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25 September 2013
What next for Germany’s leadership role in Europe?
A stunning victory for the great survivor
Those who picked up their morning paper in Germany on Monday morning would have been
confronted with a familiar image – the characteristic gesture of the old and now-new-again
Chancellor, with her hands shaping a rhombus, signalling continuity for the German voters – and
broadly more of the same.
Riding on a wave of low unemployment, a prospering economy, and general satisfaction with the
status quo, Angela Merkel sailed to a stronger-than-expected victory which was just short of
dealing her an absolute majority in the new German Parliament.
Ringing endorsement
Such impressive results represent a ringing endorsement of her leadership style in Germany and
in Europe, and she is one of the few national political figures around Europe to appear largely
untouched by the economic crisis engulfing much of the continent.
A political survivor par excellence – and a canny politician to boot. Yet there was some change in
the freshening autumn Berlin air.
FDP fall
For the first time in their 65-year history the traditional liberal democrats (FDP), part of her
governing coalition, failed to win a single seat in the Bundestag, while the eurosceptic AFD party
can hold their heads high, missing the 5% threshold by inches in their first ever election.
The result means that the former CDU-CSU/FDP coalition which governed Germany through the
crisis will likely be replaced with a Grand Coalition of CDU-CSU and the social democratic SPD.
Anti-EU sentiment
Moreover, during Ms Merkel’s third term, her leadership style, as well as the substance of her
policies, will continue to dominate – as long as she can calm an uneasy Upper House.
It would be a mistake, however, to expect this result to be replicated in next Spring’s EU elections.
The rising tide of anti-EU sentiment in Germany, coupled with voter antipathy, could lead to a
strong showing for both the AFD and the left “Die Linke” parties.
Ms Merkel can celebrate, for now, but the challenges for her new mandate are only just beginning.
2
The results
Angela Merkel comes out as a
stronger than ever leader,
with her party (CDU/CSU)
winning a dominating role in
any future coalition, extending
its share of the vote from
33.8% to 41.5%.
Yet she remains paradoxically
even more dependent on
other parties, as her erstwhile
ally the liberal FDP failed to
win any seats in Parliament.
The largest opposition party,
the social democrat SPD, increased its voting share by a mere 2.7% to 25.7% but has
ruled out forming a mathematically possible left-wing coalition with the Greens, whose
share shrank to 8.4%, and the far-left “Die Linke”, which won 8.6% of the vote.
Left bloc fragmented
Die Linke, whose lineage goes back to the days of East Germany’s Communist Party, is
now Germany’s third largest party, and together with the Greens and the SPD
demonstrate how the country’s left bloc is fragmented, leaving the way clear for Ms
Merkel and her Bavarian CSU allies.
The anti-Euro party Alternative for Germany (AFD) obtained 4.7% of the vote. While
failing to reach the magical 5% necessary to win seats in the German Parliament, this
unexpectedly strong result raises the party’s prospects of a strong showing in next year’s
European Parliament elections.
Bucking the trend of European elections in recent years, turnout was actually slightly
higher than its all-time low in 2009, reaching 71.5%.
The road ahead
Negotiations over a new coalition are set to begin swiftly but are expected to be long and
arduous – at least, longer than the German Government average of 37 days.
According to the regular schedule, Ms Merkel’s third term as German Chancellor will be
officially confirmed during the first session of the Bundestag, to be held on 22 October at
the latest.
Yet her path to forming a coalition appears uncertain. The largest stumbling block for a
Grand Coalition with the SPD lies in a possible party referendum called by the SPD party
convention scheduled for next Friday. SPD members are all too aware of the high risk
they take if they enter into government for the second time with Ms Merkel. Following
the last Grand Coalition, SPD voters deserted the party like rats from a sinking ship,
leading to the very low levels of support seen today.
3
While its likelihood to survive a full term must be in doubt, a Grand Coalition is still a
more likely scenario than the formation of a coalition between the CDU and the Green
party, whose leaders have staunchly spoken out against such cooperation, particularly
given the substantive and cultural divide with the regional CSU party of Bavaria, the
CDU’s long-term bedfellows.
Another possibility is for the CDU-CSU to
govern alone as a minority government,
particularly if the SPD gets cold feet and the
divisions between the Greens become too wide.
Such a scenario would however make for a
fragile government and go against Merkel’s
cautious manner.
Whilst negotiations continue, the German
President will instruct Ms Merkel’s government
to continue as caretaker government.
Policy challenges
The most likely scenario of a Grand Coalition, with
a strong CDU, will have ramifications for Germany’s
European and domestic agenda.
The campaign was dominated by domestic bread-
and-butter issues, with 57% of voters viewing
wages and pensions as the key issue.
Indeed, one major Grand Coalition fight could be
over the introduction of a national mandatory
minimum wage, which has been widely debated in recent months during the election and
which the SPD is likely to insist upon before entering into government.
An issue that stood on the sidelines throughout the election was Europe – a surprise,
perhaps, given the massive fiscal transfers that have been subsidised by German voters
for the benefit of the EU’s southern neighbours.
Throughout the campaign Europe was a minor issue, with only 31% of voters seeing it as
being important, and only 90 seconds of the much-hyped televised debate dedicated to
it.
A largely centre right government in Germany will also impact the country’s stances on
European policy topics, such as its responses to the Euro crisis, energy & environment
policy, and transport.
Germany would continue to be
the driver of growth and the
guarantor of stability, exerting
its leadership function in a
measured way and seeking to
unify the continent rather than
dividing it.
4
Eurocrisis & reform
On election night German Finance Minister Wolfgang Schäuble said Europeans did “not
need to worry” about the German elections. Germany would continue to be the driver of
growth and the guarantor of stability, exerting its leadership in a measured way and
seeking to unify the continent rather than dividing it.
With respect to the crisis-torn Eurozone members, a conservative-dominated government
will likely follow-through on suggestions of granting Greece a third bailout package – if
necessary.
Yet although the aid-weary FDP was ousted from the Parliament, the triple lock of
parliamentary sovereignty, hostile public opinion, and a vigilant constitutional court will
continue to limit Germany’s willingness to share more European liabilities.
So what change, if any, can we expect from a third Merkel term?
The answer depends on who her coalition partners will be.
The SPD, determined to learn from its past mistakes, will likely want to play hard-to-get
and strive to avoid the damaging impact of its previous participation in a Grand Coalition,
should it be invited to join the government.
As a result, it may be more eager to push harder
for its domestic social agenda, including calling for
a minimum wage (see above).
Whether its stances on less austerity-centred policy
and more investments in Europe's crisis countries
will survive, however, remain uncertain.
Expected compromises also concern a bank
resolution fund, with the SPD wanting the banks to
themselves contribute to their recapitalisation
rather than digging into the taxpayer-funded
European Stability Mechanism (ESM).
Since the election it has been mooted in Brussels that, if such a Grand Coalition comes to
pass, Martin Schulz, current President of the European Parliament, will be put forward as
the Social Democrat candidate for Commission President.
Regardless of the inner workings of a possible future Grand Coalition, it seems highly
unlikely that a German will ever get to rule the roost over the Commission, with the
position likely to go to smaller, middle-of-the-road countries such as Finland, Portugal, or
Ireland.
Schulz: The new Commission President?
5
Policy Outlook
Unless Ms Merkel decides to govern alone, environmental policies will likely rise up the
agenda for the next four years, yet this is not likely to bring about a reduction in the high
energy prices currently paid by German households.
Both the SPD and the Greens want
renewables to have a higher share in
electricity production than the CDU,
although the Greens’ 100% target for
2030 may be too bitter a pill for Ms
Merkel to swallow.
Both the SPD and CDU want to limit
exemptions from the renewables
surcharge (EEG) for energy intensive
companies, but the fact that the Greens
want to go further again in this domain
does not bode well for what is now
Germany’s fourth largest party.
A duel with the European Commission, which is also expected to launch an illegal state
aid probe into the exemptions, would appear to be on the horizon.
Without the Greens in power, the German government will also maintain coal as a core
component of the German energy mix for the foreseeable future, whilst the nuclear
option continues to be phased out.
A safe bet for the Government’s post-election
agenda is that Europe’s frontrunner in energy-
efficient, green technologies will continue to stand
up for its powerful industry in confrontations at the
EU level.
In the transport field, the Bavarian CSU party,
whose decade-long lock on Germany’s most successful state was recently strengthened
by achieving an absolute majority in state elections, had called for the introduction of a
transport toll to be imposed on foreign cars passing through the state of Bavaria, which
could in turn be extended to the rest of the country in the next government mandate.
While this proposal was rejected by the CDU for legal reasons (stemming from EU law), a
compromise will almost certainly entail more extensive infrastructure spending and –
possibly – other concessions to the state of Bavaria, still the richest state in Germany.
Europe’s frontrunner in energy-
efficient, green technologies will
continue to stand up for its
powerful industry in
confrontations at the EU level
6
And what did other leaders say?
“Merkel will devote this third mandate, more time and energy, to Europe
than before because it’s not likely she’ll run for a fourth mandate in German
elections.”
European Commission President Jose Manuel Barroso
"I am confident that Germany and its new government will continue its
commitment and contribution to the construction of a peaceful and
prosperous Europe at the service of all its citizens."
President of the European Council Herman Van Rompuy
“The President noted his deep appreciation for Chancellor Merkel's
friendship, leadership, and steadfast support of the transatlantic
relationship. The President and Chancellor Merkel agreed to continue their
close cooperation on key issues of regional and global concern."
The White House
“Merkel’s historic absolute majority was an extraordinary recognition of her
efforts. The overall result clearly strengthens the European cause and its
unity."
Italian President Giorgio Napolitano
The French Presidency announced in a statement that François Hollande had
called to wish Merkel well. During their conversation, the two leaders
"expressed their willingness to continue their close cooperation to meet the
challenges of the European project."
…clearly, Ms Merkel’s re-election has been broadly welcomed by world leaders as it provides stability at a time of ongoing crisis in Europe, and she is once again seen as being one of the most respected leaders on the world stage.
7
Concluding Remarks
With the final political make-up of the new German government uncertain for the time
being, the following weeks are most likely to see a strong CDU-CSU party attempt to woo
potential government partners, with Ms Merkel leading from the front.
Both her domestic coalition negotiations, as well as the German leadership role in
Europe, thus remain ever more firmly in Merkel’s hands.
However, the real obstacle is closer to home, in the form of Germany’s Upper House,
dominated by the SPD, and which has shown itself ever willing to block proposals coming
from the Lower House.
Despite changes below the surface, Brussels will likely see this election as a signal of
stability, with Germany remaining a predictable, though perhaps not the smoothest,
partner on key EU policy initiatives.
But on the national level divisions remain.
A lone leader, and one that is arguably more dependent on other parties than her own,
Merkel’s bridge building abilities will be sorely tested in the coming weeks.
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