BiH i Proturjecnosti Procesa EU BiH and Controversiees of the Eu Integration Process

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    Impressum

    Izdava~:Fondacija Heinrich BllUred za Bosnu i Hercegovinu

    Za izdava~a:Mirela Grnther-\e~evi}

    Prijevod na engleski jezik:Svjetlana Pavi~i}

    Lektor: Ferida Durakovi}Korektor: Rusmira ^amo

    Layout:JORDAN Studio, Sarajevo - Amer Ekmi}

    Tira : 1.000

    [tampa:Tipografija d.o.o., Sarajevo

    COPYRIGHT 2008

    Fondacija Heinrich Bll, Ured za Bosnu i Hercegovinu

    Stavovi i mi{ljenja iznesena u ovom tekstu su autorska i ne predstavljaju izri~ite stavove i mi{ljenja

    izdava~a.Views and opinions presented in this text are the autors own and do not reflect the views and opinionsof the publisher.

    CIP - Katalogizacija u publikaciji

    Nacionalna i univerzitetska biblioteka

    Bosne i Hercegovine, Sarajevo

    323(497.6):[327:061.1EU

    osna i Hercegovina i proturje~nosti procesa EUintegracija : zbornik radova / [prijevod naengleski jezik Svjetlana Pavi~i}]. - Sarajevo :

    Fondacija Heinrich Bll, Ured za Bosnu i

    Hercegovinu, 2008. - 127 str. ; 22 cm

    Na spor. nasl. str.: Bosnia and Herzegovina and

    controversies of the EU integration process. -

    Bibliografija i bilje{ke uz tekst.

    ISBN 978-9958-9889-5-0

    COBISS.BH-ID 16657926

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    Zbornik radova:

    BOSNA I HERCEGOVINA I PROTURJE^NOSTIPROCESA EU INTEGRACIJA

    Sarajevo, 2008.

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    S A D R @ A J

    7 Uvod Mirela Grnther-\e~evi}

    9 Eldar Sarajli}Neodlu~ni gospodar - kontradikcije politike Evropske unijeprema Bosni i Hercegovini

    21 Bodo WeberPoliti~ke elite i politi~ka kultura u BiH i izazovi evropskih integracija

    29 Edin [ar~evi}Bosna i Hercegovina i proturje~nosti procesa evropskihintegracija - ustavnopravni pogled

    41 Svetlana Ceni}Bosanskohercegova~ka privreda - mogu}i pokreta~ ilifaktor blokade u procesu evropskih integracija

    47 Radenko Udovi~i}Proces EU integracija i uloga bh. javnosti

    57 Preporuke

    61 O autorima

    67 PROCEEDINGS FROM THE CONFERENCE:Bosnia and Herzegovina and Controversies of the EU Integration Process

    5

    Sadr`aj

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    zvani~nicima pregovaraju isklju~ivou okviru dr avnih institucija i zvani~nih dr av-ni~kih funkcija koje obavljaju, umjesto okvira etnopoliti~kog liderstva, tek tada semo`e o~ekivati i konsekventna demokratizacija ukupnog politi~kog polja i ostalihprocesa koji su njegov inherentni dio. Drugim rije~ima, nije mogu}e zagovarati {i-renje demokratskih vrijednosti a istovremeno djelovati u nedemokratskim okvirimai takvim djelovanjem odr`avati status quo. Na taj na~in, mo`e se re}i da upravo odEvropske unije najvi{e i zavisi stepen i brzina transformacije Bosne i Hercegovineod postkonfliktne zemlje nedemokratskog odlu~ivanja do zrelog i odgovornog

    demokratskog dru{tva u kojem }e politi~ka odluka biti stvar javne i razumne delibe-racije, a ne tajnih sastanaka politi~ke elite i me|unarodnih zvani~nika. Tek ondakada se, zahvaljuju}i djelovanju Evropske unije u BiH pri ~emu bi na~in djelova-nja njenih predstavnika i kona~an cilj ukupnog djelovanja bili neodvojivi jedan oddrugog bude moglo re}i da se demokratizacija pro{irila u sve sfere dru{tva na kojeEU ima utjecaj, Bosna i Hercegovina }e postati demokratsko i odgovorno dru{tvo,skrojeno u skladu sa potrebama svojih gra|ana, a ne politi~ke elite ili me|una-rodnog politi~kog subjekta.

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    Neodlu~ni gospodar: kontradikcije politike Evropske unije prema Bosni i Hercegovini

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    ra~un individualnih prava. Izvedeno na nivo pravila: ustav mora zajam~iti potpunuza{titu pojedinaca u formi individualnih prava i time postaviti apsolutnu granicukolektivnim pravima; kolektivna prava se {tite sekundarno, samo u podru~jima kojanisu pokrivena individualnim pravima. Sve ostalo je nadgradnja ovog pravila: novisistem kompetencija, prvenstveno zakonodavnih, prirodnija teritorijalna organizaci-

    ja, efikasna, etni~ki neutralna upravna struktura, uskla|ivanje dr avnopravnog prin-cipa sa demokratijom, a jednog i drugog sa kolektivnim pravima konstitutivnih na-roda ne}e biti te{ko rije{iti kada bude postojao nedodirljiv krug individualnih prava

    koja se ne mogu obesna`iti pozivom na kolektivna prava.Takav ustav u dana{njoj konstelaciji nije mogu}e donijeti bez neutralne (vanjske)

    snage. Ovim se pribli`avam zamisli da se on mora koncipirati uz sna`an oslonac naposljednje legitimno ustavno ure|enje (Ustav Republike BiH) i da njegovo dono-{enje podrazumijeva rad ustavnog konventa koji }e pod pokroviteljstvom EU ime|unarodne zajednice biti sazvan za slu~aj BiH. Jo{ samo u tom smislu postoje

    valjani razlozi za odr avanje administracije OHR-a, a funkcija Visokog predstavnikase ovim argumentom mo`e racionalno braniti. Pomo} EU/EZ na koncipiranju no-

    vog ustavnog modela bi predstavljala najsna niji doprinos evropskoj perspektiviBiH. Ovako se dobija utisak da EU/EZ `ivi od proklamacija ~iju realizaciju u kon-kretnom slu~aju ne mo`e zajam~iti.

    39

    Bosna i Hercegovina i proturje~nosti procesa evropskih integracija (ustavnopravni pogled)

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    6. Vreme Otvara se nova vremenska dimenzija, jer se stvari br e odvijaju, a kon-kurencija i svetski tokovi name}u tempo. Politika koja ve} vi{e od deceniju uspo-rava procese trebalo bi da br`e reaguje pod pritiskom poslovnog sektora. Ve}inapoliti~ara i poslovnih lidera imaju te{ko}a da razmi{ljaju dve ili tri godine una-pred, a izazovi ovog vremena ukazuju na ~injenicu da moramo razmi{ljati o na-rednim dekadama.Slaba ta~ka: Ube|enje poslovnih lidera da vreme diktiraju berze ili finansijkatr`i{ta. Preduze}a moraju nau~iti da balansiraju kratkoro~no razmi{ljanje i politi-

    ku sa potrebom opstajanja na dugi rok.

    7. Korporativno upravljanje Jasno definisano i kvalitetno korporativno uprav-ljanje uti~e na razvoj i povoljnu klimu za investicije, {to donosi dugoro~ne eko-nomske rezultate, dodatne izvore finansiranja, mogu}nost izlaska na inostraneberze, pove}anje vrednosti preduze}a, ve}u konkurentnost itd.Slaba ta~ka: Poslovni lideri ne sagledavaju problem sa svih strana, pa tako i po-slovnu politiku postavljaju jednosmerno, {to je na~in da se brzo do|e do slepe

    ulice.

    Kako se stupanje na snagu dela Sporazuma o stabilizaciji i pridru`ivanju o~ekujeprvog dana drugog meseca po potpisivanju, {to je prvi avgust ukoliko se ispo{tujenajavljeni datum potpisa, da bi se ostvarile sve stavke iz tog dela kao {to su carin-ska unija, zajedni~ko tr`i{te, tr`i{na konkurencija, istra`ivanje i razvoj, za{tita potro-{a~a, itd., a na prvom mestu slobodan protok robe, kapitala i radne snage, osnovnapretpostavka je program jedinstvenog tr`i{ta gde se name}u slede}i problemi:

    * pasivnost;

    * raznolikost, neujedna~enost;

    * politike;

    * transparentnost i

    * korupcija.

    Na kraju, Bosnu i Hercegovinu karakteri{tu stalne izborne kampanje, ~esti izborii pona{anje i retorika usredsre|eni na izazivanje emocija, naklonosti slu{aoca dava-njem velikih obe}anja, te planovima koji su nerealni. Da bi poslovni sektor biozaista faktor pribli`avanja evropskim integracijama, {to bi i trebalo da mu bude jed-na od uloga i za {ta i pored svih nabrojanih problema postoji potencijal, potrebna

    je jo{ jedna dimenzija, a to jevremenska konzistentnost. Iza ovog relativno nera-zumljivog naslova krije se jedan veoma jasan princip: u trenucima kada se dajusasvim ~vrsta obe}anja, bilo da to ~ini vlada ili centralna banka, privredni subjekti }e,po pravilu, prilagoditi svoje pona{anje ba{ onako kako su vlasti zamislile. No, ako

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    Bosanskohercegova~ka privreda mogu}i pokreta~ ili faktor blokade u procesu evropskih integracija

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    u tom trenutku, dakle kada ispune cilj, vlasti promene pona{anje, same }e izgubitikredibilitet, a krajnji ishod njihove monetarne i fiskalne politike bi}e mnogo gori ne-go u slu~aju da su se uzdr`ale od bilo kakvog aktivnog dejstva. (Prescott, Kydland)

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    Bosanskohercegova~ka privreda mogu}i pokreta~ ili faktor blokade u procesu evropskih integracija

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    pobolj{anje li~nog komoditeta ili rejtinga dr`ave, {to ljude uvijek interesuje, ~ak ikada previ{e ne cijene zemlju u kojoj `ive. Media plan institutiz Sarajeva je protek-lih godina imao projekte novinarskog pokrivanja evropskih integracija, gdje su obra-|ivane teme bliske obi~nim ljudima. I sami novinari koji su u tome u~estvovali, alii uredni{tva u medijima u kojima su objavljivani i emitovani prilozi, bili su zadivljenikoliko su evropske integracije {irok pojam iz kojeg se izvode brojne korelacije usvim sferama `ivota.

    Me|utim, treba voditi ra~una da je svijest ~etiri nacionalne (politi~ke) javnosti u

    BiH zarobljena raznim vje{ta~ki ili realno nametnutim postulatima o~uvanja intere-sa, {to s obzirom na dijametralno suprotstavljene ciljeve generi{e strah i dodatnonepovjerenje. Stoga svaka kampanja zahtijeva umije}e uskla|ivanja. U jednom istra-`ivanju koje je izveo Media plan institutu saradnji sa Fondacijom Heinrich Bllu

    vezi s postojanjem takozvanih proevropskih bira~a u BiH, pokazalo se da su gra-|ani BiH svjesni katastrofalnih u~inaka bh. vlasti i nu`nosti prihvatanja evropskih

    vrijednosti. Me|utim, ve}ina njih nije spremna odstupiti od podr{ke etnopolitici uBiH, koja se ~esto svodi na etnofundametalizam koji ko~i niz razvojnih procesa uzemlji. U tom smislu Branimir D`oni [tuli}, u pjesmi iz 1983. godine, koja je posu-|ena za naslov ovog teksta, opisuje situaciju u Jugoslaviji, gdje sve vi{e ljudi vidibespredmetnost komunisti~kog re`ima, ali ne i na~in da to promjeni [to se do-ga|a kad mrtvi fazani lete iznad na{ih glava. Kad mrtvi fazani lete, a ni jedan nepada.

    [ta je u BiH mrtvo, zavisi od subjektivnog poimanja. U}utkati realnost ne mo`e-mo, ali se mo`emo boriti protiv politi~ke autokratije i neprofesionalnih medija, kojiokivaju sve tri nacionalne javnosti.

    55

    Proces EU integracija i uloga bosanskohercegova~ke javnosti

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    O autorima

    Eldar Sarajli}

    Diplomirao na Fakultetu politi~kih nauka u Sarajevu, na Odsjeku za `urnalistiku.Na istom fakultetu privodi kraju magistarski rad iz oblasti politologije. Dosad je ob-

    javljivao radove u doma}im urnalima i u periodici. ^lan je uredni{tva magazina za

    politi~ku kulturu i dru{tvena pitanja Status i urednik rubrike Dr`ava pod lupomuokviru online `urnala Puls demokratije. U~estvovao na nekoliko znanstvenih kon-ferencija u BiH i inozemstvu. Trenutno zaposlen u Razvojnom programu Ujedinje-nih nacija u Sarajevu.

    Bodo Weber

    Doktorira sociologiju na Univerzitetu u Hannoveru. U doktoratu se bavi postso-cijalisti~kom etnonacionalizmom i etni~kim nasiljem, {to podrazumijeva analize na-cionalisti~ke ideologije, sistema vladavine, dinamike nasilja i ratne ekonomije u pr-

    voj polovini 1990-ih godina. Bio urednik ~asopisa Perspektiven (Perspektive) iz Fran-

    kfurta na Majni, a objavio razne ~lanke i studije o balkanskim dru{tvima i dr`avamanakon 90-ih. Izme|u ostalog objavio: O poku{ajima reformiranja dr`ave bez dru-{tva nekoliko razmi{ljanja (bosanski-engleski), u: Foreign Policy Review No. 2(2007), Sarajevo, pre{tampan u: Republika, No. (2008), Beograd; Kriza univerzitetai perspektive mladih nau~nika u BiH (bosanski/engleski/njema~ki), Sarajevo 2007;Ein Tter vor Gericht. Der Prozess gegen den bosnisch-serbischen Politiker Mom-~ilo Kraji{nik [Po~inilac pred sudom. Proces protiv bosanskosrpskog politi~araMom~ila Kraji{nika], u: Der berblickNo.1-2 (2007), Hamburg; Bosnie-Herzego-

    vine: Les condition dun accord dassociation avec lUE, u: Letat du monde 207:annuaire economique et geopolitique mondial, Paris: La Decouverte 2006

    Edin [ar~evi}

    Ro|en je 1958. u Sanskom Mostu. Studirao je pravo na univerzitetima u Sarajevu,Beogradu i Saarbrckenu. Promoviran je u zvanje doktora pravnih nauka naFakultetu pravnih i ekonomskih nauka Univerziteta u Saarbrckenu, a za svoj dok-torski rad je 1993. godine dobio nagradu Dr. Eduard Martin. Nakon habilitacije naPravnom fakultetu u Leipzigu sti~e venia legendi za dr`avno pravo, op}u teorijudr`ave, me|unarodno pravo i evropsko pravo. Od 2004. godine predaje na Prav-nom fakultetu u Leipzigu u zvanju izvanplanskog profesora. Autor je velikog brojaradova koji se bave temom njema~kog i bosanskohercegova~kog dr`avnog prava,

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    O autorima

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    Novinarstvom je po~eo da se bavi 1991. na sarajevskom radiju Studio 99. UMedia plan institut je pre{ao 1996. godine, gdje se po~eo specijalizovati za analizumedijskih sadr`aja. Tokom profesionalne karijere pro{ao je rad na svim medijima od radija i televizije do {tampe i weba. Bio je dopisnik brojnih medija iz regiona iRadija Slobodna Evropa na ju`noslavenskim jezicima. Radio je kao glavni urednikmedijskog web portala Mediaonline, urednik je knjiga Medijska spoticanja u vre-menu tranzicije (2005), o klju~nim problemima medija u Jugoisto~noj Evropi, iIndikator javnog interesa (2007), bazirane na analizi sadr`aja centralnih informa-

    tivnih emisija TV stanica u regionu. Bio je urednik i specijalisti~kog ~asopisaSje}anja Univerzitet komunikacija(2000-2002). Autor je knjige Odnosi sa javnos-tima i novinarstvo INFORMATORI SA RAZLI^ITIM CILJEVIMA (2007).

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    O autorima

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    Impressum

    Publisher:Fondacija Heinrich BllUred za Bosnu i Hercegovinu

    For the publisher:Mirela Grnther-\e~evi}

    Translating and proofreding:Svjetlana Pavi~i}

    Layout:JORDAN Studio, Sarajevo - Amer Ekmi}Copies: 1.000

    Printed by:Tipografija d.o.o., Sarajevo

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    C O N T E N T S

    71 IntroductionMirela Grnther-\e~evi}

    73 Eldar Sarajli}A Reluctant Master:Contradictions of the European Union Policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina

    85 Bodo WeberPolitical elites and political culture in BiH and the EU integration challenges

    93 Edin [ar~evi}Bosnia and Herzegovina and Controversies of the EU Integration Processes(Constitutional View)

    105 Svetlana Ceni}The Bosnia-Herzegovina economy Possible Moving or Blocking Force Behindthe EU Integration

    111 Radenko Udovi~i}The EU Integration Process and the Role of the Bosnia-Herzegovina Public

    121 Recommendations

    125 About authors

    69

    Contents

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    The purpose of this study and debate at the roundtable to take place on June24, 2008 is to indicate the prospects of the present EU integration policy and giverecommendations to the European and inter-societal stakeholders for overcomingcontroversies in the future and potential to blockades, and for strengthening thesocial and political capacities in the integration process.

    The Heinrich Bll Foundation would like to express its most sincere gratitude toall authors, partners and friends for their assistance and contribution to the imple-

    mentation of this project. As always, the Heinrich Bll Foundation will share thispublication and recommendations with all interested and relevant institutions,organizations and individuals in Bosnia and Herzegovina and also with the GermanFederal Parliament and the European Parliament.

    Mirela Grnther-\e~evi}

    Head of the Heinrich Bll Foundation,Office in BiH

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    Preface

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    Union agency in BiH becomes able to ensure establishment of democracy in allsocial spheres in which the manner of action of its representatives and its ultimategoal become inseparable Bosnia and Herzegovina will become a democratic andmature society, created to meet the needs of its citizens and not of the political eliteor the international political subject.

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    A Reluctant Master: Contradictions of the European Union Policy towards BiH

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    2. A certain dynamics in the integration process will be created by the advance-ment of the neighbouring states (the Republic of Croatia, Montenegro, Serbia).

    3. With the status of Kosovo solved, the political discourse in BiH is more or lessreduced to itself (with the exception of a still pending, unsolved national politi-cal problem of dual citizenship of the BiH Croats).

    However, at the same time, the road leading to the signing of the SAA is threa-

    tening to have also a negative impact on the attitude of the population towards theEU integration policy.

    Giving the time-advantage to Serbia in the SAA process, by scuttling the criteriafor the reforms, may have an anti-European effect precisely on the most pro-Euro-pean segment of the overall population of BiH Bosniacs.

    There is a danger that the domestic democratic criticism of the European Co-mmission over manipulation with integration-related criteria may transform the most

    valuable democratic potential in the BiH society into Euro-sceptics.

    Manipulation of the criteria may consolidate anti-democratic authoritarian politi-cal culture among the BiH citizens. The above-mentioned public survey confirmsthis concern over the Serb population in Republika Srpska.

    The creation of a new reform dynamics, with the European Unions approval ofthe signing of the SAA, would, in fact, have a counter-effect on its key strategic po-int, the population and its transformation to a critical political pro-European mass.

    Crucial to the European Unions policy towards Bosnia and Herzegovina furtherdown the integration road will be to take both sides of the effect positive and ne-gative into account most seriously.

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    Political elites and political culture in BiH and the EU integration challenges

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    of the rules: the Constitution must guarantee the full protection of each individualin the form of individual rights and thereby establish absolute bounds for the co-llective rights; the protection of collective rights comes secondary, only in those are-as which are not covered by individual rights. All the rest would be further elabo-ration of this rule: a new system of powers, legislative in the first place, a more na-tural territorial organization, efficient, ethnically neutral administrative structure, har-monization of the constitutional principle with democracy, and of both with collec-tive rights of the constituent peoples will not be difficult when there is an untou-

    chable circle of individual rights which cannot be annulled by invoking collectiverights.

    In the present constellation, it is not possible to make such a Constitution with-out a neutral (external) power. I am close to believing that a new Constitutionshould heavily rely on the last legitimate constitutional system (The Constitution ofthe Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina) and its making should involve the EU andinternational community-brokered constitutional convent to be set up for the BiHcase. It is in this regard only that there are valid reasons for the OHRs administra-tion to remain here for some more time, which is the reasonable argument in favourof the function of the High Representative in the future. The EU/EC assistance indesigning a new constitutional model would make the strongest contribution everto the EU prospects of Bosnia and Herzegovina. Otherwise, the impression is thatEU/EC lives on proclamations, unable to guarantee their implementation.

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    Bosnia and Herzegovina and Controversies of the EU Integration Processes (Constitutional View)

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    The business sector needs a stable political situation, strong institutions in termsof respect for standards and implementation of the law and efficient procedures, asingle economic space and a clear address for foreign trade, in the form of the func-tioning, authorized state agencies.

    The Ten Commandments of transition

    1. Stabilization of inflation over the last two years inflation has been growing

    2007 and 2008 have seen inflation on inflation, in comparison to 2006;

    2. Budget deficit control after 2005 and 2006 which saw surplus, according toindicators and IMF forecasts, there will be a deficit again;

    3. Price liberalization partly, as structures of authority interfere in many sectors,while some sectors see cartelization or the influence of lobbies;

    4. Introduction of a single foreign currency exchange the Currency Boardresulted in a stable, but partly over-estimated currency, and export is moreexpensive, and import less expensive under such circumstances;

    5. Convertibility of current transactions solved through the Currency Board;

    6. Liberalization of foreign trade CEFTA is a first step; the most important stepwill be the signing of the Stabilization and Association Agreement, and the appli-cation of the First Pillar;

    7. Reconstruction of the banking financial system one of the most success-ful reforms, with the exception of one part of the banking sector in the Federa-tion of BiH which has not been privatized yet;

    8. Clear definition of ownership rights incorporated in the laws, but slow judi-ciary and actions by the government which interfere in property rights (for exam-ple, the RS Government formed a joint company TE Gacko with ^EZ, thus vio-lating the property rights of small shareholders) send a bad message to bothdomestic and foreign investors;

    9. Abolition of soft budgetary constraint is not respected, which results in theimbalance on various bases and there is no policy in financing public compa-nies, borrowings or creation of liabilities in advance;

    10. Re-defining of the work of social services on the market principles theprocess has hardly started, which contributes to ever bigger social welfare pay-ments, creation of liabilities in advance, slowing down economic growth andmanipulation of socially vulnerable in election cycles.

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    The Bosnia-Herzegovina Economy Possible Moving or Blocking Force Behind the EU Integration

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    The post-war transition period, with all the difficulties of recovery and buildingof democracy, served the purpose of the political elites that spread nationalist rhe-toric and sowed fear, becoming masters of stomach and head and kept the vastportion of the electorate almost in a submissive position or apathy by the reformsof institutions and sometimes by open racketeering of businesses.

    It is for this reason precisely that the development of the business sector is keyto the EU integration and transformation. The civil society with its consciousness

    raised would follow the development of the business sector.

    However, the business sector has to go through seven revolutions, so tospeak, as follows:

    1. market,

    2. values;

    3. transparency;

    4. life cycle of technology;

    5. partnership;

    6. time;7. corporate management.

    1. Markets In the regional and global environment, especially in view of theworlds trends, a growing number of companies are facing a challenge putbefore them by the clients and financial markets, when it comes to achieving atriple balance (financial, social and human environment), especially because thesustainable development policy is incorporated in the European Union policies.Weakness: Belief that the triple balance policy is a deviation rather than a newform of values, which the society needs.

    2. Values The system of values is changing and both political and business lea-ders have to face that. Transition from doing business through snap decisions,next to the government, to doing business in competitive markets, in compliance

    with standards and investments which require quality does not mean that the lifewill become easier all of a sudden for all stakeholders.Weakness: Understanding that the task of the business sector is to create eco-nomic values (profit) in any way possible, and not to create social or ethnic va-lues. Efforts to change entrepreneurial and corporate culture are necessary.

    3. Transparency Within a broader market, the business sector is watched close-ly and its business operations, thinking, priorities, commitments and activities arechecked regularly.

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    * Passivism;

    * Difference, lack of harmonization;

    * Policies;

    * Transparency, and

    * Corruption.

    In the end, Bosnia and Herzegovina is characterized by constant election cam-paigns, frequent elections and behaviour and rhetoric focusing on provoking emo-tions, soliciting support by making big promises and unrealistic plans. In order forthe business sector to play a crucial role in bringing forward the country to the EUintegration, which should be one of its roles and for which it has potential, despiteall the above problems, one more dimension is necessary, which is the time con-sistency.These relatively incomprehensible words hide a very clear principle:

    when very firm promises are made, by either the government or the Central Bank,the companies will, as a rule, adapt their behaviour to the governments wishes.However, if at that moment, when the goal is fulfilled, the government changes itsbehaviour, it will lose credibility, and the final outcome of its monetary and fiscalpolicy will be much worse than it would have been if it had restrained from takingany action (Prescott, Kydland).

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    lop a critical mind of the fact that the majority support to the EU integration, thatcitizens have provided in principle, is no guarantee for attaining the goal of theirtransformation into a critical political mass, just as the support to the EU road

    which the political elites pledge with one voice does not mean their European,democratic transformation.

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    Recommendations

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    About authors

    Eldar Sarajli}

    Graduated from the School of Political Science in Sarajevo, Department ofJournalism. He is a senior post-graduate student of political science at the sameFaculty. Author of texts published in journals and periodicals in the country. A mem-

    ber of the editorial staff of the magazine promoting political culture and socialissues, Status, and an editor of Dr`ava pod lupom (State Under Scrutiny) section ofthe online journal, Puls demokratije. Participated in a number of academic confe-rences in BiH and abroad. Works in the United Nations Development Program inSarajevo.

    Bodo Weber

    Bodo Weber is completing his Ph.D. in Sociology at Hannover University, aresearch on the character of post-socialist ethnic nationalism(s) and ethnic violencein the post-Yugoslav societies that examines nationalistic ideologies, systems of

    authoritarian rule, dynamics of violence and war economy in the first half of 1990s.He has worked as an editor for the journal Perspektiven (Frankfurt/Main) and haspublished various articles and analytical papers on Balkan societies and states since1990s. Recent publications include: Reforming a state without society some reflec-tions (English-Bosnian), in: Foreign Policy Review No. 2 (2007), Sarajevo, reprintin: Republika, No. (2008), Belgrade; The crisis of the universities in Bosnia andHercegovina and the prospects of junior scholars (German/ English/ Bosnian), Sara-

    jevo 2007; Ein Tter vor Gericht. Der Prozess gegen den bosnisch-serbischen Politi-ker Mom~ilo Kraji{nik [A perpetrator at court. The process against the Bosnian-Serbpolitician Mom~ilo Kraji{nik], in: Der berblickNo.1-2 (2007), Hamburg; Bosnie-Herzegovine: Les condition dun accord dassociation avec lUE, in: Letat du mon-de 207: annuaire economique et geopolitique mondial, Paris: La Decouverte 2006

    Edin [ar~evi}

    Born in 1958 in Sanski Most. Studied law at the universities in Sarajevo, Belgradeand Saarbrcken. Awarded the degree of Doctor in Law by the School of Law andEconomics of the University in Saarbrcken. His doctoral thesis brought him Dr.Eduard Martin award in 1993.

    Following habilitation at the Law School in Leipzig, he was awarded a venia le-gendi for the public law, general theory of the state, international law and European

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