WfJ/iNE/iS ",INfiIJ,I/i, 25¢No. 139

APPeking rally against "Gang of Four."

.:~~ lC-523

Blood Rows as Cligue Warfare Rag~

Pitched BattlesExplode in China

7 January 1977

For Workers PoliticalRevolution Against All theBureaucratic Gangs!JANUA R' 4--Last week Chinese radio broadcasts announced that civilwar conditions had engulfed the vast southwestern province of Szechwan:

"Because of sabotage by the gang of four, civil war and factionalism did notcease in our province. Many class brothers who had fought shoulder toshoulder became enemies and the previous lives were sacrificed in all-roundcivil war. Armed struggle was protracted and large in scale, and people's livesand property suffered serious loss."

~New York Times, I JanuaryThe day before. Reuters reported that "informed sources" told the agency'scorn.:';pondcnt of 1113S5 violence in the city of P::Joting. 'inuth of Peking,which involved "raids on military arsenals, looting of grain shops, bank

continued on page 10

What Steel "Rebel" Told Penthouse

Shanghai militiamenJerrold Schecter/Time

Will the Real Ed Sadlowski Please Stand Up?!It has become trendy for up-and­

coming, with-it national candidates tobe interviewed by the large circulationglossy sex magazines, presumably todemonstrate the newcomers' swinging,progressive outlooks in contra~t to thestodgy attitudes of the incumbents. Firstthere was Jimmy Carter's Playboyinterview in October and now UnitedSteelworkers oppositionist Ed Sadlow­ski tells-it-like-it-is in the JanuaryPenthouse.

Throughout his campaign Sadlowskihas spoken out of both sides of hismouth, his message depending on thenature of his audience. The Penthouse

interview is particularly useful becauseit rudely deflates the claims of his "left"apologists. Most astounding is hisapparently seriously intended "solu­tion" to the health and safety hazards,overwork, etc., faced daily by workers insteel mills and plants: eliminate 75percent of the existing jobs!!

Most of the left has chosen to reportonly those statements by Sadlowski thatwould appear to justify jumping on hisbandwagon. Particularly adept at theart of prettifying by omission has beenthe Socialist Workers Party (SWP)Militant. Justifying the reformist policyof all-out support to this bureaucrat-on-

the-make, SWP national secretary JackBarnes' report to the 1976 SWP conven­tion says of Sadlowski's SteelworkersFightback:

"While the ruling class is falsifying andcampaigning against this movement, wetell the truth about it. ... It can be acenter of attention for every rebelgrouping in American Labor, everygroup of workers anywhere who aregroping toward union democracy andclass-struggle politics."

The following excerpts compare thePenthouse interview to the Militant,proving what the Spartacist League hassaid all along: far from being some kindof socialist or even "anti-capitalist," in

both formal program and intent, Sad­lowski is equally as rotten as thecandidate of the incumbent I. W. Abelregime, Lloyd McBride. If victorious,the dO'.lb!e-'alking "steel rebel" willtighten the faltering grip of the Ameri­can labor bureaucracy in holding backthe struggles of the working class..

JOBS

MILITANTSadlowski: "They're producing tons ofsteel at cheaper labor costs than everbefore. Fifteen years ago you had

continued on page 10

New York Times

Iva Toguri d'Aquino in Japanesecell, 1945.

The story of the more than 100,000 jailed in World War II racist round-up:

The Agony' of Japanese Americans in U.S.Concentration Camps ..... 6

How U.S. imperialis .1 persecuted Iva Toguri:

In Defense of "Tokyo Rose".....7

SL Challenges Male­Exclusionist SWPMeeting

raided the "factory" allegedly confiscat­ed a "secret ledger" that "may lead toPuerto Rican terrorists here andabroad." The "bomb factory" was alsolinked to bombings in New York,Washington, D.C. and Puerto Rico.

In Chicago three Puerto Ricanactivists, Juan Lopez, Jose Lopez andMirna Selgado Lopez have been sub­poenaed to appear before the grandjury, although there is no mention onthe subpoena as to what they are totestify about. None of the three hasbeen accused of any crime, and thegovernment even admits that it has noevidence to connect any of them to the"bomb factory" or the FALN. This caseof grand jury harassment-in which atreacherous "immunity" from prosecu­tion is backed up by threats of jailingsfor contempt of court and loss ofemployment-is a classic FBI fishingexpedition. The only "crime" of thethree intended victims is their refusal totalk to the "feds" or cooperate with themanhunt. Juan Lopez was delivered hissubpoena by FBI agents who stoppedhim at gunpoint and said, "You wouldn'ttalk to us, so now you'll talk to the grandjury."

Defense efforts on behalf of the threehave been organized by the ChicagoCommittee to Stop the Grand Jury, ledby supporters of the Puerto RicanSocialist Party (PSP). Two well­attended demonstrations have been heldoutside the federal building, whichhouses the courtroom, under the slo­gans: "Stop the Grand Jury!" "NoCollaboration with the FBI and otherRepressive Forces!" "Stop the Harass-

continued on page 11

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CHICAGO-A grand jury was con­vened here recently to investigate thecircumstances surrounding the dis­covery of an alleged "terrorist bombfactory" on the city's predominantlyPuerto Rican Northwest Side. Thegrand jury and preceding FBI andChicago police investigations have beenthe occasion for an escalating witchhuntagainst the Puerto Rican independencemovement.

On June 8 four bombs explodedwithin minutes of each other at Chicagopolice headquarters, the First NationalBank, Bank Leumi Le-Israel and theJohn Hancock Center. All four of thesesymbols of imperialist oppression re­ceived only minor damage. Although noone has yet claimed credit for thesebombings, the police and FBI haveattributed them to the Puerto Ricannationalist FALN (Frente Armado deLiberacion Nacional-Armed NationalLiberation Front). A manhunt, includ­ing a nationwide alert, was launchedimmediately after the explosions totrack down William Pintoda, CarlosFonesca Ortiz and his wife AdelinaRodriguez Ramirez, all alleged mem­bers of the FALN. The notorious"shoot-to-kill" mayor Daley threatenedto undertake a racist stop-and-friskdragnet in the Loop (downtown), "andmaybe by chance we might be able torun into some of these people with thebox [explosives] ...."

As the grand jury witchhunt extendedits tentacles, Carlos Alberto Torres,owner of the building where the "bombfactory" was found, was added to the listof hunted alleged FALN members. The80-man police and FBI squad that

WV Photo

December 8 demonstration in front of the Chicago Federal Buildingprotesting grand jury investigation of the Puerto Rican independencemovement.

Federal "Investigation" of FALNBombings

Stop Grand JuryWitchhunt of PuertoRican Militants!

WV PhotoSL spokesman Kay Blanchard

Now Available as a Pamphlet!

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groups for free abortion on demand),Reed answered demagogically: "Outthere women are in action! Are you withthem or against them?"

The SWP's attempts to implementmale exclusionism met with vociferousprotests from the SL. But althougheveryone who spoke on the questionsupported the Spartacist position ofnon-exclusion, the SWP refused tocount the extremely close vote, insistingthat the majority had decided in favor ofmale exclusion. At this point, the maleSL supporters walked out and werejoined by several other participants whowere disgusted by this exclusion ofcommunists through the introduction ofone of the worst practices of feminism.

A special report on "Women'sLiberation in Spain" by Linda Jennessconcluded the conference. Her thesis,that the women's movement is the sameall over the world-i.e., nothing but astruggle for democratic rights-wasexposed by Spartacist speakers for theblind reformism which it is. Jennessrefused to answer the SL comrades'questions as to whether the SWP wouldcall for "free speech to fascists" in Spain,as it does in the U.S. However, sheprivately admitted to the SL after herspeech that "We support free speech forfascists in this country and in Spain."

This call for free speech for thereactionary terrorists who are dedicatedto drowning the workers movement inblood-not only in the U.S., wherefascists do not at present constitute amajor threat, but in Spain, where thereis a pre-revolutionary situation­reveals the SWP's total lack of rev­olutionary perspective or even theslightest class instinct. It is only logicalthat, having drawn a sex line where theclass line should be, the SWP has notrouble with supporting free speech forfascist scum while denying it to malecommunists.

The victory of the proletariat, whichalone can liberate women and all theoppressed, will be the result of a strugglefor the full Transitional Program andmilitant class solidarity. Feminists andthe cowardly opportunists who capitu­late to them. are roadblocks to thatvictory.•

Make checks payable/mail to:Spartacus Youth Publishing Co., Box 825,Canal St. Station, New York, N.Y. 10013

WV PhotoLinda Jenness

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Published weekly, except bi-weekly in Augustand December, by the Spartacist PublishingCo., 260 West Broadway, New York, NY10013. Telephone: 966-6841 (Editorial),925-5665 (Business). Address all correspond­ence to: Box 1377, G.P.O., New York, N.Y.10001. Domestic subscriptions: $5.00 per year.Second-class postage paid at New York, N.Y.

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Marxist Working-Class Weeklyof the Spartacist League of the U.S.

Hoping that the time was right for aresurrection of the now largely dissipat­ed women's movement, the SocialistWorkers Party (SWP) held a conferenceon "Women's Liberation and Social­ism" at Columbia University in NewYork on December 17-18. Unfortunate­ly for the SWP, the 200 to 300participants were mostly their ownmembers, right-wing feminists fromMajority Report and a few supportersof ostensibly socialist organizations.

The conference reeked with reformistgimmickry and feminist imbecility,including the exclusion of men from theworkshops. The SWP hoped by suchcatering to backward consciousness towin the support of unreconstructedfeminists (who were not ngticeablyinterested). The largely petty-bourgeoisradical women's movement of the late1960's has long since splintered intovarious sects espousing Maoism, severalvarieties of life-stylism and standardDemocratic Party politics, and is notabout to be resurrected.

On Friday evening Evelyn Reed, lead­off speaker for the SWP, gave aschoolmarmish recitation of the "victo­ries" of the women's movement in thepast ten years, but was unable to explainwhv so manv of the "victories" haveundergone s~rious erosion recently orwhy the "movement" has not flocked tothe SWP. Unable to respond politicallyto a comrade from the Spartacist League(SLl, who counterposed the Leninistconception of women's emancipationthrough proletarian revolution andcriticized the SWP's abandonment ofTrotskyism in favor of minimal reform­ist demands for women (illustrated bythe SWP's refusal to call in its front

2 WORKERS VANGUARD

Hoxha Purges Pro-Peking Ministers

Albania: Last Hope for MaoistsWithout aCountry

rf

i

Irfrrrifrrr

Chou En-Iai (left) embracing Enver Hoxha.

I(

December)! !But despite important economic

advances since the Hoxha regime tookpower after World War II, Albaniaremains the most impoverished nationof Europe. Its economic structure restsprimarily on agriculture and travellersreport that Albania is one of tpe fewcountries where traditional peasantdress is actually worn by much of thepopulation. Whatever advances theAlbanian economy has enjoyed havecome almost exclusively through for­eign assistance, with imports from theUSSR running at double the rate ofAlbanian exports until 1960. WhileChina now occupies the dominantposition in Albania's foreign trade, itsactual assistance has been far morelimited than Russia's before it.

Even according to the rare officialeconomic statistics, wages in agricul­tural collectives were only 20 lek(approximately one dollar) a day in1970. Streets and railroads are built byyoung people in what the PPS euphe­mistically refers to as "socialist educa­tion" but in reality amounts to unpaidforced labor. Under such backwardconditions, "self-reliance" can onlyresult in a worsening of the conditions of"socialist li{e" for the m~e~9C~lb.~mi.:..an workers and peasants.

Tito/Stalin/Mao's Little Brother

The purge at the seventh congress andunmistakable signs of an estrangementfrom China indicate that Enver Hoxhamay be in the throes of a break-up withhis "socialist" benefactor for the thirdtime in three decades. The AlbanianParty of Labor was formed in 1941under the aegis of Tito's YugoslavCommunist Party, and Hoxha's "Na­tional Liberation Front" seized power in1944 as an adjunct of the Yugoslavpartisans' successful routing of Nazioccupation forces.

The PPS saw its first task as theestablishment of a "people's democraticgovernment in an Albania that has beenliberated from fascism" (Jan Mvrdal,Albania Defiant [1976]). This ~IassicStalinist popular-front policy could not,however, be realized in practice for lackof bourgeois forces willing to ally withit. As a minor act of the Yugoslavrevolution and in the context of Soviethegemony in Eastern Europe, thepeasant-dominated PPS created adeformed workers state. Its ties to Titowere strengthened by the existence of amillion-strong Albanian minority insouthern Yugoslavia.

After driving out the Nazis, Tito setup a customs union with his Albaniansatellite and coordinated economicplanning for the two countries. How­ever, when Stalin broke with Tito in1948, Hoxha, smarting under Yugosla­via's "great power pretensions" andfearing that his own little bailiwickwould soon become just one moreYugoslav republic, abrogated all trea­ties with the "superpower" next door.Pro-Yugoslav elements of the PPS werepurged and for the most part physicallyliquidated. Among them were KociXoxe, ex-major general and former vicepresident and interior minister. Ascould be expected in Albania, infamous

continued on page 9

Gun Kessle

got their signals crossed, as the Albani­an party congress rubber-stamped thepurge of several top government leadersand took several large steps toward anopen break with China.

Among the disgraced leaders were theagriculture minister, the educationminister and the chief economic plan­ner. In part, the dismissal of keyeconomic officials derives from Alba­nia's worsening economic situation:from 1970 to 1974 production offoodstuffs stagnated despite the ex­panding population. Additionally, theexpell~d ministers are charged withwanting a rapprochement betweenAlbania, the Soviet Union and the West.However, several Western newspapersclaim that the purge victims actuallysupported a pro-Peking line.

Coupled with these purges- has beenan increased emphasis on the need for"self-reliance," reminiscent of the rhe­toric which preceded Albania's breakwith the Soviet Union in 1960. Althoughhailed by New Leftists as "participatorydemocracy" writ large, "self-reliance" isa code word for "socialism in onecountry" as suited to the predicament ofsmall deformed workers states in dangerof being swallowed up by their largerneighbors. It is not an accident that itsmajor proponents are Albania's EnverHoxha and North Korea's Kim II Sung.It is also useful, at times, to large"socialist" powers (such as China) whichare reluctant to share their resourceswith smaller "brother" countries (suchas Vietnam). Whatever the particularrationale, however, "self-reliance" con­demns backward and impoverishedcountries to remain backward andimpoverished.

No longer secure in the belief thatthey are backed by 800 million Chinese(2 million Albanians can't be wrong?!),the admirers of the IIyrian "socialist"paradise on the shores of the Adriatichave been particularly sensitive to anymention of Albanian economic back­wardness. In Portugal, PCP-R leaderEduardo Pires, speaking to a mass rallyafter returning from the seventh con­gress of the PPS in Tirana, complainedthat "all the bourgeois speak in chorusof a socialism of misery" in Albania. Notso, he declared. "For years there has notbeen a single unemployed in Albania"(!), said Pires, adding "The Albanianpeople is the only one in the world whichpays no taxes" (Bandeira Vermelha, 1

Eastfoto

Albanian sheepherders drive flock to market.

way of a glorious socialist fatherland. Itis under these trying circumstances thatnervous Maoists Imve ~. located theforefront of socialism in the sheeppastures of Albania.

deformed workers state to glorify?"Socialism in one country" has nothingin common with socialism as Marxconceived of it, yet it certainly does needits one country. "Where's your coun­try?" Stalinist cretins of both the pro­Soviet and pro-Chinese variety love tojeer at Trotskyists, hoping to relievethemselves of the necessity to answerMarxist criticism. Yet with the SovietUnian having somehow become "socral­imperialist" and the future of China a lotless predictable than it seemed whenChairman Mao was around, there is nota great deal left to choose from in the

Purge and "Self-Reliance"

For the OL, at least, Albania musthave seemed a "safe bet," and its two­part article was filled with banalitieslike, "The Seventh Congress will un­doubtedly deepen the party's revolu­tionary political line and set high goalsfor the future" (Call, 8 November). Butonce again it seems that Klonsky & Co.

Confused and disoriented by thepower struggles taking place within theChinese bureaucracy, Maoist groups inthe West have been treating readers oftheir press to an extraordinary exhibi­tion of feinting, dodging and fastfootwork in an attempt to avoid taking aposition which may tomorrow brandthem as "capitalist roaders." In the U.S.,the Revolutionary Communist Partyhas been strangely silent on the questionof the "Gang of Four," while theOctober League (OL)-after its blunderof sending condolences to the "gang's"leader, Chiang Ching, shortly before shewas purged-has ventured only toparaphrase statements from the Chinesepress.

But if many Maoist groups have beenuncharacteristically reticent about re­cent events in China, several havebecome more than usually ardent inpraising their other "socialistparadise"-tiny Albania. Thus when theAlbanian Party of Labor (PPS) held itsseventh party congress last month, theOL used the occasion to publish twolengthy articles in the Call glorifyingAlbania as the "lighthouse of socialism"in Europe. Even more fulsome in theiraccolades were some of the EuropeanMaoists, with the Portuguese Commu­nist PartyI Reconstructed (PCP-R) andthe Communist Party of Germany IMarxist-Leninist (KPD-ML) how hail­ing Albanian leader Enver Hoxha as the

"greatest living Marxist-Leninist."What is behind this adulation of

primitive Albania as a Marxist-LeninistShangri-la, and of Hoxha as the new"ML" pope? It is apparent that manyMaoists feel the necessity to hedge theirbets against the possible "loss" of China.With a subjectivist analysis of classrelations which posits that "socialimperialism" can at any moment assertitself by means of the bad will of thepolitical leadership (as supposedlyhappened in the USSR) ... who knowswhat evil lurks in the mind of ChairmanHua?

But what is a Stalinist without his

7 JANUARY 1977 3

f

U.S., Pinochet Prop~ganda Bonanza

Behind the Corvalan-Bukovsky Dealby the Organizaci6n Trotskista Revolucionaria of Chile

Brezhnev welcomes Luis Corvalan to the Kremlin December 23.

"UPI

imprisoned for "subversion" (Chileandelegate to the UN). The United NationsGeneral Assembly, a body hardlysuspect of "Marxist" subversion, by avote of 95 to 12 (with 25 abstentions)adopted a resolution expressing "pro­found indignation" over these prisonersand demanding that the military juntaimmediately release the prisoners.

There are still some 2,000 politicalprisoners in Chile, divided among thevarious concentration camps: Chacabu­co in Antofagasta, Pisagua nearIquique, Isla Juan Fernandez 360 milesfrom Valparaiso, Isla Quiriquina acrossfrom Talcahuano, Colliguay Alto inValparaiso and Pefialolen in Santiago,not to mention the ordinary jails andbarracks used as centers of imprison­ment and torture. In addition, anindeterminate number-at least 1,500­have been "abducted" by the armedforces. Hundreds of their relativessearch desperately through the prisonsand barracks without obtaining infor­mation. In the best of cases the "missingperson" is later found imprisoned andbroken by torture; in others they nevershow up again; in an occasional "hu­mane" gesture, the military may turnover to the relatives a mangled corpse.

Among the missing is EdgardoEnriquez, a leader of the MIR takenprisoner in Argentina and handed overto the uniformed butchers in Chile.

Critically important among those stillimprisoned is the case of SergeantCardenas and the leftist sailors whowere arrested and savagely tortured fortrying to prevent a military coup whilethe Unidad Popular government was inpower. The then Minister of the Interi­or, Carlos Briones, a member of the SP,asked for the maximum penalty of thelaw against the "insurrectionary" sailorswho had transgressed against the"democratic" and "constitutionalist"Chilean Navy. By coincidence, not aword is spoken about Cardenas in thenumerous international campaigns de­manding freedom for Luis Corvalan.The so-called "Anti-Fascist Front"dares not mention the sailors since thiswould mean a self-accusation as de­fenders of the bourgeois order up untilthe last moment and conscious grave­diggers of the Chilean proletariat.Bonapartism repayS its class favors­today Corvalan· arid Briones are atliberty while no onetcnows if Sergeant

continued on page 11

WORKERS VANGUARD

Vladimir Bukovsky in Zurich De­cember 18.

slogan from its 22nd Congress: "social­ism in French colors." The PCFtogether with the Italian and SpllnishCommunist parties is in the forefront ofthe rightist degeneration of the Europe­an CPs. But for Mandel,leading theoretician of the majoritytendency in the United Secretariat of theself-proclaimed "Fourth International,"this "social-democratization" obviouslymeans anti-bureaucratic pressure fromthe ranks (!!): 'That is, the Communistparties which take the Eurocommunistroad are not simply making concessionsto the bourgeoisie but also to theworking class, to the powerful anti­bureaucratic current developing withinthe West European working class"(from Mundo [Barcelona], 23 October1976). Thus these renegades fromTrotskyism justify their Pabloist policyof capitulation to the bureaucraticleaderships of the reformist workersparties. Quite to the contrary, the factthat the PCF has deleted the dictator­ship of the proletariat from its programsimply by a stroke of the pen, withoutsignificant internal splits or protests, isfurther proof of the crisis of leadershipof the working class.

Today Corvalan is already in theKremlin, seated beside the almightyBrezhnev, while Pinochet assures theworld that there are no more politicalprisoners in Chile. This is hardlysurprising coming from the mouth ofthe leader of the bloodiest massacre everperpetrated on the proletariat of;Chileand Latin America, yet even spokesmenfor the junta are compelled to admit thatthere still are in Chile today 880 people

anti-communist propaganda ploy andin exchange for economic treaties whichthe Soviet bureaucracy reached withChile with Rumania as intermediary.

Already on 6 September 1974, oneyear after the coup, the OrganizacionTrotskista Revolucionaria de Chile(OTR) stated in an interview withInformations Ouvrieres: "At the end ofthe first year of the massacre [thebourgeoisie] is trying particularly towipe the revolutionary workers off theface of the earth-assassinating them­while the traitorous bureaucrats arerelatively well-treated in prison, in the ----..hope of a definitive deal between thebonapartist Soviet bureaucracy and theChilean military junta." We also added,"... therefore Corvalan will not be shot,since he represents for the junta the lastpossibility of subordinating the workersmovement." (This interview was neverpublished, since the OCI leader incharge told us it was too "abstract.")

The Chilean junta, along withimperialism and international reaction,took advantage of this "exchange" ofprisoners to carry out a forceful cam­paign of anti-communism, which hasbeen joined in practice by such leftorganizations as the French OCI and itsinternational conglomeration (theOCRFI), as well as West EuropeanCommunist parties such as the FrenchPCF.

As revolutionary militants, ChileanTrotskyists, we hail the release of LuisCorvahln, for which we struggledunremittingly, as well as for the life andliberty of all prisoners of rightistrepression. We are likewise heartenedby the release of Vladimir Bukovsky­our struggle is aimed also againstrepression by the anti-working-dassbureaucratic regimes. We strongly rejectBukovsky's praise of the prisonerexchange and in particular his coun­terrevolutionary "humorous" sugges­tion that Brezhnev be exchanged forPinochet; but we defend his freedom ofexpression in the Soviet Union as well asthat ofopen reactionaries ala Solzhenit­syn, so long as this is not expressed incounterrevolutionary actions.

These two cases cannot be throwninto the same bag-there is a vast abyssseparating Chile and the USSR: theabyss of the class character of theirrespective states. We cannot abandonone of the fundamental principles of ourTrotskyist program, that is, the defenseof the socialist basis of theUSSR as abureaucratically deformed workersstate. When organizations which claimto defend the Transitional Program,such as the OCI, forget this fundamentalprinciple. they become anti-Trotskyistsand even agents of anti-communism.

The political line of the OCI and theOCRFI-as well as of theirirreconcilable imitators, the "FourthInternationalist rebuilders" led byVarga-of "freedom for all politicalprisoners" and of promoting commit­tees of the Amnesty International type,leads them to organize events such as theOctober 21 meeting at the Mutualite inParis [see "French CP Backs LiberalAnti-Soviet Meeting," WV No. 133, 12November 1976]. This meeting wasorganized by a "Committee of Mathe­maticians" backed by the OCI, but theOCI finally had to keep out of themeeting which it had initiated only tofind it had turnedint9 an open tribunefor anti-communism.

The PCF's pro'minent participationin the meeting was true to its flamboyant

Juan CardenasPunta Final

Island, has been the central figure ofmost of the campaigns launched for thefreedom of political prisoners in Chile.As a prominent figure of the popularfront who can obviously count on a lotof publicity, the Communist Partygeneral secretary has been used by themilitary junta as an important elementof pressure and blackmail. Yesterday hewas used to show how "humanely"prisoners were treated-they even al­lowed Soviet surgeons to attend his gall­bladder operation. The same cannot besaid of other prisoners, such as BatistaVan Schouwen [of th~ "far left" MIR]for example. Today Pinochet bran­dishesCOl'valan as proofof hi1i "justice"and "humanism," when in fact Corvalanwas traded for Bukovsky as part of an

4

The Chilean military junta has freedLuis Corvalan, general secretary of theChilean Communist Party (PCCh).After his arrest on 20 September 1973,Corvalan became the best-known figureamong the popular-front leaders held inthe dictatorship's concentration camps.

Corvalan, a 44-year veteran of thePCCh, had seen prison and exile before,when another popular front brought topower Gabriel Gonzalez Videla, arepresentative of the Radical Party.This coalition of reformist workersparties and bourgeois parties, called theDemocratic Alliance, was made up ofthe PCCh, the Socialist Party (PS) andthe Radicals. The policy of capitulationto the bourgeoisie brought the PCCh nogreat rewards: it was outlawed in 1948primarily as a result of an importantCommunist-led strike by the Lota coalminers. Gonzalez Videla had no qualmsabout forcibly suppressing his formercollaborators, yet a faction in the PCChled by Reinoso, who favored an armeduprising against the government, wasexpelled for ultraleftism.

Ten years later Corvahin was electedgeneral secretary and faithfully followedin his predecessors' footsteps, deliveringthe proletariat bound hand and foot tothe bourgeoisie. Thus in 1970 the CPwas one of the staunchest proponents ofSalvador Allende's popular front,thanks to which the Chilean proletariattoday stands defeated, savagely crushedphysically as well as politically. Afterthe 29 June 1973 dress-rehearsal coup,compafiero Corvalan stated: "We willcontinue to support the absolutelyprofessional character of our armedforces. Their enemies are not in theranks of the people but among thereactionaries" (meeting of 8 July 1973).

Corvalan, imprisoned on Dawson

Conviction Stuns Liberals

Jersey Court FramesCarter/Artis Again

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Free All Victims ofApartheid Terror!

SASONineRailroadedin SouthAfricanCourt

South Africa Permanent Mission tothe UN300 E. 42nd StreetNew York, NY 10017

South Africa Embassy3051 Massachusetts Avenue, N.W.Washlngton,.DC 20008

We protest the outrageous verdictsagainst the nine black students ofthe South African Students Organi­zation, and demand that. they beimmediately freed. Vorster's courtsdeclare the anti-apartheid studentsguilty, but in the eyes of the Interna­tional proletariat the SASO Nine arecourageous fighters against barbar­ic white supremacy, The workingclass will not forget who is guilty forthe massacres at Sharpeville andSoweto, and for the continuingrepression of all who struggleagainst apartheid. Free All Victims ofApartheid RepresslonlPartisan Defense CommitteeBox 633 Canal Street StationNew York, NY 10013

On December 15, the South Afri­can courts convicted nine studentleaders associated with the SouthAfrican Students Organization(SASO) under the notorious Terror­ism Act. This once again demon­strated the brutal repression whichis necessary to the survival of theracist apartheid system.

After a 17-month trial which laidbare the vicious reality of "separatedevelopment" for the oppressednon-white masses, it was cruelhypocrisy for the "enlightened"judge to pretend sympathy for theplight of the South African blackseven as he condemned the youths toprison: six were sentenced to tenyears, the other three received five­year prison terms.

They will be sent to the same jailsin which hundreds of anti-apartheidmilitants have been "detained" with­out trial. During the last year in theseracist hellholes, seven black detain­ees have died under suspiciouscircumstances which the govern­ment usually terms "suicide."

Five white university activists triedon similar charges were acquittedon December 2. The five, includingfour leaders of the National Union ofSouth African Students, werecharged with conspiring to aid theoutlawed Communist Party andAfrican National Congress.

The following telegram was sentby the Partisan Defense Committeedenouncing the racist frame-up ofthe SASO Nine:

Revolutionary Literature

BAY AREAFriday and Saturday 3:00-6:00 p.m.1634 Telegraph, 3rd floor(near 17th Street)Oakland. CaliforniaPhone 835-1535

CHICAGOTuesday 4:30-8:00 p.m.Saturday 2:00-5:30 p.m.

650 South Clark 2nd floorChicago, IllinoisPhone 427-0003

NEW YORKMonday-Friday 6:30-9:00 p.m.Saturday 1:00-4:00 p.m.

260 West Broadway, Room 522New York, New York .Phone 925-5665

Artis and Carter

SL/SYL PUBLIC OffiCES

Reporters were not only forbidden totalk to the jurors during the trial, but inan unprecedented action Judge Leopizzithreatened to arrest any reporters whotried to interview the jurors after theverdict was in! "If you want to spendChristmas at home, then don't talk tothem," he threatened reporters in hischambers. He also instructed the jurorsnot to talk to reporters. So furious wasthe prosecution over the exposes byliberal New York reporters which wereinstrumental in winning the retrial thatit was announced December 28 thatboth Raab and Levenson may faceprosecution on Bello's accusation thatthey pressured and bribed him to recant.

The defense had sought to defuse thetrial atmosphere by attempting (unsuc­cessfully) to bar testimony which wouldturn the courtroom into a "racial battle­ground," Thus it never directly exposedthe monstrous racist frame-up in whichCarter and Artis were scapegoated forghetto unrest, then railroaded in orderto restore the tarnished "dignity" of thecourts and cops. Instead, claiming that"the state has the right to provewhatever facts it wishes to prove,"Leopizzi accepted the prosecution'sunproved assertion of motive as"evidence."

During the last year and a half Carterand Artis have received a great deal ofpublicity in the media and have been theoccasion of some large demonstrations.Celebrities who campaigned in behalf ofthese two victims of racist injusticeincluded Muhammad Ali, Bob Dylan,Candice Bergen and others. Yet none ofthe big names attended the trial, and thedefense committee foundered. Therewere none of the mass demonstrationsthat should have taken place, mobilizingblacks, labor and defenders of demo­cratic rights and turning all eyes to thescandalO'Us proceedings in that NewJersey courtroom.

As the defense reportedly attempts togain yet a third trial~for which thereare more than ample grounds-thosewho wish to effectively defend Carterand Artis must tum to class-strugglemethods, mounting a massive defensemobilization and demanding notendless trials (in which the capitalistcourts repeatedly victimize the victims)but immediate, unconditional freedomfor Carter and Artis!.

As its "evidence" the prosecutionbrought a new element into this trial,inventing a motive-"racial revenge" inthe context of unrest in the Patersonghetto that year-in an attempt tomanufacture a race riot mentality in theminds of the jurors. A cop with noconnection with the case was called totestify on the exist~nce of an angrycrowd of blacks outside another tavern,where a black bartender had been slainby a white man six hours previous to theLafayette Grill murders on 16 June1966.

It is Carter and Artis who are thevictims of racist revenge, by the capital­ist courts and cops. The state took theretrial-ordered by the New JerseySupreme Court last March when itoverturned the original convictionsbecause of suppressed evidence that thekey prosecution witnesses were bribedby the police-as a test of its "justicesystem," as indeed it was. Not only hadthe pair sat in jail for nine years (Artiswill be eligible for parole in 1980) on thebasis of admittedly bribed and perjuredtestimony, but at the retrial all the falsetestimony, cop conspiracy, judicialpressure and racist innuendo of the firsttrial were redoubled.

The retrial was obtained largelythrough the investigations of New YorkTimes reporter Selwyn Raab. Raab'sinquiry led to public recantations by thetwo star prosecution witnesses, AlfredBello and Arthur Bradley. The twooriginally testified that they heard shotsas they were robbing a factory near theLafayette Grill and saw Carter and Artisrunning away from the scene of thecrime. Last year Bello told both Raaband WNET television reporter HaroldG. Levenson that, aside from the$10,500 promised reward, Patersonpolice had promised to "take care of me"in his problems with the law.

At the retrial Bello reversed himselfagain, renounced the recantation andaccused Raab and Levenson of bribinghim to obtain it! Bradley, who stands byhis recantation though he was not calledto testify, states that, because he wasawaiting trial at the time, "I lied to savemyself." A motion by defense lawyers toprevent Bello from testifying since hewas an admitted perjurer and chronicliar was turned down by Judge BrunoLeopizzi. But a less credible witnessthan Bello would have been hard to find.According to the 17 November NewYork Times:

"Alfred P. Bello who identified Carterand Artis as the gunmen in the first trial9 years ago, then recanted, then re­nounced his recantation, depictedhimself on the stand today as a man whohad lied constantly to almost everyoneinvolved in this long and complicatedlegal battle.... At different pointsduring the day Mr. Bello, a formerconvict, was heard admitting that helied to the police, to AssemblymanEldridge Hawkins who was appointedby Governor Byrne to study the Carter­Artis case and to the Essex CountyGrand Jury in 1975." .

Moreover, the' state's three primewitnesses, defense witnesses in the firsttrial who had recanted their originalstories that they had been with Carterfar away from the Lafayette Grill thenight ofthe murders, all turned out to bepresently linked to the police, eitherthrough marriage ties or employment.Merritt Wimberly, a witness who did notrecant, took the stand and testified thatone of those who had reversed his story,Welton Deary, told him he had joinedthe police force and was now changingsides "in order to protect his job."

TROTSKYIST LEAGUEOF CANADATORONTO (416) 366-4107

Box 7198. Station AToronto. Ontario

VANCOUVER (604) 291-8993Box 26. Station A

" Vancouver, B.C.

On December 21, Rubin Carter andJohn Artis were again declared guilty offirst-degree murder at a retrial inPaterson, New Jersey. The jury's rail­road verdict in this blatant frame-up­the most prominent current politicaltrial in the country-stunned both thedefendants and their liberal! radicalsupporters. When the jury decision wasread after nine hours' deliberation, Artisremarked, "I feel like I'm in a tunnelgoing around in circles." The kangaroo­court proceedings at the retrial were soobviously prejudicial against the de­fendants that the legal atrocities com­mitted at the original trial were almostdwarfed in comparison.

The state of New Jersey has a long­standing vendetta against the two blackmen accused of murdering three whitesin a Paterson bar ten years ago. Tens ofthousands .of dollars and more than ahalf-dozen investigators from thePassaic County prosecutor's office weredevoted by the state to the retrial withsingle-minded vindictiveness. The origi­nal decision to "get" Carter came afterthe outspoken boxer, then a leadingcontender for the middleweight title,called for black self-defense in the wakeof the bloody 1964 police riots inHarlem. The first trial judge has sincemoved up the judicial ladder, but theNew Jersey police and court apparatus,severely discredited by revelations ofbought testimony and suppressed evi­dence at the 1967 trial, has continued theattempt to vindicate itself in a massiveself-protection cover-up racket.

They carefully picked a jury thatwould know its "duty." Out of the first500 people selected as possible jurors,only 80 were black. Of these, everyyoung black person was peremptorilydismissed from consideration so that thefinal jury composition was ten whitesand two elderly blacks.

7 JANUARY 1977 5

Over 100,000 Jailed in World War II Racist Round-Up

The Agony of Japanese Americansin U.S. Concentration Camps ·

Seattle Post-Intelligencer

, .'"f'"

Wayne'lvI.CollinS

NOTiCE

WRA security police raid barracks at Tule Lake.

Posting of Civilian Exclusion Order No. 1 In early 1942

National Archives

Mass demonstration of internees at Tule Lake in response to "retroactive"termination as farm workers.

The Concentration CampsEven before a formal order came to

round up the Japanese Americans, theU.S. government began its campaign ofharassment. All persons of Japanesedescent who were not citizens wereimmediately designated "enemy aliens,"forbidden by law to become citizens,forced to register and carry identifica­tion cards with photographs and to turnover all "contraband" articles (short­wave radios, cameras, weapons). Bankaccounts of "aliens" were frozen, liquorlicenses were revoked under "tradingwith the enemy" laws, and the licenses of"alien" architects, doctors, teachers andother professionals were rescinded.Many West Coast Chinese wore "I am aLoyal American Chinese" buttons forself-protection on the streets as well astor their own chauvinist reasons.

In Canada, which instituted its ownmass concentration camps a monthearlier than the U.S., all Japanese maleswere ripped away from their familiesand sent to the Canadian interior. Theirproperty and possessions were confis­cated and sold at public auctions to payfor the incarceration costs~only laterwere their families shipped off to jointhem.

When Executive Order 9066 waspromulgated in February, the U.S.Army immediately began nailing uphuge posters in Japanese Americanneighborhoods, saying, "Attention AllJapanese," informing them they had aweek or so to settle all their affairs andshow up for "relocation" with a bedrolland whatever they could carry. The

Supreme Court. Warren, then attorneygeneral of California, claimed that the"Japs" (as he called them in a reportprepared for the Tolan Committee setup to expedite the roundup) had foryears been infiltrating themselves into"every strategic spot in our coastal andvalley counties," and that "there is morepotential danger among the ... Japanesewho were born in this country than fromJapanese who were born in Japan. As amember of the racist "Sons of theGolden West," he evoked the image ofthe "inscrutable Oriental": " ... when weare dealing with the Caucasian race wehave methods that will test the loyalty ofthem... , But when we deal with theJapanese we are in an entirely differentfield ...."

The shoddy "legal" basis for the massinternment was Executive Order 9066issued by Roosevelt on 19 February1942, and Public Law 503 passed inMarch. The rulings gave the U.S. Armypower to remove all individuals frommilitary areas, designated as all PacificCoast states and southern Arizona!Francis Biddle, then U.S. attorneygeneral, sent Roosevelt a covering noteon how to present the laws to the press:"It [Order 9066] is not based on anylegal theory, but on the facts that theunrestricted movement of certain racialclasses, whether American citizens oraliens, in specified defense areas maylead to serious disturbances." (Biddlewas later to have his words thrown backin his face when he acted as ajudge at theNuremburg war crimes trials against theNazis, who used the Japanese Americanconcentration camps in the U.S. tojustify the Jewish camps in Germany.)

CPUSA Expelled AllJapanese Members in

1942Over 110,000 Japanese Americans

were rounded up and incarcerated inconcentration camps during World WarII by the Roosevelt administrationfollowing the Japanese attack on PearlHarbor on 7 December 1941. A recentbook, Years of Infamy by MichiWeglyn, documents this savage uproot­ing and imprisonment of thousands.victims of capitalist America's racist warhysteria. Although Weglyn's view is thatthe concentration camps were "a de­mocracy's mistake," the book is ex­tremely valuable as a detailed expose ofthe cynical atrocities perpetrated uponan entire racial minority.

Because of the liberal authorship ofthis monstrous act of imperialistbarbarity~and the obvious comparisonto Hitler's concentration camps forJews~there has been until recently a"gentlemen's agreement" not to mentionthe mass incarceration of JapaneseAmericans. Not only is this importantaspect of World War II seldom taught inthe schools, but when a pamphlet("Concentration Camps U.S.A.") ap­peared in the mid-1960's, many liberalsrefused to believe that the campsexisted.

Today, some 35 years after PearlHarbor, many prominent liberals havehad attacks of conscience and nowbemoan the "tragedy," "mistaken poli­cy," etc., that they hailed and imple­mented at the time. The race-hatecampaign and roundup of the JapaneseAmericans was in fact initiated at thehighest levels of the U.S. government. Itwas not some crude red-neck nativismwhich swept the Japanese into concen­tration camps, but a policy decided byprominent "upper crust" liberals aroundFranklin Roosevelt, including FrancisBiddle, Earl Warren and a host ofothers.

Even before Pearl Harbor, Roosevelthad begun probes of the "loyalty" of theJapanese Americans on the West Coastand in Hawaii, since war with Japan wasexpected to break out imminently. Asecret report to the president preparedby Curtis Munson found an extraordi­nary degree of "loyalty" among Japan­ese Americans, concluding that "there isno Japanese problem." Following PearlHarbor, however, the report was hushedup and plans for the roundup began.

The "tragedy" so bemoaned byliberals today was, of course, the factthat from the bourgeoisie's own view­point the Japanese Americans were"innocent"~that is, they did not opposethe imperialist war aims of the U.S.Presumably those who did refuse to goalong should have been thrown intoprison, as were the Trotskyists of theSocialist Workers Party. However, theU. S. government was unable to find anyproof of saboteurs or enemy agentsamong the Japanese American popula­tion, and decided, therefore, to roundup everyone on the incredible groundsthat they couldn't tell who was or wasn't"loyal."

One of the most vociferous advocatesof this policy was Earl Warren, laterhighly revered as a liberal on the

6 WORKERS VANGUARD

Dorothea LangelWRA

Iva Toguri d'Aquino, now 67 yearsold, runs a small shop on Chicago'sNorth Side. Twenty-seven years ago inSan Francisco she was tried, convictedand jailed for the crime of treason.Called "Tokyo Rose," she was thecentral figure in what was one of themost sensationally vindictive campaignsof racist and chauvinist persecution ofpost-war America.

"Tokyo Rose" was the collectivename given to all the women's voicesthat were broadcast over the PacificOcean in the English language fromJapan during World War II. RadioTokyo played American popular rec­ords over the air, and the disc jockeystalked about "home." Presumably thiswas meant to demoralize the U.S.military forces, although there is noevidence that it did anything but provideentertainment to bored and lonely men.

But the vindictive state machinery ofU.S. imperialism wanted a victim. Thenationalist logic of inter-imperialist wardemanded that after the carnage in thePacific, a villain be found and persecut­ed as a symbol of U.S. victory andJapanese defeat. "Tokyo Rose" was tobe that symbol, a figure who was nearlyas widely despised as the EmperorHirohito and the General Tojo.

Of course there was no one "TokyoRose," so Iva Toguri was picked by U.S.occupation authorities for the sinisterrole. The fact that Toguri had reallydone nothing criminal didn't mattermuch to the imperialist victors. Since

continued on page 8

International Japanese Hostages

Even before the outbreak of war, theU.S government had formulated plansfor the mass taking of Japanese hostageswithin its areas of influence, to be usedas pawns in dealing with Japan. LatinAmt'rica and Europe were scoured forvictims. In October, two months beforePearl Harbor, a deal was set up withPanama to immediately intern Japanesethere in case of war. Costa Rica andother Latin American countries werepressured to hand over their Japaneseresidents to the U.S.

Since the Japanese in Peru wereproviding particularly stiff competition

continued on page 8

up list" can be arrested overnight. Tht.Tule Lake detention camp is maintainedas a McCarran Act site, with a capacityof 10,000 (Charles Allen, Jr., "Concen­tration Camps U.S.A.," 1966).

end, early in 1946 the Japanese Ameri­cans were unceremoniously shoved outof the camps and told to "go home."Many had nothing left to return to, andit has been estimated that some 80percent of the possessions abandonedfive years earlier by the Japanese wereeither lost, stolen or sold. The desperate,hysterical mass renunciation of citizen­ship many were forced into during thelast months of the camps became thefocus of lengthy court battles as thou­sands of anxious families sought toavoid deportation to Japan. The searingtragedy of smashed lives and hopesdragged on for decades after thedeactivation of the concentrationcamps.

Ominously, several of these campsstill exist, ready to be reactivated intimes of "national emergency," whenunder provisions of the anti-communistMcCarran Act thousands of "potentialspies and saboteurs" on a "master pick-

AP

Iva Toguri d'Aquino taken from Japan to be tried for treason In California in1948.

the Army taking over Tule Lake fromthe WRA, a move which provokednationwide applause and further racisthysteria over the "coddling" the "Japs"were supposedly getting.

Following the uproar over the loyaltyoath, in 1944 the government passedanother law, providing that Americancitizens on American soil could re­nounce their citizenship in time of war.This was an effort to finally get rid of theJapanese Americans who were citizens,and could not simply be kept in thecamps forever after the war. Given thebitter experience of the camps, the U.S.hoped to trap the Japanese Americansinto renouncing their citizenship, so thatthey could be deported. Pushed to thelimit of their endurance by the racist,brutal treatment they had received,thousands did-an act they were bitterlyto regret after the war.

Following the atomic bombing ofHiroshima and Nagasaki and the war's

Manzanar Relocation Center in California.

How U.S. Im~erialism Persecuted Iva TogYr1

InDefense of "Tokyo Rose"

Japanese American population, over­whelmingly older people who hadimmigrated before 1924 and their youngchildren, were tagged and shipped off totemporary "assembly centers." Orphanswere ripped out of orphanages, the sickwere pulled out of hospitals andcrammed into the hastily assembledcamps built on race tracks (Santa Anitawas one), stockyards and fairgrounds.

The "assembly centers" were sur­rounded by barbed wire and guarded bysoldiers with rifles, as searchlightsplayed over them by night. Asphaltfloors melted in the burning Californiasun, and the livestock facilities stunkfrom years of animal dung, hastily sweptup. Tarpaper shacks with no windowsand thin partitions housed thousands offamilies jammed together. Straw-filledsacks served as beds, while infants hadto sleep in cardboard cartons. Toiletswere left unpartitioned, outbreaks ofmeasles and other contagious diseasesspread rapidly, and hundreds became illfrom the unsanitary conditions in oldstables. In the initial dislocation, manydisoriented older people were abused, asa hospital record from one of theassembly centers notes:

"Older people who have poormemories. etc., get up at night and try toget out--Doctor says she has tobandage and sew up heads in themornings of the old people who try toget through the gates and have beenstruck on the head by soldiers."

More permanent stockades wereconstructed farther east, euphemistical­ly dubbed "havens of refuge" by the WarRelocation Authority (WRA), whichadministered the program. The Japa­nese Americans were assured conditionswould be better there, but upon arrivalthey found the same conditions­barbed wire, wooden guard towers andarmed patrols in the midst of arid,freezing, barren wastelands.

As regular farmhands flocked to jobsin the expanding war industries, theincarcerated Japanese Americans wereused by the government as slave labor toharvest the cotton crop in Arizona andthe sugar beet crops of Idaho, Utah,Montana and Wyoming. They weregiven only token wages which they were

/ forbidden by law to spend in the townsthey had to pass through, for fear theywould "subvert" the countryside.

The Loyalty OathAdding stinging bureaucratic insult

to grievous injury, in 1943 the U.S.government decided to administer aloyalty oath to the imprisoned JapaneseAmericans. Already ripped from theirhomes and thrust behind barbed-wirestockades, they were now expected toswear undying loyalty to the Americansystem. Additionally, the governmentdecided to create a special segregatedArmy battalion of Japanese Americans,so they could "prove in blood" theirloyalty, thus producing some of thefinest soldiers in the American Army­the 442 regimental combat team.

The loyalty oath, which threw thecamps into fear and confusion, con­tained such insinuating queries as:

"Can you furnish any proof that youhave always been loyal to the UnitedStates?""What does the Samurai tradition meanto you?""Do you believe in the divine rigin ofthe Japanese race?""Will you voluntarily remain out of theStates of Arizona, Nevada, Utah untilsuch time as public opinion makes youmore welcome?""Will you conform to the customs anddress of your new home?"

There were more than 70 other insultingproddings. This "oath" caused suchdissension, confusion and fear that itsresults were almost useless, although thegovernment sought to use it to furtherdivide out "loyal" from "disloyal"Japanese, segregating the "hard cases"at the Tule Lake camp in California.

Tule Lake became a center of protestover the harsh conditions of prison life.A demonstration there, over the segre­gation of "troublemakers" in a specialprison within the compound, resulted in

7 JANUARY 1977 7

Over 100,000 Jailed in World War II Racist Round-Up

The Agony of Japanese Americansin U.S. Concentration Camps ·

National Archives

Mass demonstration of internees at Tule Lake in response to "retroactive"termination as farm workers.

Seattle Post-lntelligencer

r ."f'

NOTiCE

WRA security police raid barracks at Tule Lake.

Posting of Civilian Exclusion Order No.1 In early 1942

The Concentration CampsEven before a formal order came to

round up the Japanese Americans, theU.S. government began its campaign ofharassment. All persons of Japanesedescent who were not citizens wereimmediately designated "enemy aliens,"forbidden by law to become citizens,forced to register and carry identifica­tion cards with photographs and to turnover all "contraband" articles (short­wave radios, cameras, weapons). Bankaccounts of "aliens" were frozen, liquorlicenses were revoked under "tradingwith the enemy" laws, and the licenses of"alien" architects, doctors, teachers andother professionals were rescinded.Many West Coast Chinese wore"l am aLoyal American Chinese" buttons forself-protection on the streets as well aslor their own chauvinist reasons.

In Canada, which instituted its ownmass concentration camps a monthearlier than the U.S., all Japanese maleswere ripped away from their familiesand sent to the Canadian interior. Theirproperty and possessions were confis­cated and sold at public auctions to payfor the incarceration costs-only laterwere their families shipped off to jointhem.

When Executive Order 9066 waspromulgated in February, the U.S.Army immediately began nailing uphuge posters in Japanese Americanneighborhoods, saying, "Attention AllJapanese," informing them they had aweek or so to settle all their affairs andshow up for "relocation" with a bedrolland whatever they could carry. The

Supreme Court. Warren, then attorneygeneral of California, claimed that the"Japs" (as he called them in a reportprepared for the Tolan Committee setup to expedite the roundup) had foryears been infiltrating themselves into"every strategic spot in our coastal andvalley counties," and that "there is morepotential danger among the ... Japanesewho were born in this country than fromJapanese who were born in Japan. As amember of the racist "Sons of theGolden West," he evoked the image ofthe "inscrutable Oriental": "... when weare dealing with the Caucasian race wehave methods that will test the loyalty ofthem. ... But when we deal with theJapanese we are in an entirely differentfield ...."

The shoddy "legal" basis for the massinternment was Executive Order 9066issued by Roosevelt on 19 February1942, and Public Law 503 passed inMarch. The rulings gave the U.S. Armypower to remove all individuals frommilitary areas, designated as all PacificCoast states and southern Arizona!Francis Biddle, then U.S. attorneygeneral, sent Roosevelt a covering noteon how to present the laws to the press:..It [Order 9066] is not based on anylegal theory, but on the facts that theunrestricted movement of certain racialclasses, whether American citizens oraliens, in specified defense areas maylead to serious disturbances." (Biddlewas later to have his words thrown backin his face when he acted as ajudge at theNuremburg war crimes trials against theNazis, who used the Japanese Americanconcentration camps in the U.S. tojustify the Jewish camps in Germany.)

CPUSA Expelled AllJapanese Members in

1942Over 110,000 Japanese Americans

were rounded up and incarcerated inconcentration camps during World WarII by the Roosevelt administrationfollowing the Japanese attack on PearlHarbor on 7 December 1941. A recentbook, Years of Infamy by MichiWeglyn, documents this savage uproot­ing and imprisonment of thousands,victims ofcapitalist America's racist warhysteria. Although Weglyn's view is thatthe concentration camps were "a de­mocracy's mistake," the book is ex­tremel} valuable as a detailed expose ofthe cynical atrocities perpetrated uponan entire racial minority.

Because of the liberal authorship ofthis monstrous act of imperialistbarbarity-and the obvious comparisonto Hitler's concentration camps forJews-there has been until recently a"gentlemen's agreement" not to mentionthe mass incarceration of JapaneseAmericans. Not only is this importantaspect of World War II seldom taught inthe schools, but when a pamphlet("Concentration Camps U.S.A.") ap­peared in the mid-1960's, many liberalsrefused to believe that the campsexisted.

Today, some 35 years after PearlHarbor, many prominent liberals havehad attacks of conscience and nowbemoan the "tragedy," "mistaken poli­cy," etc., that they hailed and imple­mented at the time. The race-hatecampaign and roundup of the JapaneseAmericans was in fact initiated at thehighest levels of the U. S. government. Itwas not some crude red-neck nativismwhich swept the Japanese into concen­tration camps, but a policy decided byprominent "upper crust" liberals aroundFranklin Roosevelt, including FrancisBiddle, Earl Warren and a host ofothers.

Even before Pearl Harbor, Roosevelthad begun probes of the "loyalty" of theJapanese Americans on the West Coastand in Hawaii, since war with Japan wasexpected to break out imminently. Asecret report to the president preparedby Curtis Munson found an extraordi­nary degree of "loyalty" among Japan­ese Americans, concluding that "there isno Japanese problem." Following PearlHarbor, however, the report was hushedup and plans for the roundup began.

The "tragedy" so bemoaned byliberals today was, of course, the factthat from the bourgeoisie's own view­point the Japanese Americans were"innocent"-that is, they did not opposethe imperialist war aims of the U.S.Presumably those who did refuse to goalong should have been thrown intoprison, as were the Trotskyists of theSocialist Workers Party. However, theU. S. government was unable to find anyproof of saboteurs or enemy agents

. among the Japanese American popula­tion, and decided, therefore, to roundup everyone on the incredible groundsthat they couldn't tell who was or wasn't"loyal."

One of the most vociferous advocatesof this policy was Earl Warren, laterhighly revered as a liberal on the

6 WORKERS VANGUARD

JapaneseAmericans...(continued from page 7)to indigenous businessmen, the Peruvi­an government was only too happy tooblige, and provided over four-fifths ofall the Latin American Japaneseshipped to the U.S. As U.S. ambassadorto Peru Henry Norweb informed theState Department on 20 July 1942:

"... the [Peruvian] President is verymuch interested in getting rid of theJapanese in Peru. He would like tosettle the problem permanently.... Heasked Colonel Lord to let him knowabout the prospects of additionalshipping facilities from the UnitedStates.... Peru would like to be surethat these Japanese would not bereturned to Peru later on."

Following this wholesale kidnapping,the unfortunate Peruvian Japaneseabandoned in the U.S. after the war,their usefulness as hostages over, werenot allowed back into Peru. They werethen informed by American authoritiesthat they were in the country "illegally,"having failed to obtain the proper visasand passports, and some 1,700 PeruvianJapanese were dumped in Japan!

State Department telegrams toRumania asking for the "fourteenJapanese nationals in Rumania" to be

Tokyo Rose...(continued from page 7)the "day of infamy" attack on Pearl"Harbor, U.S. propaganda mills hadbeen characterizing the Japanese as"inscrutable" and "sneaky," while over100,000 Japanese Americans were in­terned in concentration camps assupposed "fifth columnists" (see articlethis issue).

This found its way into the movies inthe character of the Japanese command­er who tells his captured Americanprisoners not to be surprised that hespeaks their language because he waseducated in California. The populariza­tion of "Tokyo Rose" as a raciststereotype was particularly explosive inits sexual overtones, calling up theimage of the "Dragon Lady," alluringbut treacherous villain of Milton Can­iff's chauvinist comic strip "Terry andthe Pirates."

The case of "Tokyo Rose" is onceagain in the news, but this time she is notthe target of the frenzied super-patriotswho demanded her imprisonment afterthe war. In November, Iva Togurirequested a presidential pardon andreinstatement of her citizenship, and shemay well receive it. This year theCalifornia legislature and the SanFrancisco board of supervisors passedunanimous resolutions. supporting apardon. The Los Angeles city councilreversed its 1948 position opposing herre-entry into the U.S. and now supportsher pardon and right to citizenship.

The pressure of the 30,000-memberJapanese-American Citizens League nodoubt accounts for some of the willing­ness to rethink the case. But also, withthe passage of time it has becomeimpossible to suppress the facts of thecase-the truth is coming out over thedin of racist hysteria. Most recently herstory was sympathetically told by JohnLeggett in the New York Times Maga­zine (5 December). It is not merely thestor~ of an innocent y~ung ~i~! ,S~ughtup In the cruelty of Imperialist war,although that is surely Iva Toguri'spersonal tragedy. It is also the story ofthe hypocrisy and racism of bourgeoisclass "justice."

The Case of Tokyo Rose

After growing up in southern Califor­nia and graduating from high school,Iva Toguri was chosen by her family tovisit a sick uncle in Japan. While she wasthere in 1941, Japan and the U.S.declared war and she was trapped.

8

handed over forthwith to the U.S., andto Belgium inquiring about Japanesethere, indicate the depth of America'sarrogance in simply scooping up humanbeings at will to deposit them inwretched camps for use in prisonertrades.

The wartime practice of makinghostages of unfortunate nationals ofthe "enemy" country is not particularlynew. However, the mass concentrationcamps in the U.S. were an unprecedent­ed expression of chauvinist hysteria,emanating from the highest levels of the

.government, the liberal intelligentsiaand the Democratic Party.

American Anti-Oriental Racism

The mass internment of JapaneseAmericans provided a vent for woundednational pride and frustration afterPearl Harbor. It also intersected the fearand hostility toward Japanese and otherAsians on the West Coast. It is interest­ing that the large Japanese populationin Hawaii was not incarcerated (al­though several thousand "suspect"Japanese, including fishermen who"knew the waters," were shipped to theU.S.). The relative absence of racialhysteria in Hawaii was due to the crucialand well integrated role of JapaneseAmericans in the economy-thus givingthe lie to the "security danger" theysupposedly represented.

Tokyo authorities wanted her to takeJapanese citizenship, but she couldbarely speak the language and refused.It is interesting that she held on to herAmerican citizenship, in a country atwar with the U.S. and at a time when"her country" was "relocating" Ameri­cans of Japanese descent into concen­tration camps.

In Japan, Toguri was denied a foodration card and forced from the home ofher aunt and uncle because of harass­ment from the police and neighbors.Without a ration card and a place tolive, in a country where she could barelycommunicate and didn't know thecustoms, Iva Toguri's choice was to findwork or starve. She found a number ofpart-time jobs.

One of her part-time jobs was as atypist for Radio Tokyo. Here she madefriends with a number of Allied POW'sassigned to the radio station by theJapanese authorities. She met MajorCharles Cousens, an Australian officer,and Captain Wallace Ince of the U.S.Army. After the war they both arguedthat their show, "Zero Hour," was anattempt at propaganda sabotage when itwasn't simply broadcasting Americanpop tunes. When it was decided that"Zero Hour" could use a woman's voicein 1943, Cousens and Ince were instru­mental in selecting Iva Toguri. Theywrote the scripts and Toguri broadcast­ed as "Orphan Annie." In fact, none ofthe various women who broadcast overRadio Tokyo used the name "Rose."

Yet the myth grew. After the war,U.S. journalists found a· hungry andinsecure Iva Toguri who allowed aninterview, for which she was promised$2,000 she never saw. She was held byU.S. authorities for II months until theArmy's legal division released her inOctober 1946, after saying that "Togu­ri's activities, particularly in view of theinnocuous nature of her broadcasts, arenot sufficient to warrant prosecution."Cousens and Ince were also cleared ofinvolvement in treasonous activity. Ivathought she might at last come home.

But in America the cold war wasbeginning-the mobilization of publicopinion behind U.S. imperialism's driveto be the world's leading power. Amongthe many targets for savage punishmentfor "disloyalty" and "un-Americanactivities" was Iva Toguri. WalterWinchell advised "Mr. and Mrs. Ameri­ca" that "Tokyo Rose" must be kept outof the U.S.; American Legion postsdemanded that she be jailed. And sureenough, Iva Toguri was arrested againin August 1948 and charged withtreason.

Years of anti-Oriental race hatred onthe West Coast also had an economiccomponent. Businessmen who foundthe industrious Japanese Americanfarmers a serious economic threat sawPearl Harbor as an opportunity tofinally crush their competition. More­over, general anti-Oriental prejudice hasbeen a constant theme of West Coastpolitics since the Civil War, as the influxof Chinese workers-who slaved on therailroads, in California's fields and assmall shopkeepers-was used to keepdown wages and whip up racist resent­ment and hostility among the whitepopulation. The Democratic Party builtits strength in California through anti­Oriental demagogy, expressed by theChinese Exclusion Act of 1882.

In 1924 Japanese immigration wasalso halted. Japanese who had arrivedearlier, however, and who like theChinese before them were denied U.S.citizenship, nevertheless managed tobuy up quantities of cheap "undesir­able" land and through hard work turnit into profitable farmland. By 1941 theJapanese Americans produced 35 per­cent of the commercial truck crops ofCalifornia.

The California Chamber of Com­merce, the Bank of America and theAssociated Farmers along with thexenophobic "Native Sons of the GoldenWest" all saw in Roosevelt's evacuation

Now separated permanently from herhusband, Felipe d'Aquino, with littlemoney and a racist witchhunt mountedagainst her, she was fortunate enough tofind a courageous lawyer to representher: George Olshausen, a left socialist.

The U.S. government had no legalcase, but it was determined to send aJapanese woman to prison as "TokyoRose." Central to the case was thetestimony of two Japanese witnesseswho renounced their U.S. citizenshipat the outbreak of the war. They testifiedthat they heard the same broadcast byToguri when she allegedly said: "Or­phans of the. Pacific, you are reallyorphans now. How will you get homenow that all your ships are sunk?" Butno tapes or transcripts survived tocorroborate the testimony.

In a travesty of justice, Toguri wasprevented from subpoenaing witnesseswho could aid her defense, although theprosecution had unlimited rights to doso. Six blacks and two Asian Americanswere peremptorily dismissed from thejury by the state. But the all-white juryseemed deadlocked until the judgeinstructed them to bring in a verdict. Soafter days of deliberation they broughtin a verdict ofguilty. On 7October 1949,after Iva Toguri had already spent twoyears injail, Judge Roche sentenced herto ten years in prison, a $10,000 fine andloss of her U.S. citizenship.

She was released from AldersonPrison in 1956 after nine years ofimprisonment, being separated from herhusband and losing a child in childbirth,as well as being hounded by bothJapanese and U.S. governments. IvaToguri was the victim of racism,imperialist war hysteria and cold warwitchhunting. She was never guilty ofanything but trying to stay alive byworking and perhaps a mistaken andnaive trust in the U.S. government.

Many others were victimized by the"democratic" U.S. imperialists duringand after World War II. The leaders ofthe then-revolutionary Socialist Work­ers Party were the government's primetargets because they took the principledLeninist position of calling for thedefeat of all the imperialist bourgeoisiesin World War II and for the victory ofthe international proletariat.

Iva Toguri was certainly norevolutionary. She was, and continuesto be, a naively "loyal" American. It isnot for her national loyalty that shedeserves our efforts in her defense, butrather because she has been victimizedby racist, chauvinist class "justice." Thatis why revolutionaries defend "TokyoRose.".

order an opportunity to seize the land.The Bank of America and the U.S.government both extended loans towhite farmers to take over the Japaneseland as its owners were shipped off tothe camps.

Who Defended the JapaneseAmericans?

The vicious atrocities against theJapanese Americans went almost un­protested in the years of American warfervor-at least among those liberalswho today claim to be so concerned for"human rights" and "dignity." FranklinRoosevelt and the liberals around himdesigned and carried out the roundups,imprisonment and humiliations. Theonly people who dared to help theJapanese Americans were the Society ofFriends (Quakers), who visited thecamps and provided bedding, clothesand what personal aid they could, a veryfew individuals such as the pacifistNorman Thomas, and the Trotskyists,who were themselves facing severepersecution.

The American Civil Liberties Union'(ACLU) abandoned the Japanese totheir fate, claiming the roundup wasperfectly legitimate and a legal part ofthe president's war powers. To theircredit, sections of the California ACLUobjected to the policy.

Because of its pretentions to representthe working class and oppressed, theCommunist Party (CP) was perhaps themost disgusting ofall in its betrayal. TheCP was not merely swept up in the warhysteria, but one of the most rabiddrumbeaters for U.S. imperialism. Itpraised to the skies Roosevelt, and all hedid, as the Soviet Union's great allyagainst fascism. The abandonment ofthe Japanese Americans by the Commu­nist Party indicates the depths ofnational chauvinism to which its cynicalclass collaboration and support forStalinist foreign policy led it.

The day after Pearl Harbor, the CPNational Committee (then headed byWilliam Z. Foster, as Earl Browder wasin jail), pledged "its loyalty, its devotedlabor, and its last drop of blood insupport of our country in this greatest ofall the crises that ever threatened itsexistence.... Everything for NationalUnity!" The statement, printed in boldtype on the front page of the 8 December1941 Daily Worker, began dramatically:"Japanese guns have fired on theAmerican flag."

The Daily Worker carried "news"items on "subversives" during Decem­ber 1941 and early 1942, such as "FOROrders Enemy Alien Registration" (1January), and "Coast Sharpens VigilAgainst 5th Column" (15 January). Aspecial article by Bias Roca (long-timeCuban CP leader, still active underCastro) on 25 January 1942, entitled"Pearl Harbor Holds Vital Lesson forCuba," was a masterpiece of slanders,lies, chauvinist hysteria and viciousattacks on the Japanese Americans:

"As it has already been published, thefifth column of Pearl Harbor wasformed by the Japanese of Honolulu,many of them American citizens withmore than 20 years in the country,established as business men and withchildren born in the island."

Repeating the outrageous stories theU.S. Army put out, Roca claimed thatthe Japanese bombers over PearlHarbor were "led by arrows made on thecane fields, in the same manner thattheir Axis partners may be directedtomorrow by hundreds of "fifth columngreengrocers'." But what about thepresumably "loyal" Japanese Ameri­cans? Roca blasts "many outstandingNorth Americans" for their "interestedand blind defense" of the JapaneseAmericans, warning that "the factremains that among them Japan recruit­ed countless spies and agents ofsabotage.... "

In 1972, in the guise of reviewing abook on lacism in California (andfifteen years after its first, enormouslyinconspicuous apology), the CP belat­edly admitted its rotten betravals, whileattempting to I,;over itself - with the

WORKERS VANGUARD

excuse that, after all, everybody wasmore or less racist then:

"The virulence of this racism in Califor­nia has affected the Socialist movement,the labor movement, and it is reflectedeven in the Communist Party...."When the war between the UnitedStates and Japan began in the midst ofWorld War II, the U.S. Army decidedto round up all people of Japaneseancestry and to herd them into concen­tration camps on the West Coast.Among others who failed to fight thisvicious racist action which violated themost fundamental democratic rightswas the Communist Party."Under a slogan of ,unity' in the struggleagainst fascism and Japanese im­perialism, the Party allowed this act togo unchallenged, decided to dropJapanese from membership, and al­lowed their members to go to concen­tration camps."

- World Magazine, I January1972

This vile "excuse" for class collabora­tion is a slander of those few courageousrevolutionaries and others who de­fended the Japanese Americans.

The Record of AmericanTrotskyism

The American Trotskyists of thethen-revolutionary Socialist WorkersParty (SWP) defended the persecutedJapanese Americans both in their press,the Militant, and through whateverconcrete aid they could offer. The SWPwas then a small party, the target of aCP campaign of slander and intimida­tion. Their leaders had just beenconvicted under the Smith Act inMinneapolis and faced lengthy prisonsentences. Nevertheless the Trotskyistsextended what support they could to thepersecuted Japanese Americans.

As a veteran Trotskyist organizer, inLos Angeles in 1941, has recounted,many Japanese Americans in the impor­tant CP fraction in San Pedro Harborturned to the Trotskyists for aid when"their" party, the CP, told them theywere no longer considered members,that they should expect no help from theparty, and that they should accept anyand all directions from theU.S. govern­ment and army. The West CoastTrotskyists helped the Japanese Ameri­cans secure their property and makepersonal arrangements and aidedhowever they could in the days beforeinternment.

In sharp contrast to the DailyWorker, the Militant carried manyarticles exposing the racist lies andatrocities against the Japanese Ameri­cans. In March 1942 the Militantattacked the "brutal and indiscriminatewitchhunt being conducted against non­citizens," calling the government'sroundup "characteristic of a racialpogrom" and exposed the big businessinterests behind the evacuation pressureon the West Coast:

"And so the story of the JapaneseAmerican evacuation stands today-arepressive measure, based purely onracial discrimination and motivatedchiefly by the desires of Big Business foradditional profits, which is presented asa necessary part of the 'war fordemocracy'."

-Militant, 30 May 1942

In July 1942 the Militant declared:"The American workers must let theruling class know in no uncertain termsthat they are ready to fight again indefense of their democratic rights andthat they are as much opposed to racialdiscrimination when it is practiced inthe United States as when it is practicedin Germany and the Far East."

Today it is cheap for the liberals toshed tears of remorse over their horrible"mistake," for the CP to attempt to slideout from under its horrible betrayalsthrough slandering everybody as "rac­ists." But in the war years, whenAmerican imperialism exposed its truebloodthirsty and vicious character, theywere enthusiastic partners in persecu­tion. The Spartacist League stands insolidarity with the revolutionary tradi­tion of the Trotskyists who, in the faceof terrible persecution themselves,courageously stood up for the rights oft}le oppressed against aU odds andopposed theimperi~list war aims of theU~.•

7 If. 'HI,' {'I j'~'

Albania...(continued from page 3)

for its tradition of blood feuds, therewas a regional! clan aspect to the purge.Xoxe and the other purge victims weremembers of the northern Ghegs, whileHoxha is a southern Tosk (the othermajor language group).

Until the split between Moscow andPeking, Albania remained a faithfulfollower of the Kremlin, serving after1948 as a military base for the Sovietfleet. But in the Sino-Soviet split Hoxhaallied himseif with Peking for reasonshaving nothing to do with "peacefulcoexistence" or any of the other ostensi­ble ideological reasons for the bureau­cratic split. Albania at first equivocatedon the differences between Peking andMoscow, allying itself with China onlywhen it became clear that a continuedalliance with the Soviet Union wouldnecessitate rapprochement withYugoslavia.

But even before the formal break, thePPS had been busy expelling pro-Sovietparty members, among them severalpolitical bureau members. When in 1961Khrushchev attacked Hoxha's "savage­ry" in executing central committeemember Liri Gega, the Albanian leaderretorted that as head of the secret policeshe had personally executed severalother CC members by hitting them overthe head with a sledge hammer. PerhapsCCers are no longer demoted withsledgehammers, but the latest purge andthe lockstep flavor of the seventh PPScongress indicate that Hoxha is stillfirmly in the saddle, and the rule ofAlbania's threadbare bureaucracy re­mains undisturbed by even the slightesttoken of workers democracy.

Locating the "PrimaryContradiction"

There has always been a shading ofdifference between the foreign policiesof Albania and China. Thus Hoxha hasattacked the Soviet Union not only forits explicit policy'of peaceful coexis­tence with U.S. imperialism, but also forits tacit approval of the Shah's repres­sive internal policies in the early andmid-1960's and for Soviet complicity inthe destruction of the IndonesianCommunist Party in 1965 because of itsconfidence in the "anti-imperialist"Sukarno. Albanian publications remainsilent, however, about Mao's supportfor Iran's butcher and the equal respon­sibility of Peking in the Indonesiandisaster.

In recent months, these policy differ­ences have been growing as China hasdeveloped the position that "social­fascist" Russia is the "more aggressive"and "more dangerous" of the two"superpowers." Hoxha has continued tomaintain that both "superpowers" areequally dangerous. Tqus at the seventhPPS congress, a key section of Hoxha'sreport was his assertion that, "the twosuperpowers are the principal and mostdangerous enemies of the peoples, andtherefore we can never support our­selves on one imperialism to fight theother or to escape from it" (BandeiraVermelha, 24 November).

It is this line that attracts thePortuguese PCP-R and the GermanKPD-ML when they praise Hoxha as"the greatest living Marxist-Leninist,whose teachings show the sure way tothe communists of Europe and the restof the world." The PCP-R went so far asto "entirely approve the Marxist­Leninist proletarian line of ComradeEnver Hoxha's report" at a centralcommittee meeting, and its leadersattended the PPS' seventh congress asspecial guests. KPD-ML leader ErnstAust, a long-time hard-line Stalinist,also attended the Tirana congress, andhis newspaper (Rater ¥orgen, 26November), in an article entitled"Studythe Report of Comrade Enver Hoxha,"praised the speech asa sharp weaponagainst revisionism "be~:ause it is guidedby nothing else but the teachings of

Eastfoto

Arms from Soviet Union displayed inTirana parade.

Marx, Engels, Lenin and Stalin" (isn'tsomeone missing here?). Not present atthe PPS meeting was even a singlerepresentative of China.

Albania's "two equally dangeroussuperpowers" line is being eagerly seizedupon by European Maoists who havebeen embarrassed by Peking's increas­ingly explicit alliance with U.S. imperi­alism against the USSR. VariousChinese pronouncements have made itclear that this includes calling for thestrengthening of NATO and support forthe most reactionary domestic forces inWest Europe, such as Franz JosefStrauss in Germany. While _somePeking-loyalists have taken lip thispolicy and developed it into a policy of"defense of the fatherland," others havegagged on it, fearing a loss of credibilityin the radical milieu.

In Portugal, for instance,immediately after the April 1974 coupthere were six different Maoist groupswith unclear lines of political demarca­tion. Of these, the PCP-ML hasremained a tiny sect with its policy ofopenly supporting bourgeois forcesagainst a supposed threat of "social­imperialist" aggression; the MRPP haslost influence with a line that istheoretically against "both superpow­ers" but in practice directed against thepro-Moscow Communist Party; and theremaining groups fused to form thePCP-R, which holds U.S. imperialismto be the main danger. The PCP-R isnow by far the largest of the Maoistgroups, with a periphery of several tensof thousands, while the PCP-ML hasnothing but the Peking franchise.

In Germany the KPD-ML has gonethrough grotesque contortions over thequestion of "defense of the fatherland"and the question of the "main contradic­tion." During 1975 it wallowed in themost extreme anti-Sovietism, arguingthat resistance by the West GermanBundeswehr to a "social-imperialistinvasion" would be a "just war ofnational defense." Aust went so far as tosue Social Democratic defense ministerGeorg Leber for "insufficient prepara­tions" to defend against the "Sovietdanger."

But after visiting Tirana in Decemberof that year, the KPD-ML leaderannounced an abrupt switch. In Aust's1976 New Year's speech he made a little"self-criticism": some KPD-MLdocuments had "unClear" and "confus­ing" views, it seemed, on the question ofthe "main enemy of socialist revolutionin West Germany." Now it seems that"the West German working class isoppressed in the first instance by WestGerman imperialism and secondly byU.S. imperialism" (Roter Morgen, 3January 1976).

A Hoxhaite International?

Not only did.Hoxha implicitly attackthe Peking line of an anti-Soviet "united

front" with U.S. imperialism at the PPS'seventh congress, but he hinted at theformation of an "ML" International. Hespoke of the "quite useful activity" of theComintern "at the time of Lenin andStalin," although downgrading its roleto mere "cooperation" of the nationalparties, which "naturally" must beindependent and not "receive ordersfrom one another" (Rater Morgen, 13November 1976). As the "critic;al Mao­ist" Kommunistischer Bund (KB­Communist League) in West Germanynoted, this is the first time since theSino-Soviet split that such a suggestionhas been made.

However, for several reasons it isunlikely in the extreme that a "Marxist­Leninist" International will ever see thelight of day. In the first place, such aproject would have to be undertakenwithout and largely against China. ThePeking leaders have for decades resistedeven so much as officially recognizing"fraternal parties" in the West, and theonly international organization it hasever sought to build is that of "non­aligned" countries run by "ThirdWorld" despots.

The Albanians have begun to moveaway from any identification withMaoism. Thus demonstrators celebrat­ing the seventh congress of the PPScarried in the front line mammothpictures of Marx, Engels, Lenin andStalin; and in his speech, Hoxharepeated (on at least four occasions) thisquartet, mentioning Mao only in rela­tion to China. (Even while praising closerelations with China, judging fromexcerpts published in the PCP-R'sBandeira Vermelha, Hoxha neithergreeted Chinese leader Hua Kuo-fengnor condemned the "Gang of Four."Coincidentally, the last major Chineseleader to visit Albania was Yao Wen­yuan, one of the "Four.")

Moreover, to actually build anInternational means deciding uponwhich groups are the official sections, aprocedure which requires either acombination of material inducementsand a powerful repressive apparatus (asStalin ruled the Comintern), whichAlbania would be hard put to supply, ora political struggle for a common line.The latter is unacceptable to theStalinists because it could easily lead toa build-up of pressures for sovietdemocracy as prevailed in the Commu­nist International under Lenin andTrotsky. Enver Hoxha will hardlypermit in his "International" what hecould not tolerate in his own "party"without jeopardizing his bureaucraticrule.

In any case, while various "criticalMaoist" groups may cut the ties thatbind them to Peking, they are unlikelyto exchange them for a Tirana franchise.It is one thing to believe that Stalinwould' overtake the West in a decade, oreven that China could catch up in 50years; it would be ludicrous to think thatAlbania could be anything other than animpoverished backwater without aidfrom the most advanced industrialpowers. (Khrushchev was reportedly sostruck by Albania's backwardness thathe advised its leaders to forget aboutindustrialization and stick to sheep andolives.) For today's "critical Maoists" tosign up as front men for Enver Hoxhawould mean becoming the laughingstock of the left.

The counterrevolutionary policies ofboth the Moscow and Peking bureauc­racies have become increasingly clear towould-be revolutionaries throughoutthe world. Yet the Albanian bureaucrat­ic ruling clique, which for its ownreasons has evidently become dissatis­fied with its Peking benefactors, canonly oscillate from one overlord ~o

another. Real revolutionary leadershipfor the international proletariat canonly come through a struggle against allthe Stalinists, through political revolu­tion from Tirana to Moscow andPeking, and by the reforging of theTrotskyist Fodrth InternatiOnal ~s atrue world party of socialist

. revolution.•

9

••••II

l

China...(continuedfrom page 1)

robberies, murder and rape." Andtoday's New York Times reports thataccording to the Honan provincialradio, People's Liberation Army (PLA)troops have taken over the key railjunction of Chengchow.

Military occupation of the coastalprovince of Fukien in late Octobercould be viewed as a successfulmopping-up operation against bureau­cr.atic supporters of the Chiang Chingclique. But the reported "civil war" inSzechwan, riots in Paoting and laborunrest in Chengchow point to a seriousdisintegration of China's political andsocial order.

Although information about thecurrent situation depends on the far­from-credible official Chinese organs~nd second-hand reports of bourgeoisJournalists in the major cities, reports ofrecent fighting indicate that the intra­bureaucratic conflicts may be fuelingupheavals of a far broader and morespontaneous character. The clique- andfaction-ridden Chinese Stalinist bu­reaucracy, under the weak regime ofthecolorless, little-known Hua Kuo-feng,cannot contain the explosive pressuresgenerated by uneven economic develop­~ent, ~ass discontent, scarcity andmequallty, and political repression.Chinese society is becoming unstuck.

Ever-Deepening Purge

The Hua regime has stated itsinte.ntion to deepen the campaignagamst the "Gang of Four" and extendthe purge throughout the 30-million­member Communist Party. On Decem­ber 24, Hua announced that a "move­ment of consolidation and rectification"would be launched.

Here Hua is as good as his word. Witheach passing day some prominent~hinese figure disappears from publiclife. Early last month foreign ministerChiao Kuan-hua was dismissed and theregime announced other unspecified"appointments and removals." WhenPeking party boss Wu Teh failed toappear at an important national farmconference last week, bourgebis com­~e~tators deduced he was a purgevlctlm.

Most of the "rectified" leaders willcertainly be accused of being cohorts ofthe "Gang of Four." In most cases thisaccusation will be false. The so-called"moderate" majority which ousted the"gang" last October was a heterogene­ous, conflict-ridden grouping whoseonly point of agreement was hostility tothe Chiang Ching clique and to upstartslike Wang Hung-wen, who rose toprominence during the Cultural Revo­lution. With Chiang Ching's cohorts outof the way-at least at the uppermostlevels of the bureaucracy-all theconflicts which have beset ChineseStalinism for the past three decades arereappearing' among the victors ofOctober.

An editorial in the 23 DecemberPeking People's Daily, the official partyorgan, characterized the four arrestedleaders-Chiang Ching, Chang Chun­chiao, Wang Hung-wen and Yao Wen­yuan-as "active counterrevolutiona­ries." This is the term usually applied toKuomintang agents and is qualitativelyharsher than the charges Mao levelled athis bureaucratic rivals Liu Shao-chi andLin Piao. Not only does this have graveimplications for the four (they could beexecuted), but it should be mind-

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10

boggling to foreign Maoists. After all,Chiang, Ching and her friends weren'texactly nobodies: if the Chinese "social­ist" regime was presided over during thepast period by "active counterrevolu­~ionaries," does that mean that capital­Ism was secretly restored and has nowbeen overthrown again? The thoughtshould send would-be serious foreignMaoists into. the cocktail lounges andmental hospitals.

~ key purpose of the campaignagamst the "gang" is to shore up theauth~rity of Hua's weak regime byblammg all of China's manifold socialand economic difficulties-endemic to abureaucratically deformed workersstate, especially one so economicallybackward-on sabotage by the purgedleaders. They have been accused ofpreventing "preparedness against warand modernization of the army"; stiflingculture and the arts; "destroying educa­tion"; undermining the rural communesystem and agricultural production; andimpeding industrial and technologicaldevelopment. But just where were Mao,Hua and other party leaders when the"counterrevolutionary Gang of Four"were supposedly sabotaging the Chineseeconomy?

Just as the "gang" is held responsiblefor China's ills, the campaign againstthem is supposed to open a cornucopiaof opportunities for economic andsocial development. Recent productionincreases claimed in the national chemi­cal industry, the Wuhan Iron and SteelCompany and a large tractor plant inKiangsi province have all been hailed asvictories stemming directly_from the"overthrow.of the Four."

For Political Revolution AgainstChinese Stalinism

The evident preoccupation ofthe Huaregime with economic developmentpoints to the root cause of the relativeinstability of Chinese Stalinism. Thelegacy of Maoist economic adventurism(particularly the catastrophic GreatLeap Forward), bureaucraticultimatism and the extreme poverty andisolation of the Chinese deformedworkers state (in part a result of China'scounterrevolutionary foreign policy)has produced a materially discontentedand increasingly restive population.

APCarter advisor James Schlesingerwith Hua Kuo-feng during recent 23­day tour of China.

The millions of students ordered tothe countryside to "learn" from thepeasants are a mass of discontent bothin the rural areas and in the cities towhich many have returned illegally.Extreme regional- income differences,built into the commune system with itsemphasis on self-sufficiency, feed peas­ant unrest. The low-wage policy pur­sued by the Maoist regime since theearly 1960's has exacerbated industrialunrest, provoking some importantstrikes in the past period, the mostnotable being that in the textile center ofHangchow in 1975, which were sup­pressed by the army.

It is revealing in this respect that Huahas accused the "Gang of Four" of"mishandling" the suppression of these

~tri~es ~nd riots in Hangchow and Paoting,mdlc~tlllg the common hostility to thew?rklllg class which unites the squab­bling bureaucratic cliques.

Hua and the remaining senior leaders(largely veteran PLA commanders) lackthe ~road political authority of Mao,who III the eyes of the Chinese masses isidentified with the overthrow ofbourgeois/ feudal oppression and offoreign domination. Because of thefundamental inability of Stalinism withits nationalist dogma of "socialism inone country" to transform China into amodern, nationally integrated industrialsociety, Mao's heirs face the samecentrifugal tendencies that have besetweak Chinese governments forcenturies.

Furthermore, the backwardness ofcommunications and transport as wellas of military technology, limits theeffective repressive power available tothe central state apparatus. At the sametime, the policy of economic decentrali­zation and the associated strength ofprovincial military and party leadersthreaten to unleash unchecked regionalautarky and incipient warlordism.

In their vicious clique battles andritual of vilification and purge, theStalinist mandarins threaten more thantheir own careers and miserable necks.They undermine the very foundations ofproletarian property forms upon whichtheir bureaucratic regime rests. Defenseof the real and important gains of theChinese revolution requires the exten­sion abroad of the gains of the Chineserevolution and the institution of work­ers democracy through soviets; that is, aproletarian political revolution underthe banner of communist international­ism, of Trotskyism!.

Sadlowski ...(continued from page 1)

525,000 steelworkers, today you have357,000 employed .... That says some­thing about what that industry hasdone, and what this union hasn't done tokeep abreast. ., . I think it's long overduethat we start talking about a shorterworkweek-not just talking about it,but making it a reality."

PENTHOUSESadlowski: "We have already benefitedfrom what our brains have producedtechnologically. We've reduced laborforces from 510,000 fifteen years ago to400,000 today. Let's reduce them to100,000. The coal miners went from400,000 to 68,000."Interviewer: "But what happens to theguys who get laid off?"Sadlowski: "In the present structure,they find employment somewhere else.Society absorbs it."Interviewer: "How does society absorbit? There seem to be a lot of unabsorbedpeople right now."

SOCIALISM

MILITANTInterviewer: "Well, are you a socialist?"Sadlowski: "In the sense of EugeneDebs, yes. You carrv that answer backwith you. Get a handbill out--get it justexactly as I quoted it now."

PENTHOUSESadlowski: "I don't have a politicalphilosophy. I'm not that sophisticated."Interviewer: "If you could replacecapitalism. what would you replace itwith?"Sadlowski: "It's not a question of asystem. It's a question of the distribu-

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Malinowski

Ed Sadlowski

tion of the system. The worker shouldget a larger share than he's getting now."

LABOR BUREAUCRACY

MILITANTSadlowski: "They're calling Abel a laborstatesman and responsible union leader.I'm very leery about any form ofstatesmen, especially a labor statesman.His concept is to be responsible to theindustry, not to the membership. Theonly guy that he thinks he's responsibleto is the boss."

PENTHOUSESadlowski: "Abel doesn't get moneyfrom U.S. Steel. They don't pay him forbeing a dinosaur. Abel is very inconsis­tent. I've seen him come out strong. I'veseen him backtrack. Abel is his ownboss."Interviewer: "George Meany?"Sadlowski: "You ask me about Meany. Iask what you're measuring him by....Meany has been very, very consistent ondomestic affairs. I think,' however. heshould have said more than he said."Interviewer: "How do you assess WalterReuther's place in history?"Sadlowski: "I think that Reuther wasprobably the most significant, decentlabor leader in the last quarter century.In my opinion, he was progressivelysound."

NATIONALIZATION

PENTHOUSEInterviewer: "Do you envision ultimateownership of the industry by the peoplewho work in the industry?"Sadlowski: "No. That might work inWestern Europe, to some degree, but itdoesn't seem likely here.".

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WORKERS VANGUARD

WfJ/iltE/i1 VIINfitJIIR'Bourgeoisie Mourns Chicago Autocrat

DALEY DROPS DEADSo Chicago's Mayor Richard Daley is

dead--and good riddance to thatcorrupt master of bourgeois big citypolitics, the wheeling-and-dealing vote­peddling dispenser of machine favorsand juicy contract deals, "the Boss"backed up by his brutal police force andarmy of ward-heelers. After a 21-yearcareer as mayor of the midwesternmetropolis, Daley dropped dead of aheart attack in his doctor's office, surelythe end he would have favored. Had heleft office voluntarily, "His Honor"would doubtless have gone directly tojail on a host of corruption charges(assuming there's an honest judge inChicago, that is).

The city was soon inundated withofficial glorification of th~ dead mayor.A billboard at Soldier Field pro­claimed, "We Join in Mourning OurGreat Leader Richard J Daley Good­bye, Friend," and the local mediachimed in with a chorus of hyperbolicpraise, the Chicago Daily News headlin­ing "Loving City Buries Daley."

Chicago has certainly been called a lotof things, but "loving city" was neverone of them. Along the ghetto streets inthis most segregated of America's majorcities there is no outpouring of love forthe late mayor. Nor is there any love lostfor _Daley among those who demon­strated outside the Democratic Partyconvention of 1968 and were bloodiedby Daley's rampaging cops as the wholeworld watched on TV.

As for "friends," even among hisfellow Democratic Party politicians,there are few who would call him that.The memory of "kingmaker" Daley'shighhanded behavior at that Chicagoconvention, shouting obscenities andcutting off the microphones of national­ly known figures as if they were unrulymembers of his captive city council, stillrankles. Nobody who knew the manloved him-Daley was feared and/ ordespised, yet still the national politi­cians, Carter, Ford, Rockefeller,McGovern, Kennedy, et al. flocked tohis graveside to pay their last respects to

the powerful politician who ran Chicagowith an iron grip.

"The City That Works"The bourgeoisie certainly has reason

to mourn the passing of this master ofward-heeling politics, since tradi­tional means of dominating the masseshave become increasingly difficult toapply as America's big cities continue todisintegrate in the epoch of capitalistdecay. And the Daley mystique-last ofthe big city bosses, Democratic king­maker, the man who made Chicagowork-has fascinated political com­mentators for years.

Daley was unique in recent years inmanaging to successfully play abonapartist-like role as mediator be­tween big business interests and thelabor movement, in containing the largeblack vote and in adroitly manipulating

Ed Jarecki/Chicago Daily News

the various ethnic blocs which havedominated Chicago politics for the lasthalf-century. He came up through theDemocratic machine, making all theright connections along the way andbuilding his base among the city's Irishpopulation, which is heavily representedin municipal government jobs. Behindthe Daley mystique lies one of the mostpowerful repressive apparatuses in thecountry, ranging from a massive spyingsystem to a ruthless police forceequipped with armored anti-riot vehi­cles. But more than just another corruptand dictatorial machine boss, Daley wasable to maintain intact his unchallengedrule in part because he "delivered."

It is not necessary to deal in depthwith the notoriously corrupt practice ofthe mayor and his administration, sinceeven his fellow politicians and admirerswill freely admit he was a past master at

the usual practices of machine politics,including a little graft, nepotism, curry­ing favor with the corporations and coldcontempt for the poor. It is remarkable,nonetheless, how almost every single .one of the men surrounding Daley wasstruck down by federal indictments forvarious forms of corruption. To hit justa few of the high points of recent history:over 50 North Side policemen sent toprison for extortion and in~ome taxevasion in the early 1970's; chief oftraffic and 18 vice detectives convictedin 1973 of extortion; federal judge andformer governor of Illinois Otto Ker­ner, Jr. found guilty in 1973 of incometax evasion on racetrack stock; CookCounty clerk Edward Barrett convictedin 1973 of bribery in purchasing votingmachines; Daley confidant MatthewDanaher indicted in 1974 for a shadyreal estate scheme; city council leaderThomas Keane indicted in 1974 onconspiracy and mail fraud charges; andso on.

While a mere piker compared torespected members of the notorious"millionaires' club"-the U.S. Senate­where such "friends of labor" as HenryJackson wield large personal fortunesbuilt up during years of "devoted publicservice," Daley himself managed to layaside a "nest egg" for a rainy day. Hesecretly owned a real estate firm calledElard Realty Co., which bought upacres of tax-delinquent South Sideproperty expropriated by the city fromimpoverished blacks. In the process ofthis brutal "urban renewal," fortuneswere made; Daley accumulated$200,000.

Daley's main concern, however, wasalways strengthening and maintaininghis grip on the city. What was uniqueabout Daley was his skill at manipulat­ing and controlling the sources ofpolitical power in Chicago. In the finalanalysis, it was the willingness of theprosperous Chicago bourgeoisie toinvest in "their" city-at least the thinstrip along Lake Michigan stretchingfrom the Gold Coast to the financial

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Sign in Soldier Field in downtown Chicago.

12

WV Photo.

Chicago Sun-Times

August 1968, Daley's police and units of the Illinois National Guard battleddemonstrators near the Democratic Convention In Chicago.

7 JANUARY 1977