandclaimedthatthe Buddhistswere on theirown.79Anglicanchurcheswerebuiltrightnext to Buddhist temples for a short time until Anglicanism wasdisestablished in 1880, supposedly leaving a completely "secular"Britishgovernment.80The governmentthen tried to establish an organizationfor theSanghawhichwouldhelpit control ts affairs.81 hiscouncil,composedof membersof the aristocracyandimportantBuddhistmonks,was therecipientof the abovementioned ooth relic. TheBritish,by giving up

suppressingon-Christianeligionshan ncreating spacewhereallreligionsmightconfrontone anotherwithoutthe statesupportingone. They wantedthe "[a]bolitionof thegeneralizedprotectionover allreligiousgroups, n order o guarantee rotectionof theirown privilegedstatus." Id at 210.76. Bartholemeuzs,WomenUndertheBo Tree at 31 (cited in note 64).77. Houtart,ReligionandIdeology in SriLanka at 212 (cited in note 61).78. Id.79. Id.80. GombrichandObeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedt 202 (citedin note 18).81. Houtart,ReligionandIdeology in Sri Lanka(cited in note 61).

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JOURNAL OF LAW& RELIGIONthetoothrelic,unknowinglyalso transferredhe symbolicauthority orrulingthe island to the council as well.82The relic was no longertheactualsymbol forpoliticalpower,but it came to be associatedwith thehistoricalcontinuityof theDhammadipa.83hisbindingof Sanghaandlaity into anadministrativeouncilprovedto be ineffective andslowlywitheredaway since it confusedthe Buddhistsocial dichotomyof themonk and the lay person and made the two groups competitive forsocial influence.84As in India, the British publicly claimed that they were notinvolved in the "religions"of Sri Lanka, but they were actuallyinstrumentaln molding a new social model. After the Napoleonicwars, the British became frantic for economic advancement andindustrialization.85hecolonies(suchas SriLanka)now hadtoproducegoods and producelots of them.86The entire social web was againthrown ntoturmoilas landwas redistributednto large plantations ornew crops(coffee,indigo,cottonandsugarcane)and a Tamilworkforcewas imported romIndia.87

THEREINTERPRETATIONFBUDDHISMIn the post-disestablishment eriod,the Sangha,strugglingwiththe SriLankanelites forpower,was influencedby two orientalists,W.Rhys Davids and Henry Olcott in regardsto their other traditionalfunction,education. The British governmentwas interested in bothmaterial as well as moral progress for Sri Lanka. Most Britishcolonialists felt it was the government'sdutyto 'civilize' the natives

througheducation.88Educationwas necessaryfor social mobility, fortrainingcivil servants,and for spreadingChristianity.89The generalstateof educationn Sri Lanka howed theBritishgovernmenthattheir82. Id.83. The toothrelic now became a symbol of the Mahavamsa'sconcurrenceofBuddhismwithCeylonand withtheSinhalesepeople. Wickremeratne,uddhism ndEthnicity n Sri Lankaat 193 (cited in note 30).84. Houtart,ReligionandIdeologyin SriLanka(cited in note 61).85. Crane& Barrier,BritishImperialPolicy inIndia and SriLanka(citedin note47).86. Id.87. Id.88. Ananda Wickremeratne,The Roots of Nationalism. Sri Lanka 16, 86(Karunaratne& Sons Ltd, 1995).89. Id.

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THETRANSFORMATIONFBUDDHISMown state schools were proving to be completely inefficient and putthem in the uncomfortable ositionof trying o find someoneto educatethe SriLankans.90Beside the state,the only organizededucatorswerethe missionaries.91The British did not want to favoranyone religiousgroupand so they endedup giving aid to all missionaryschools (basedon how manystudentspassedcertainexams).92Unlike India where indigenous schools were used, the Britishgovernment did not make use of the Sri Lankan pansala schools(Buddhist)nordid the Sanghafightforits fair shareof the governmentgrants.93The lack of interest n educationby the Sanghaguaranteedtsdemise in the educational arena.94 The cause of the Sangha'sindifferences confusing. Wickremeratneuggeststhatalthoughmonksgainedmeritby educatingthe populace,throughout heirhistorytheyhad to be pushed into teaching by kings who felt that they were toopreoccupiedwith landmanagement.95Education n SriLankaduringthis timewas a complex situationconsistingof competingProtestantmissionarygroups,various evels ofgovernmentalinterference,and bookfuls of confusing policy. Thecolonial government,although t did not want to subsidizemissionaryactivity,endedup doing just thatby using the missions to educate theSri Lankans. The Britishgovernmentwas more concernedwith theproblemsof themissionaries'proselytizationand vernacular ducationthanthe Sinhalese,who wereprimarily nterested n English languageacquisition.Christiancriticism of Buddhismbegan very early on with thearrivalof thePortuguese,butdidnot takeon a strategicqualityuntil thetime of the British when many public debates were staged betweenChristianmissionariesandBuddhistmonks. TheChristianmissionariesappearedbenton exactinghostilityfrom theBuddhists. The Sangha'sequanimityfrustrated hem, but with the persistentcritique and theestablishment f theirschools,themissionaries inallyforceda responsefromthe Sangha.

90. Id.91. Id.92. Id at 48.93. Id.94. Id.95. Id at 103.

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JOURNAL OF LAW& RELIGIONBy 1860 a fledglingBuddhistrevivalmovement, edby themonk

MiguettuwatteGunananda,riedto instill a senseof pridein traditionalcultureas a responseto Christianpropaganda.96ManyBuddhistsfeltthatChristianitywas so successfulbecauseof thediversecultural ormsit took and the organizationof its institutions,and so their initialresponseswere constrainedby Christiandeas and forms.Gunananda and other Buddhists responded with whatWickremeratne alled a "counteroffensive"to Christianitywith theirownprintingpressesandpublictracts.97Theavailabilityof the Bible inthe vernacular ave themonksreadyammunition o attackChristianityin its own words,whereasthemissionariescould not do the samewiththe Buddhist Dharma. Wickremeratne ays that the Buddhistswerefascinatedby theOldandnotthe New Testament,atchingonto the ideaof a "[j]ealousvengeful god to please whom a manmightbe preparedto offer his own son in sacrifice."98With missionaries as examples, the Sanghabegan to study the"religion" f the Westerners.The monks decided hat heChristianaityin the West were alienated fromtheirreligion, which didn't seem tohave anything o offerthem.99The Sangha,relyingon its own historyof scholasticism and interpretation, aw the British separationofpolitical policy from theprinciplesof theirreligionas a form of moralalienation.00??Buddhist interest and access to popular westernnewspapersand pamphletsseems, in retrospect,remarkable. Thesepublications kept illustratingto the Sangha how Christians weredesperately nterested n secularism(not religion), how science keptwinning argumentsin Victorian England, and how major westernthinkersappreciatedBuddhismrather hanChristianity.'0'The Sanghabegan to intimate thatit actually might be the West, which could beconverted o Buddhismandnot vice versa. 02The most useful tools for the Christianmissionaries were theEnglish translationsof Buddhist texts made by Thomas W. Rhys

96. GombrichandObeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedt 219 (citedin note 18).97. Idat231.98. Id.99. Id.100. Id.101. The major western thinkers who appreciated Buddhism were A.Schopenhauer,H.G. Wells, and CarlJung. Id at232.102. Id.

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THETRANSFORMATIONF BUDDHISMDavids.'03Rhys Davids (1843-1922) has left one of the most definitemarkson early Buddhist scholarship. He was one of the very firstwesternwritersto interpretBuddhismforbotha Europeanas well as aSri Lankanaudience,and books by him arestill found in Sri Lankanhomes.l04

Rhys Davids was bornin Englandto a congregationalministerwho was the localhistorian orthe Non-conformistsof Essex. He laterspent threeyears in Germanyearningmoney as an English tutor andlearningSanskrit o thathe couldjoin theIndianCivil Service. Insteadof India,he was sentto Ceylon n 1864 with a writership ppointment.'05His constantcomplainingand a few political blunders cut short histenure n SriLanka,andhe was sent back to England.'06While he was still in SriLanka,he became interested n philologyandstudied Pali with a local monk in orderto read the inscriptionsonancient ruins in his area.'07 He deemed particular sites of theAnuradhapurarea as exemplaryof the Sri Lankan'golden age' andpetitioned the governmentto preserve them, which caused him tobecome known as some sort of oriental scholaramong otherEnglishofficials.'08

Uponreturningo Englandhe studied aw,butgave it up in orderto publishBuddhistPali texts.'09Theprospectsfor this type of careerseemed quitebleaksince therewere no universitydepartmentsor thislanguagestudy,nor was thereanypopular upport."l0His firstwork wason the "essence"of Buddhistthoughtcalled simply Buddhism(1878)and was published for the Society for Promoting ChristianKnowledge."'Itweavedtogethermanydifferentaspectsof Buddhisminto a Gospel-like format, and became the modem textbook onBuddhism."2Thepublicationof Buddhismwas intended o educate he

103. AnandaWickremeratne,TheGenesisof an Orientalist MotilalBanarsidass,1984).104. Id at 17.105. Id.106. Id at 113.107. Id.108. Id.109. Id.110. Id.111. Id.112. Id.

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JOURNALOFLAW&RELIGIONapatheticVictorianpublicabout the meritsof Buddhismas well as toinstill interestforthemissionarycause.113Rhys Davids consideredthe ancient Pali manuscripts o be thepurestformof Buddhismandanyrecentmaterialor modem practicesto be degenerate."4 He began the Pali Text Society in order tosystematicallypublishall the Pali texts in Romanscriptand translatethem into English."5 This seemed to interesthis monk friendsin SriLanka who found reasonto fundRhys Davids' work in England!"6Thereby, he Sanghanot only gainedfor themselvesthe authorityof aWestern scholar, but bestowed on Rhys Davids' translations theBuddhist seal of approval."7This allowed for one interpretation fBuddhism to become the common parlanceof debate between theSangha and the Missionaries, as well as among English speakingBuddhists.As the secretaryof the Royal Asiatic Society, Rhys Davids evenpushedto have Pali andSanskrit,nsteadof localdialects,madepartofthe civil serviceexaminations."8His ideawas to make orientalists ikehimself into something like an intelligence department or politicalcontrol of the East.119Part of the orientalist discoursewas the idea that the westernpresence in Asia was not only for trade but for the promotion ofChristian ivilizationandmorality.'20 heSriLankansweresupposedly"deficient"because theirreligious systemhad failedthem,orcouldnotby its verynatureproducea superiorperson. Yet, Buddhism,takenasanethicalsystem,was focusedaround he ideaof theperfectlyvirtuousman(Buddha)andthestruggle o emulate hisperson. Thisposeda bigproblem for the Christianmissionaries in Sri Lanka. The Sanghaclaimed ethicalsuperiority o ChristianityandRhys Davids had aidedthemby portrayingBuddhaas a courageousman, facing life head on,

113. Id.114. Id.115. TheBuddhistextswerescatteredll overtheislandandno onemonasteryhadall of them. Id.116. TheKingof SiamalsogaveThePaliTextSocietymoney opublish.Idat154.117. Idat 151.118. Id.119. Idat 172.120. Id.

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THETRANSFORMATIONFBUDDHISMwhile searchingfor salvationthroughproperbehavior.'21

Unfortunately,Rhys Davids also felt that the Sinhalese hadbetrayedBuddhismandtheir dolatrycausedthemto make Buddha ntoa god.122He felt theyneeded to return o thepurePaliBuddhismof histranslated exts.'23Rhys Davids made Buddhismlook like a form ofProtestantism.Sri LankanBuddhism orevermorewas divided intothe"pure" hilosophyof thetextsand the "idolatrous"ult of thepeople.24As Christianmissionaries and the BuddhistSanghawere usingEnglish translations of Buddhist texts (such as the books of RhysDavids) to argue the merits of Buddhism, an American enteredthecolonial sceneand shiftedthe focusonce again. HenryS. Olcott(1832-1907)was bom in New Jersey,andworked or a varietyof social causesuntil he co-founded the Theosophical society with Madam H.P.Blavatsky in 1874.125 Theosophy is based to some extent on a mixbetweenpopular piritualism ndcertain eadingsof Eastern eligions.126Olcott's and Blavatsky's attempt to deal with religious pluralismconflated all religions into one general form of philosophicalmysticism.127 Thetheme of earlyTheosophywas: "ourBuddhismwasthatof the Master-AdeptGautamaBuddhawhich was identicallytheWisdom Religion of the Aryan Upanishadsand the soul of all theancientworld-faiths."'28Olcott was able to acquire and read some early books onBuddhism,possibly even some by Rhys Davids.129 He acceptedthecommondistinctionbetween thetrueBuddhismof the ancientsand themodemdegenerate ersion.'30Olcotttook the ideaof trueBuddhismasbeing of Aryanorigin, but he then equatedit with all other wisdomreligions, because he saw that it had an esoteric content.'3' This

121. Idat 197.122. Id.123. Id.124. Id at 200.125. StephenProthero,The WhiteBuddhist, n 6 Tricycle1 (1996).126. Id.127. TheTheosophicalMovement1875-1925. AHistoryand a Survey E.P.Dutton& Co, 1925).128. Prothero,TheWhiteBuddhistat 14 (cited in note 125).129. Id.130. Id.131. Id.

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JOURNALOF LAW& RELIGIONTheosophicalunderstandingf Buddhism, hough,was contrary o theone Rhys Davids portrays n his texts as a simple religion of basicethicaldevelopment.'32Olcott visited Ceylon in 1880 and publicly took Buddhist layvows.'33He was warmlyreceivedandwas able to foundmanybranchesof the BuddhistTheosophicalSociety on the island.Olcott based these branches on Christianmissionary modelsconsidering them the best form of promotion.'34 Olcott alsoimmediately started the first Buddhist school, taught in English,specificallyto combat heChristian chools.135Olcott"begana nationalfund for the establishmentof Buddhistschools, compiled a Buddhistcatechism, designed a Buddhist flag, and laid the foundations of aBuddhisteducationmovement."'36He andBlavatsky literallybecameCeylonese folk heroes by helping to begin a reform of Buddhismthroughwestern-stylededucation.137Olcott impressedthe Ceylonese with his hard work as an anti-Christianmissionary by crossing the island and fundraisingfor hisEducationFund.'38 nthesetravels,Olcottbecamequitebotheredby thegeneral lack of knowledge among Ceylonese about Buddhism (hisstandard ased,of course,on RhysDavids'books)andby the Buddhistlack of unityon politicalmatters.139LikeRhysDavids,he decided thatthe understandingof "real" Buddhism was lacking and what theCeylonese desperatelyneeded was to be educated in his Buddhistschools. Olcottputtogethera catechismof Buddhism,which has beentranslatedntotwenty languagesand still is used in Ceylonese schoolstoday.'40It was only in 1961 that the Sri Lankangovernmentfinallytook over Olcott's Buddhistschools.'4'Like Rhys Davids' books, most of Olcott's Buddhist educationsystem emulatedChristianmodels: his Buddhist catechism, Young

132. Wickremeratne,The Genesisof an Orientalistat 141 (cited in note 103).133. Phadnis,Religionand Politics in SriLanka(cited in note 19).134. Id.135. Id.136. Id at 68.137. Houtart,ReligionandIdeologyin Sri Lanka at 215 (cited in note 61).138. Prothero,The WhiteBuddhistat 15 (cited in note 125).139. Id.140. Id.141. Id.

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THETRANSFORMATIONFBUDDHISMMen/Women's Buddhist Associations (YMBA/YWBA), BuddhistSundayschool and Buddhistarmychaplains.142his is why E. PhadnissuggeststhatCeyloneseBuddhismof this time, influencedso stronglyby Olcott, came to be called "ProtestantBuddhism."143 Sri LankanBuddhism was also "protestant"n that it was a "protest"againstChristianity,t beganto focus on the laityinsteadof the Sangha,and itwas situatedsquarely n the middleclasses.Thetrueinitiatorandfounderof the Sri LankanBuddhistrevivalwas a disciple of Olcott's. This disciplewas anupperclass Sinhaleselay Buddhist who took the name, Anagarika Dharmapala.'1Dharmapalamodeled himself on what he consideredas the epitomeofthe "archetypalBuddhist deal."'45This ideal was a radical nnovationnot seen before in Buddhisthistory:a non-monkrenouncerwho waspolitically nvolved,whichDharmapalaalled"anagarika."'46hisnewBuddhist ocialrole,halfwaybetweenembracingheroleof a laypersonand the role of a monk, was based on combinationof a Buddhistupasakaand a Hindubrahmacarin.This newBuddhistrole was a chastestudent but one who could also work in the world. Most scholarssuggestthatthismovementwas thecatalyst orthe laterpoliticalmonkswho probablyemulatedDharmapala,and it was also the model formany lay Buddhists. Around the time of Dharmapala, he Buddhistlaitywerebeginning o cross overintomanyof the Sangha's raditionalfunctions. By the 1890s therewere quitea few lay Buddhistswho hadput on robes, preached publicly and even chanted at religiousceremonies.'47Dharmapala'swork furtherblended the line betweenmonksand devoutlay persons.Dharmapalaet up a code of conduct, ike Olcott'scatechism,forSinhaleseBuddhistsandhelpedformulatea new vision for SriLankanBuddhism.'48Dharmapala,ollowing on the heels of Olcott,preachedandwrotepamphletsabout hedemise of modemBuddhism,but he alsoemphasizedanothernew idea:Buddhistnationalism ndhatred orwhat

142. Phadnis,ReligionandPolitics in Sri Lankaat 68 (cited in note 19).143. Id.144. Wickremeratne,TheGenesisof an Orientalist cited in note 103).145. Id at204.146. Id.147. Bartholemeuzs,WomenUnder the Bo Tree at 38 (cited in note 64).148. GombrichandObeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedt 214 (citedin note 18).

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JOURNALOFLAW& RELIGIONhe called the Tamilexploiters.149Olcotthadbeguna fairlywell craftedplanforBuddhistrevivalthroughheauspicesof Theosophy,criticizingmodem Buddhismagainstthetextualsourcespresentedby orientalistslike Rhys Davids. Dharmapala, icking up whereOlcott left off, alsointerpreted riLankanBuddhismasnotonly degenerate, ut as a victimof persecutionby the British, the Tamils and almost everyone inbetween. After some years, Dharmapala eganto see the limits of hisassociation with Theosophyand declaredthat the TheosophistswereleadingmanyBuddhistsastraywith theirstrange soteric nterpretationsof Buddhist doctrine.'50He was worriedthat Sri Lankan Buddhismmight become just a handmaidof Theosophy.'51 Wickremeratnesuggests that it might have been Rhys Davids who suggested thatDharmapalaenounceTheosophy,butit also mighthavebeen Olcott'spronouncement hat the Buddha'sTooth Relic was really an animalbone! 152TheBuddhistsof SriLankawere thepatronsof these venturesbyRhys Davids and Olcott with their money, time and interest. Theyobviously felt thatthese enterpriseswere fortheir own benefit,givingthemthetools theyneededto competewithandultimately riumph verthe missionaries. This western interpretation f Buddhist texts andschools perhapshelped sparkthe nationalistrevival that sought toreestablish ndigenousvalues andgain Buddhistrepresentationn thegovernment.

CONCLUSIONThe Sanghahad been the traditionalntelligentsiaand educatorofSri Lankansociety. The laity hadno way of getting to the Buddhistscripturesunless they went to the Sangha for teachings. The Paliscriptures,now translatedandprinted nto many languagesare muchmoreaccessible,allowingformoreinterpretationy manymorepeople.The Sinhalese Buddhist elite now joined the Sangha in interpretingBuddhisthistory,whichhashelpedto disintegratehe Sangha'sformermonopolyon BuddhistDharma.The Sinhala elites soaked up the Buddhism of Rhys Davids'

149. Id.150. Id.151. Id.152. Wickremeratne,The Genesisof an Orientalistat 224 (cited in note 103).

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THETRANSFORMATIONFBUDDHISMbooks,takingon his biases,andhelpedsendTheosophy-fundedeachersinto the villages to teachthis versionof Buddhism to the peasants.'53The laity did not stop there but continuedto challenge the Sangha bytakingon the social role of monks themselves.This new Buddhism had a strong anti-colonial bias, whichprovideda value system for Sinhalaupper-classes. The Sanghastillsupposedlyembodiedthe values of society owing to the dignityit wasaccorded,but it also had to respond o fiercecriticism romtheChristianmissionaries as well as power usurpationby its own elites. Thisundermining of traditional Sri Lankan Buddhism ended up byredirecting he Sangha'srole in society. Forinstance,the Sanghawasnow expectedto come to the laity,as the missionariesdid,andperformrites it was once excludedfrom(thatis, marriages). Some of the newsocial roles for the Sangha had historical precedent, but the half-monk/half-layman Dharmapala)was entirelynew. The Sanghawascaught n betweenDharmapala'sxampleand the rule thatmonkswerenot to be politicalactors even Dharmapala eclared hatmonksshouldnot take part in politics). The Sanghawas also caught between itstraditional ole as a companyof recluses andthe modemcritique hat itshouldserve society pastorallyas chaplainand schoolteacher.The Sinhalese Sangharefusedto be "privatized"by the Britishgovernment,and overpoweredby the Sri Lankan elites. Using itsimmensehistoricalknowledge,the BuddhistSanghatook its totalizingvision of Sri Lankansociety public with pamphletsand preaching,leading up to the 1940's Colombo college-monks' movement called"Vidyalankara."'54 n 1956, The Buddhist Committee of Inquirypublisheda text called the "Betrayalof Buddhism", aying out theirpolitical ideology, which was implemented by the election ofBandaranaikeo PrimeMinister he sameyear.155By 1972, Buddhismregained ts recognitionas themajority eligion(in theconstitution) ndthe new social role of the Sanghanow has monksrunningfor seats inthe parliament.156Independencemade it clearthatthe old "irenic"Buddhismhaddisappeared;he Sangha s presently nterested n rectifyinghistorical

153. GombrichandObeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedt210 (citedin note 18).154. Id.155. Id.156. Id.

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JOURNALOFLAW& RELIGIONgrievances. The presentis, of course, colored by past glories as theSanghatries to erase the historical nterruption f colonial rule.Thekinghas gone,but the Buddhaandthe godsremained sunbalancedartsof a system,whichhad evolved hroughmorethan womillenniums.Politicaldemandsorthe restorationfBuddhismo its"rightfullace" s well as forthe SinhalizationfGovernmentreall endeavorso restorehebalance,o finda newsocialandpolitical ariation nan ancient ulturalheme.'57

Historically, the Buddhist ideal of kingship entailed thestabilizationof societyandthepatronage f religions. As thekingwastheparagonof laymanhood, o the Buddhawas theparagonof religiousmanhood. Withoutthe king or the supportof the state, Buddhismseemed to have no internalway of maintaining ts old position.F. Houtart uggeststhatBuddhism s "susceptibleo compromiseswith spontaneousproductions."'58hat s, by allowingcertainpoliticalaccidents o overrule hemore essentialDharma,Buddhismhaschangeditself and is now seeking to be the paragonof both the religious andpoliticalarenas.Sri Lankan society might have betrayed Buddhism by notrestoringBuddhism o its dominantplaceandtraditionalunctions. The"betrayal" ould also be the Sangha'sown forgetfulnessof its role asguardian f the BuddhistDharmaandVinaya,whichit is now breakingthroughnationalismand ethnichatred.'59f one of the central enets ofTheravadan uddhismhas beenthe distinctionbetweentheworldlyandthe supermundane,hen the modem Sri Lankanform of Buddhismissomething entirelydifferent. It is a "Protestant-like" uddhismthatforegoesthe traditionaloleranceof otherreligionsand"decorous tyleof presentation or a polemicalstance."160

157. Hans-DieterEvers,Monks,Priestsand Peasants 15 (E.J.Brill, 1972).158. Houtart,ReligionandIdeologyin SriLankaat 94 (cited in note 61).159. StanleyTambiah,BuddhismBetrayed?Religion,Politics and Violence n SriLanka(U of ChiPress, 1991).160. GombrichandObeyesekere,BuddhismTransformedt218 (citedin note 18).

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Buddhism and British Colonialism