The Determinants of Parenting: A ProcessModel

Jay BelskyPennsylvania State University

BELSKY, JAY, The Detenninants of Parenting: A Process Model. CHILD DEVELOPMENT, 1984,55,83-96. This essay is based on the assumption that a long-neglected topic of socialization, thedeterminants of individual diflFerences in parental functioning, is illuminated by research on theetiology of child maltreatment Three domains of determinants are identified (personalpsychological resources of parents, characteristics of the child, and contextual sources of stressand support), and a process model of competent parental functioning is offered on the basis of theanalysis. The model presumes that parental functioning is multiply determined, diat sources ofcontextual stress and support can directly affect parenting or indirectly affect parenting by firstinfluencing individual psychological well-being, that personality influences contextual support/stress, which feeds back to shape parenting, and that, in order of importance, the personalpsychological resources of the parent are more effective in buffering tiie parent-child relationfrom stress than are contextual sources of support, which are themselves more effective thancharacteristics of the child.

By tradition, students of socialization tegrating the disparate findings in the liter-have directed their primary energies toward ature into a coherent whole that is greaterunderstanding processes whereby parents' than the sum of its parts. It is the basicchildrearing strategies and behaviors shape premise of this essay that research on, andand influence their offsprings' development, interest in, child abuse—a concem ofIt is of interest to leam that, while great ef- applied science—has much to contributefort has been expended studying the toward an empirical synthesis with regard tocharacteristics and consequences of parent- the subject of the determinants of individualing, much less attention has been devoted to differences in parenting—a concem of basicstudying why parents parent the way they science. Especially significant in this regarddo—beyond, of course, social-class and is work on the etiology of child maltreatmentcross-cultural comparisons and investi- (for reviews, see Belsky, 1980; Parke &gations examining the efifect of the child on Collmer, 1975). Available theory and re-parenting behavior. This is not to say, how- search on tbe etiology of child abuse and ne-ever, that no data have been collected on this gleet draw attention to three general sourcestopic beyond those general areas of inquiry of influence on parental functioning: (1) thejust outlined. In fact, it is surprising to leam parents' ontogenic origins and personalthat, despite tbe re/a^«t?e neglect of the study psychological resources, (2) tbe child'sof the determinants of parenting, a large characteristics of individuality, and (3) con-quantity of empirical information is avail- textual sources of stress and support. Inable that addresses this general issue. asking questions about tbe etiology of child

abuse and neglect, clinicians and researchIt is unfortunately the case that much of scientists alike have been essentially in-

the researcb relevant to this area of concem quiring into tbe determinants of parentalremains unintegrated and undemtilized. functioning—or, more precisely, parentalThis is, in part, a function of the general ab- dysfunction. It still remains to be deter-sence of conceptual models capable of in- mined, however, whether processes iden-

I owe a special debt of gratitude to my research assistant, Joan Vondra, whose superb assis-tance in reviewing and organizing the literature cited, and in editing the final manuscript, helpedbring this effort to fruition. Work on this paper was supported by grants from the National ScienceFoundation (No. SES-8108886), the National Institute of Child Health and Human Development(No. R01HD15496-01AI), the Division of Maternal and Child Health of the Public Health Service(No. MC-R-4240674)2-0), and by the March of Dimes Birth Defects Foundation (Social andBehavior Science Branch, No. 12-64). Address reprint requests to Jay Belsky, College of HumanDevelopment, Department of Individual and Family Studies, Pennsylvania State University,University Paric, Pennsylvania

[Child Dewhpment, 1984, 55, 83-96. © 1984 by the Society for Research in Child Development, Inc.All rights reserved. 0009-3920/84/5501'0003$01.00]

84 Child Development

tified as exerting an influence in extremecases (i.e., child abuse) also function in thenormal range of parental behavior. Tbe criti-cal question, then, that this essay and re-searcb on child abuse raises concemswhether a continuum of influence exists.

In tbe remainder of this essay this gen-eral issue is explored by examining availableevidence in support of a continuum of in-fluence; tbat is, evidence suggesting tbatdeterminants of parenting highlighted bychild abuse research also play a role in in-fluencing parenting tbat falls witbin therange of normal functioning. To facilitatethis analysis, discussion is organized aroundthe three general sources oif influence de-lineated in the preceding paragraph. Theprincipal goal of this essay is to draw on thisanalysis, itself based on the study of dys-functional parenting, to substantiate a gen-eral model of the determinants of parentalfunctioning.

The model to be explicated in thecourse of reviewing relevant data is pre-sented in schematic form in Figure 1. As canbe seen from the diagram, tbe model pre-sumes that parenting is directly influencedby forces emanating from within the indi-vidual parent (personality), within the indi-vidual child (child characteristics of individ-uality), and from the broader social contextin whicb the parent-child relationship isembedded—speciflcally, marital relations,social networks, and occupational experi-ences of parents. Furthermore, the model as-sumes that parents' developmental histories,marital relations, social networks, and jobsinfluence individual personality and generalpsychological well-being of parents and,thereby, parental functioning and, in tum,child development. By considering researchpertinent to each of tbese lines of argument,support for three general conclusions re-garding the determinants of parenting willbe provided: (1) parenting is multiply de-termined; (2) witb respect to their influence

on parenting, characteristics of the parent, ofthe child, and of the social context are notequally influential in supporting or under-mining growth-promoting parenting; and (3)developmental history and personalityshape parenting indirectly, by flrst in-fluencing tbe broader context in wbichparent-child relations exist (i.e., marital re-lations, social networks, occupational ex-perience).

Before proceeding to review workbearing on the determinants of parenting,two points need to be noted. First, most ofthe available research is based on nonex-perimental and correlational studies; thus itdoes not document cause-and-efTect re-lations. Despite this fact, the literature willoften be discussed in just such terms forheuristic purposes—that is, to advancethinking about the origins of individual dif-ferences in parental functioning. Eventhough this practice will be adopted, the de-gree to which the proposed model can besubstantiated will be limited by the designsof studies available in the literature. This isbecause few studies provide all the evidencenecessary for a model highlighting the no-tion that the determinants of parenting shapechildrearing, wbich in tum influences childdevelopment. In most cases only the flrst orlast two links in this causal chain are pur-sued in any single research effort, and, alltoo frequently, it is only the first and last thatleave the reader and investigator to specu-late on the process connecting determinantslike parent personality or social support withchild development outcomes.

The Parent's Contribution

Research on child maltreatment in-dicates that parenting, like most dimensionsof human functioning, may be influenced byenduring characteristics of the individual,characteristics that are, at least in part, aproduct of a person's developmental history.To obtain a better sense of just how de-

DevelopmenteiHKstory

Persontfity

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MaritalRelations

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SocialNetvswk

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f^enttng ChildCharacteristics

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Development

FIG. 1.—A process model of the determinants of parenting

velopmental history and personality in-fluence parenting, it is useful to considerbriefly the kind of parenting that appears topromote optimal child functioning and tospeculate on the type of personality mostlikely to provide such developmental care.In the infancy period, detailed observationalstudies reveal that cognitive-motivationalcompetence and healthy socioemotional de-velopment are promoted by attentive, warm,stimulating, responsive, and nonrestrictivecaregiving (for a review, see Belsky, Lerner,& Spanier, in press). Tbe work of Baumrind(1967, 1971) demonstrates that during tliepreschool years high levels of nurturanceand control foster tbe ability to engage peersand adults in a friendly and cooperativemanner, as well as the capacity to be in-strumentally resourceful and achievement-striving. And, as children grow older, par-ental use of induction or reasoning, con-sistent discipline, and expression of warmthhave been found to relate positively to self-esteem, internalized controls, prosocialorientation, and intellectual achievementduring the school-age years (e.g.. Cooper-smith, 1967; Hoffman, 1970; McCall, Apple-baum, & Hagarty, 1973).

Consideration of these findings andothers suggest that, across childhood, par-enting that is sensitively attuned to chil-dren's capabilities and to the developmentaltasks they face promotes a variety of highlyvalued developmental outcomes, includingemotional security, behavioral indepen-dence, social competence, and intellectualachievement (Belsky, Lemer, & Spanier, inpress). What kind of person should be able toprovide such developmentally flexible andgrowth-promoting care? The sensitive indi-vidual, one might argue, is able to decenterand to appraise accurately the perspective ofothers, is able to empathize with them, and,in addition, is able to adopt a nurturantorientation. It seems reasonable to speculatethat people most able to do this would bemature, psychologically healthy adults. Un-fortunately, the literature linking personalityand parenting is not nearly as rich nor as ex-tensive as one might expect. Nevertheless,the limited data that are available can bemarshaled to provide some support for thenotion that personal maturity, psychologicalwell-being, and growth-facilitating parent-ing covary with each other.

If age is conceived as a marker formaturity, then the recent observation thatprimiparous mothers interact with theiryoung infants in a more positively affection-

Jay Belsky 85ate, stimulating, and sensitive manner theolder they are (Ragozin, Basham, Cmic,Creenberg, & Robinson, 1982) provides onepiece of evidence for the hypothesized re-lationship between personality and parentalfunctioning. So, too, do data on teenagemothers, who are presumably less psycho-logically mature than older mothers. Notonly is there evidence that such youngmothers express less desirable child-rearingattitudes and have less realistic expectationsfor infant development than do oldermothers (Field, Widmayer, Stringer, & Ig-natoff, 1980) but, from a more behavioralstandpoint, it has been observed that theyalso tend to be less responsive to their new-boms (Jones, Green, & Krauss, 1980) and toengage infants in less verbal interaction(Osofsky & Osofsky, 1970). Even more directsupport for a personality-parenting linkagecan be found in Mondell and Tyler's (1981)data linking intemal locus of control, highlevels of interpersonal trust, and an activecoping style on the part of parents to highlevels of observed warmth, acceptance, andhelpfulness and to low levels of disapprovalwhen interacting with their young children.

Potentially more compelling evidencein its documentation of the influence of per-sonal psychological attributes on parentalfunctioning can be found in investigations ofpsychologically disturbed adults (e.g.,Baldwin, Cole, & Baldwin, 1982; Rutter,1966). The disturbance in parental psy-chological functioning receiving the mostattention in this regard is depression (Fabian& Donahue, 1956; PoUitt, 1965), withWeissman providing one of the most exten-sive and informative studies (Orraschel,Weissman, & Kidd, 1980; Weissman &Paykel, 1974). Depressed mothers, it wasobserved, offered a disruptive, hostile, re-jecting home environment to their children,which, not surprisingly, undermined childfunctioning (see also Colletta, 1983).

The model of parental functioning beingdeveloped assumes that linkages betweenparents' psychological well-being and theirparental functioning may be traced back, atleast to some extent, to the experiences par-ents had while growing up. Three distinctsets of data illuminate such a relationshipbetween developmental history and par-enting. Literature on child abuse furnishesthe first set, by underscoring an associationbetween experience of mistreatment inone's own childhood and mistreatment ofone's children (Belsky, 1978, 1980; Parke &Collmer, 1975). The second set of data link-

86 Child Development

ing developmental history and parenting de-rives from the study of depression, whichindicates that the stressful experience ofseparation from parent as a child is not only arisk factor in the etiology of this affectivedisturbance (Brown & Harris, 1978) but isalso related to difficulties in caring for youngchildren (Frommer & O'Shea, 1973a, 1973b)and, probably as a consequence, to less thanoptimal functioning on the part of the child(Hall, Pawlby, & Wolkind, 1980). Finally,research on fathering reveals that both highlevels of paternal involvement in one's ownchildhood (Manion, 1977; Reuter & Biller,1973; Sagi, 1982) and low levels of patemalinvolvement (DeFrain, 1979; Eiduson &Alexander, 1978) forecast high levels of in-volvement in the care of one's own children.A possible explanation of this apparent in-consistency may be found in the processes ofidentification and male personality de-velopment (Bronfenbrenner, 1960). Fatherswho are warm, nurturant, and involvedprobably rear sons who identify with andmodel them, whereas noninvolved fathers,who in all likelihood generate a weakidentification and a low probability of beingmodeled, perhaps stimulate a compensatoryprocess that later prompts sons to parent in amanner expressly opposite that of their ownfathers.

The data summarized through this pointhave been marshaled to support the conten-tion that developmental history shapes per-sonality and psychological well-being,which in tum influences parental function-ing. Indeed, a hypothesis that I advance isthat, in general, supportive developmentalexperiences give rise to a mature healthypersonality, that is then capable of providingsensitive parental care which fosters optimalchild development.

The Child's Contribution

The characteristic of the child that hasreceived the most attention in terms of in-fluencing parental functioning is tempera-ment, especially those behavioral styles thatmake parenting more or less difficult (Bates,19^) . Although the findings to date aremixed (Bates, 1980), select evidence cer-tainly does exist in support of the notionthat difficult temperament, especially in in-fancy, can undermine parental functioning.Campbell (1979) reported, for example, that,when mothers rated their infants as havingdifBcult temperaments at 3 months, theyinteracted with them less and were less re-sponsive to their cries at 3 and 8 months.

compared with a set of matched controls.Similarly, Milliones (1978) discerned asignificant negative association betweenmothers' perceptions of difficultness andoutreach workers' ratings of maternal re-sponsiveness when infants averaged 11months of age. And, as a final illustrativefinding, Kelley (1976) reported that mothersof more difficult 4-month-olds tended to re-spond negatively to negative infant emo-tions.

Because the child's influence on par-enting is so widely recognized by develop-mentalists, we have chosen not to treat thisissue in detail. Nevertheless, the limitedevidence just reviewed does illustrate thenow well-accepted point that, even innonabusive samples, characteristics of chil-dren hypothesized to make them more orless difficult to care for do indeed seem toshape the quantity and quality of parentalcare they receive. One further point worthnoting is that, while speculation aboundswith respect to the need to consider childcharacteristics in the context of parentcharacteristics (e.g., personality, expecta-tions), surprisingly little work illuminatingsuch interactive processes is actually avail-able. What does exist may be marshaled tosupport the conclusion that neither temper-ament nor other child characteristics per seshape parenting, but rather that the "good-ness-of^fit" between parent and child deter-mines the development of parent-child re-lations (Lemer & Lemer, 1983).

Contextual Sources of Stress andSupport

Although both parent and child contri-butions to differences in parenting havebeen addressed here, an ecological perspec-tive on this topic requires consideration ofthe context of parent-child relations as well.For this purpose, one may tum to the abun-dance of evidence which highlights the gen-erally beneficial impact of social supporton both psychological and physical health(e.g., Mitchell & Trickett, 1980). Of partic-ular significance is research chronicling asupport/general well-being relationship inthe case of parents (Colletta, 1983; Colletta& Gregg, 1981; Nuckolls, Cassell, & JCaplan,1972). But even more important than evi-dence indicating that overall support posi-tively influences psychological well-beingin general, and the mental health of parentsin particular, is research demonstrating that,possibly as a consequence, overall support ispositively related to parental functioning.

Open-ended interviews by Colletta(1979) with three groups of mothers withpreschoolers (low- and middle-incomesingle parents, middle-income marriedmothers) revealed that total support (pro-vided by friends, relatives, and spouse) wasnegatively associated with maternal re-strictiveness and punitiveness. In fact, shewas led to conclude on the basis of her data,that "mothers receiving the least amount oftotal support tended to have more householdmles and to use more auAoritana^ punish-ment techniques, (p. 843) Consistent withthese findings are results of a study mdicat-ing that the social support available tomothers of 3-year-olds who had requiredintensive care as neonates predicted the ex-tent to which they were stimulating in their

?nQi'?*T,?u^"'°^' n' ^ '• u'^'1981). What IS especially mtngumg abouteach of these sets of data is tiiat it is just thekind of parenting that Colletta and Pascoe etal. have related to social support that otherinvestigators have linked to child compe-tence (eg., responsiveness) and incom-petence (e.g., authoritanan rearmg).

That parenting appears to be positivelyassociated with social support should not besurpnsmg. As noted already, support andgeneral well-being have been repeatedlylinked. And if one conceives growth-pro-motmg parenting as a dimension of mentalhealth, then the link between parentmg andsupport may be but one way the more gen-eral suppoi^well-bemg relationship man-ifests Itself. But even after highlighting suchgeneral associations, two specific questionsremain regarding the role of social support man analysis of the determmants of parenting:How does support influence parentmg? andFrom where does influential support derive?To address these issues, the followmg dis-cussion IS subdivided accordmg to both thefunctaon of support and its particular sourcesand the evidence pertinent to a more rehnecland differentiated understanding of howsupport aiiects parental iunctionmg is re-viewed.

Functions of SupportIn line with the extensive literature on

social support, it is likely that, m the case ofparenting, social support functions in threegeneral ways: (1) by providing emotionalsupport, (2) by providing instmmental as-sistance, and (3) by providing social expec-tations (e.g., Mitchell & Trickett, 1980; Pow-ell, 1980). Emotional support can be definedas the love and interpersonal acceptance an

Jay Belsky 87

individual receives from others, eitherthrough explicit statements to the effect or asa result of considerate and caring actions. In-strumental assistance can take a variety offorms, including the provision of infonnationand advice, and help with routine tasks, in-eluding child care. Finally, social expecta-tions serve as guides about what is and is notappropriate behavior.

Expectations and advice, it is important

.^^ function or facilitate parenting. This^ ^ ^ j ^ ^^^^ ^ ^ especially the case whenexpectations are inconsistent (Belsky, Rob-. ^ Gamble, in press; Lamb & Easter-

jggO) or contrary to an individual'sinclinations (Mintum & Lambert, 1964;

^^^ j ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^^^^^ j i^^rview stud-with women highlight the significance of

^^^.^j ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ j ^ characterized by a^ongmence of ideological views, with ca-^eer-oriented women who interact primarily^ . ^ ^^^^^ ^f ^^^^ traditional sex-roleorientation generally reporting less satisfac-tion in the parenting role than women whose^^ . 1 networks share their views (Power &Parke, 1983).

^^^^ ^ ^f support cited above canfunction to influence parenting both directly^^^ indirectly (Belsky, Robins, & Gamble

parental behavior, whereas in-mediated by other factors,praised, for example, by a

neighbor or a teacher for their child's goodbehavior or for their skill in handling chil-^ emotional support can be considered. ^^^ ^.^ ^^ ^^ parenting; when a

hu^b^nd lets his mate know she is loved andcherished in general, however, we assume

.^^^ sentiments, though not^ parenting, neverthefess

caregiving and are therefore regarded^f emotional support.

of Stress SupportThe work on child abuse highlights

three distinct sources of stress and supportthat are likely to promote or undermine pa-rental competence, the marital relationship,

networks, and employment.

The marital relationship.—Althoughthe evidence to date is not sufficient todocument Belsky's (1981) claim that themarital relationship serves as the principalsupport system for parents, the effect ofspousal relations on parenting has been im-plicated by studies of quite different de-

88 Child Development

velopmental periods (Belsky, Lemer, & In sum, the data reviewed in this sectionSpanier, in press). Whereas the work of strongly suggest that, to understand parent-Pedersen (1982) and Price (Note 1) impli- ing and its influence on child development,cates the positive influence of husbands' sup- attention must be accorded to the maritalportiveness and positive regard on mother- relationship (Belsky, 1981). At the sameing during infancy, the work of Belsky (1979; time, it is essential to bear in mind the pos-Belsky, Gilstrap, & Rovine, in press) docu- sibility that marital quality is itself a functionments consistent linkages between high lev- of the developmental histories and the per-els of father involvement and frequent mari- sonalities of the individuals in the re-tal communication at 1, 3, 9, and 15 months, lationship. The possibility must also be en-Consistent with these results are those re- tertained that marital relations do not soported by Feldman, Nash, and Aschenbren- much influence parenting directly as they doner (Note 2), indicating that marital quality indirectly—by having an impact on the gen-was one of the most consistently powerful eral psychological well-being of individualspredictors of fathering observed in free and and only thereby the skills they exercise instructured laboratory play situations, and the parenting role (see Figure 1) (Brown &those of Gibaud-Wallston and Wandersman Harris, 1978; Carveth & Gottlieb, 1979;(Note 3), indicating that fathers who felt Johnson & Lobitz, 1974; Wandersman,support from their wives had a high sense of Wandersman, & Kahn, 1980).parental competence regardless of the tem- ^^^.^^ netu;orfe.-Although social isola-peramental difficulty of their infants. ^.^^ ^^ ^^^^ identified as a risk condition

Investigations linking marital relations and associated with dysfunctional parentingand parenting during the preschool years are in the case of child abuse, it would be in-generally consistent with those just sum- appropriate to assume that more social net-marized, which focus on the parent-infant work contact with friends, neighbors, andrelationship. Bandura and Walters (1959) ob- relatives is always advantageous. Contactserved that mothers inclined to nag and that would nonnally function suppo rti veiyscold their sons felt less warmth and affec- may become stressful if taken to an extreme,tion toward their husbands. Complementing Indeed, what is probably most beneficial isthese findings are data from a study by Sears, what French, Rodgers, and Cobb (1974)Maccoby, and Levin (1957) indicating that refer to as a "goodness-of-fit," representingmothers' professed esteem for their hus- the match between support desired andbands was systematically related to the support received.praise they directed at their preschool chil- rr,i . *, M.U * J- ^ M. •\ o- V.. • .. u 1 • J r i.- These comments notwithstanding, it isdren. Since it is just the kind ot parenting , .i . l ui i_ r • c *. \u, J • 1 ^ • , . 5 ix, ,. clear that availability ot signihcant othersobserved in these two investigations that j . i . - j f t u _i.J. . , X ,.• 1 1. 4. and the support received from them exert apredicts less than optimal or competent beneficial impact on parent-child relationschild functioning, there are grounds for in- ^ ^ g^ j^ ^9^^ Hetherington, Cox, &femng a process of influence from marnage ^J ^^^^^ McLanahan, Wedemeyer, &iQ«TT f ^^t ^ r ? ^^""^"iQR? ^^ ' Adelberg, 1981; Toms-Olson, 1981). Powell1981; Crouter, Belsky, & Spanier, 1983). ^gg^) discovered that, during the infancy

During the elementary school and ado- period, the qualities of mothering predictivelescent years, high interspousal hostility has of child competence during the preschoolbeen linked to the frequent use of punish- years—namely, verbal and emotionalment and the infrequent use of induction or responsivity—were more characteristic ofreasoning as a disciplinary strategy (Diel- mothers who had weekly or more frequentman. Barton, & Cattell, 1977; Kemper & contact with friends (see also Cmic,Reichler, 1976). Johnson and Lobitz (1974) Greenberg, Ragozin, Robinson & Basham,report, for example, consistent negative re- 1983). Abemethy (1973) found that, duringlationships between marital satisfaction and the preschool years, the presence of a tightlythe level of observed negativeness to chil- knit social network to be positively as-dren in their study of 31 boys, age 2-12 sociated with parents' sense of competenceyears, who had been referred for behavioral in the caregiving role, with competencecounseling. The reason for this, Olweus's being defined in terms of the mother's rec-(1980) recent work on the development of ognition of the malleability of her children,aggression indicates, is that the quality of the an appreciation of individual differences,emotional relationship between spouses in- and knowledge of how child-rearing prac-fluence mothers' negativism toward their tices need to be adjusted to match the child'sadolescent sons, which itself leads to aggres- developmental capabilities. Consistent withsive, antisocial behavior. these data are those of Pascoe et al. (1981),

who found that social network contact andsupportiveness correlated positively withthe physical and temporal organization ofthe child's world, and with mothers'avoidance of punishment and restriction.

In the case of social network support,just as in the case ofthe marital relationship,the possibility must be entertained that thebenefits that accrue from network contactwith respect to parental functioning aremediated by the parent's own psychologicalwell-being (see Figure 1). In this regard,Cochran and Brassard (1979) hypothesizedthat the support that social networks providecan enhance self-esteem and, as a conse-quence, increase the patience and sensi-tivity that individuals exercise in the parent-ing role. Data presented by Aug and Bright(1970), Belle (Note 4), and Colletta, Lee, andGregg (Note 5) tend to substantiate thishypothesis.

Work.—The third and final contextualsource of stress/support on parenting con-sidered here is suggested by research thatlinks unemployment and labor marketshrinkage with child maltreatment (Light,1973; Steinberg, Catalano, & Dooley, 1981).It is not only investigations of child abuse,however, that highlight the deleterious con-sequences of unemployment with respect toparent-child relations (Bronfenbrenner &Crouter, 1983; Elder, 1974; Komarovsky,1940). Beyond the study of unemployment,the greatest source of infonnation pertinentto the impact of work on parenting is foundin the literature on matemal employment.Even though a sizable proportion of studiesfail to document any such effects (e.g.. Hock,1980; Schubert, Bradley-Johnson, & Nuttal,1980), several others do suggest that amother's employment status influences boththe quantity and quality of her own and herspouse's parenting behavior. Quite a few in-vestigations indicate, for example, that ma-temal employment creates strain in thefather-son relationship in lower-incomefamilies (Douvan, 1963; McCord, McCord,& Thurber, 1963; Propper, 1972). This maybe because in such households a mother'sentry into the work force is regarded as anindication ofthe inadequacy of father as pro-vider (Hoffinan, 1979; Bronfenbrenner &Crouter, 1983; Hoffinan, 1979). A number ofstudies also demonstrate that parental ex-pectations of children are greater when bothparents are employed outside tibe home,particularly with respect to those aspects ofhome maintenance and self-maintenance forwhich children are held responsible (e.g.,Douvan, 1963; Propper, 1972). And other

Jay Belsky 89

studies record positive developmental out-comes associated with such demands (e.g..Elder, 1974; Woods, 1972).

A major limitation of all the studies citedhere attempting to document the effect ofmatemal employment on parenting is theirundifferentiated classification of employ-ment (Bronfenbrenner & Crouter, 1982;Crouter, Belsky, & Spanier, 1983). And re-search on matemal attitudes toward workclearly establishes the need to consider ma-temal employment as more than simply a"social address," if an understanding of howit affects parenting and thereby child de-velopment is to be achieved. Not only isthere evidence that mothers who are dis-satisfied with their employment status haveoffspring whose development is further fromoptimal than those whose mothers are moresatisfied with their work situation (Farel,1980; Hock, 1980; Hoffman, 1961; Yarrow,Scott, Deleeuw, & Heinig, 1962), but severalstudies suggest that parenting itself is com-promised under such stressful conditions.Stuckey, McChee, and Bell (1982, p. 643)found that "parental negative affect was ex-hibited more frequently by parents with at-titudes toward dual roles for women that didnot match the employment status of themother in their family." Similarly, Hoffman(1963) found that the working mothers wholiked their work displayed more affectionand used less severe discipline with theirchildren, while Yarrow et al. (1962) reportedthat mothers dissatisfied with their employ-ment status expressed more problems inchild rearing.

The increase in understanding of howwork affects parenting that accrues whenmatemal employment is treated as morethan simply a "social address" is evident inresearch on father's work, particularly thatwhich provides support for Aberle andNaegele's (1952) hypothesis that valueorientations in the husband's work situationare operationalized in child-rearing attitudesand behavior (Bronfenbrenner & Crouter,1983). Most notable in this regard is Kohn's(1963) work demonstrating "that working-class men, whose jobs typically requirecompliance to authority, tend to hold valuesthat stress obedience and conformity in theirchildren" and to favor physical punishment(Bronfenbrenner & Crouter, 1982, p. 23),whereas middle-class fathers, whose jobsrequire self-direction and independence, in-stead value the latter attributes in their chil-dren.

In addition to self-direction, other di-

90 Child Development

mensions of paternal unemployment havebeen linked to parenting. In his longitudinalstudy of men in professional jobs. Heath(1976) found the characteristics Kanter(1978) referred to as "work absorption" re-lated to paternal inadequacy. Specifically,the more time and energy fathers devoted totheir occupations, the more irritable and im-patient they were with their children, as in-dicated by both husbands' and wives' re-ports (see also Moen, 1982). And in a some-what different vein, Kemper and Reichler(1976) and McKinley (1964) demonstratedthat father's job satisfaction is inversely re-lated to the severity of punishment he dis-penses and his reliance upon reasoning as adisciplinary strategy.

As was postulated in prior discussions ofmarital relations and social networks, it isquite conceivable that many of these work-parenting associations are actually mediatedby effects that employment and work con-ditions have on personality and generalpsychological well-being (see Figure 1). Ofinterest in this regard is recent work demon-strating that "job conditions directly or in-directly encourage occupational self-direc-tion and are conducive to effective in-tellectual functioning and an open and flexi-ble orientation to others. Job conditions thatconstrain opportunities for self-direction orsubject the worker to any of several types ofpressures or uncertainties result in less ef-fective intellectual functioning, unfavorableevaluations of self, and a rigid, intolerant so-cial orientation" (Miller, Schooler, Kohn, &Miller, 1979, p. 91). These latter personalstyles could hardly be considered en-couraging portends of sensitive, growth-promoting parenting practices.

Conclusion: Relative importance ofcontextual sources of stress/support.—Throughout the preceding discussion oftheroles that marriage, social networks, andwork assume in supporting or undermininggrowth-promoting parental functioning, onlythe consequences of variation within anysingle sphere of influence has been consid-ered. What remains to be addressed is therelative contribution made by each of thesethree contextual dimensions. I remain ofthe opinion that the marital relationship isthe first-order support system, with inherentpotential for exerting the most positive ornegative effect on parental functioning. Thisseems reasonable if only because emotionalinvestment is routinely greater in the mar-riage, as is time spent in this relationship.

Two important studies have been re-ported recently that address this issue oftherelative importance of marital support versuscertain other kinds of support. In CoUetta's(Note 6) investigation of 50 adolescentmothers, the emotional assistance receivedfrom family of origin (i.e., social network)was found to be most predictive of matemalattitudes and affectionate behavior, and sup-port received from boyfriend or spouse wasnext in order of importance, followed finallyby friendship support. In another investiga-tion, studying 105 mothers and their full-term and preterm 4-month-olds, "intimatesupport [from spouse] proved to have themost general positive effects, although com-munity and friendship support appear[ed]valuable to matemal attitudes as well" (Cmicet al., 1983, p. 215). That the availability of,and mothers' satisfaction with, spouse sup-port turned out to be the most significant pre-dictors ofa mother's positive attitude towardparenting and of the affect she displayed inface-to-face interaction led Cmic et al. to ex-press strong agreement with "Belsky's(1981) notion that a positive marital re-lationship is a major support of competentparenting" (p. 215). Moreover, their discov-ery that empirical relations between alltypes of matemal social support and infantfunctioning became insignificant oncemother's observed behavior was statisticallycontrolled provided the basis for the conclu-sion that support exerts a primarily indirecteffect on the child. Consistent with our ownthinking, the hypothesis was also advancedby Cmic et al. that with age the possibility ofdirect influences probably increases.

Probably under certain conditions mar-riage plays a less influential role than thatchronicled by Cmic et al. (1983). Under cir-cumstances such as single parenthood andteenage parenthood, social networks willpresumably serve as the principal source ofsupport, as CoUetta's (Note 6) data indicate.The same may be true for traditional blue-collar marriages, in which husband and wiferoles typically serve more instrumental thanintimate functions and in which neitherfriendship nor romance, and thus emotionalsupport, are the principal reasons for the re-lationship. Young and Willmott's (1957) de-scription of social network ties in East Lon-don, particularly by those of mothers to theirfamilies of origin, clearly suggests this to bethe case.

With respect to occupation, it is unclearat present what its relative influence will be.The more important work is in one's hierar-

JayBekky 91

chy of identities, the more influence it is personal resources and support systems arelikely to exert. The job absorption that likely to function effectively (Sameroff &Kanter (1978) discussed and Heath (1976) Chandler, 1975). Moreover, although studieschronicled as undermining a father's pa- of the effects of difBcult infant temperamenttience, for example, will function principally on matemal behavior show mixed results,when work is seen as a career and achieve- the strongest support for the hypothesis thatment is an important source of motivation, matemal perceptions of difficulty are con-Obviously, both mothers and fathers are sus- currently associated with negative aspects ofceptible to this influence. the mother-child relationship comes from

TT r . ^ J. 1 u J.I. J.- r samples that seem a priori at risk for re-Uniortunately, both our assumption ot i .. i . i i /V, . mons TU

,, . r - 1 1 - r lationship problems (Bates, 1980). Thus,the primacy of marital relations as a source ot , .i u 4. c ^ i

./j_ J • 1- - .. u unless the subsystems OI support or personalsupport/stress and our inclination to empha- / • l A.U i i I

. 1 . 1 J • • ^ resources are at risk, as they are more likelysize social networks as second in importance . v • • u j u j « . c j

, ^. .^. rr, . to be m impoverished homes, we do not hndmust remain speculative propositions. This , , .. . , r . • • ..u r. , . x x . r j i . u - problematic parental functioning m the faceIS because no investigation to date has in- r i rn u lTu u i. • J.-

1 J J 1 f .u . iT 1. ^ T J 1. of dirhcult child characteristics,eluded each of the three contextual deter-minants of parenting discussed here in the At present, no studies are available thatstudy design. As a consequence, it remains test the claim that personal resources haveimpossible to test notions regarding the rel- the greatest potential for buffering the par-ative significance of all three contexts of enting system. This position remains tena-support/stress. A clear imperative of future ble, nevertheless, because personal psy-research is highlighted by this lacunae. chological resources are themselves likely to

be instrumental in determining the qualityParenting: A Buffered System of support one receives (see Figure 1). Con-

** sider, ior example, the very real possibilityThis analysis of the determinants of pa- that individual psychological characteristics

rental functioning, infonned as it is by con- affect not only the selection of a spouse, thecem for the etiology of child mistreatment, establishment of friendships, and the job onesuggests that parental functioning is in- obtains but the quality of the relationshipsfluenced by a variety of forces, with its three one maintains with a spouse, friends, rela-major determinants being the personality/ tives and neighbors, and co-workers. Since itpsychological well-being of the parent, the is also conceivable, at least according to ourcharacteristics of the child, and contextual process model (see Figure 1), that develop-sources of stress and support. Because pa- mental history shapes personal psychologi-rental competence is multiply determined, it cal well-being, the influences that maritalstands to reason that the parenting system is relations, social network support, and workbuffered against threats to its integrity that exert on parenting may themselves be tracedderive from weaknesses in any single source back to personality and developmental his-(Belsky, Robins, & Gamble, in press). When tory. It should be evident, then, that we re-two of three determinants of parenting are at gard personal psychological resources as therisk, it is proposed that parental functioning most influential determinant of parentingis most protected when the personal re- not simply for its direct effect on parentalsource subsystem still functions to promote functioning but also because of the role itsensitive involvement and least protected undoubtedly plays in recruiting contextualwhen only the subsystem of child charac- support.teristics fulfills this function. Of course, this XT J ^ . . . . . . . . i.\, v. xu • r

1. M ^ .f .u- J. • No data exist to test the hypothes is ofimplies that, if someth ing mus t go wrong in , . r , u i • l r.1 .. . i.- 1 f 1.- • the primacy of personal psychological func-the parent ing system, opt imal functioning .. f , ^ ^ . . j .. c ^ u u/ j n j . r r J • M. Z tionmg because students of parent-child re-(dehned m terms of producing competent i .. i . • j • • i

rr . . .,, * , ^ X lations have not examined, m any smgle re-oitspring) will occur when personal psy- i . r r - j . i i x . u • J x .. cu \ • \ f *. *.u 1 search effort, all three major determinants of

chological resources of parents are the only . , r .. • j - j • i.u-J . * . .xUi. -xj. parental functioning discussed in this essay,determmants that remain intact. T • ri.u- '.^\- j - i j lin view of this situation, a predictive modelEvidence in support of the claim that of the parenting system is offered that is

risk characteristics in the child are relatively founded on a differentiated analysis of theeasy to overcome can be found in the litera- determinants of parenting (Belsky, Robins,ture on high-risk and difBcult infants. Pre- & Gamble, in press). As noted previously,mature birth does not compromise sub- the system comprises three subsystems (per-sequent development when rearing takes sonal psychological resources, child chamc-place in middle-class homes, where both teristics, and contextual sources of stress/

92 Child Development

support), each of which functions, in the is hypothesized that parents function mostmodel, according to one of two general effectively when each subsystem operates inmodes, designated as support or stress. In the supportive mode (+) and least compe-actuality, just as in the conception of the tently when each subsystem operates in themodel, each of the three subsystems is itself stressful mode (—). When only two sub-recognized to have a complex, multifactor ar- systems are in the supportive mode, we con-rangement, rendering the binary label of sider the parent's chances of providing op-stress/support inappropriate. To be more ac- timal care to be greatest when the sub-curate one should speak in terms of the systems of personal resources and contextualdegree of stress/support provided by each support are positively activated and leastsubsystem (and its constituent components— when personal resources is the one dysfunc-e.g., marriage, social network, work) rather tional system. The consequences for par-than in the reductionistic terms of presence enting of just one dimension supporting par-versus absence of stress/support. In the ab- enting have been alluded to earlier; thesesence of the necessary empirical evidence, outcomes are appropriately ranked in Tablehowever, the trade-offs or dynamic inter- 1.actions that take place between subsystemsare far from clear. Hence, it is difBcult to ^ i .

J. . r 1 u u 1 CiOnclusionpredict, for example, how much personalresource support is necessary to balance In his writings on the ecology of humanout child-determined stress. One has some- development, Bronfenbrenner (1977, p. 77)what more confidence in simply maintain- is fond of quoting Goethe ("What is the mosting that equal contributions by each con- difficult of all? That which seems to you thetextual domain are not required to achieve easiest, to see with one's eyes what is lyinga balance. Beyond a doubt, a considerable before them") and Walter Fenno Dearborn,amount of theoretical and empirical work a graduate school mentor ("If you want toremains to be completed prior to achiev- understand something, try to change it").ing full understanding of the nature of the When these statements are juxtaposed, theycomplex relationships that actually exist. illustrate quite effectively the general reason

rA -j. .1 .• J l-f • dysfunction can illuminate normal func-Despite these cautionary and qualifying ^.^ . , o n i l ^ ^ c

1 1- Ul 1 1. 1 i-u • 1. J t ioning and, specihcal ly , how the s tudy ofremarks. Table 1 catalogues the projected ., J? , r u u l • r

.1 . J • J r xu J ^ the etiology of child abuse can inform anparental outcomes, derived from the model, l • ?ii j ^ • ^ r

J. i xu Ul. Ul analysis of the determmants of parenting,corresponding to the eight possible con- ^ K &ditions that describe the total variability of In the routine ebb and flow of life, it isthe system's functioning. Not surprisingly, it often difficult to discern normal processes.

TABLE 1

THEORETICAL MODEL OF THE RELATIVE PROBABILFTY OF EFFECTIVEPARENTAL FUNCTIONING IN ALL POSSIBLE CONDITIONS

OF PARENTING SYSTEMS

CONDITIONS OF THE PARENTAL SUBSYSTEMSRELATIVE

PROBABILITY Parental ContextualOF PARENT Personality and Subsystems

FUNCTIONING Psychological of ChildCOMPETENTLY Well-Being Support Characteristics

Highest + + +

4-

Lowest

NOTE.—Plus sign (+) stands for supportive mode; minus sign (-) stands for stressfulmode.

Jay Belsky 93

Any dysfunction, by creating a perturbationin this flow, reveals elements and/or re-lationships that might otherwise go un-noticed. The determinants of parental func-tioning are considered to be one such set ofrelatively unnoticed events and processes.The significance of parental dysfunction—inthe form of child maltreatment—is its powerto reveal mechanisms of influence, at least inthe pathological range, governing parentalbehavior. Since parenting is not readily ma-nipulated, it is difBcult to implement thestrategy promulgated by Bronfenbrenner'smentor for the study of socialization. Buthere an illuminating example is found ofthe"natural experiment," in that the concern ofapplied scientists for the etiology of childabuse instructs inquiry into more basic sci-entific issues. If one regards child maltreat-ment as a departure from normal parentingpractices, then the study of child abuse, rep-resenting "changes" in parenting, serves notonly to enhance understanding of thesocialization process but, in so doing, revealswhat is hardest to see because it lies right infront of our eyes—the determinants of indi-vidual differences in parenting, a topic thathas received insufficient attention in thelong history of socialization research.

Reference Notes1. Price, C. Factors influencing reciprocity in

early mother-infant interaction. Paper pre-sented at the biennial meeting of the Societyfor Research in Child Development, NewOrleans, March 1977.

2. Feldman, S., Nash, S., & Aschenbrenner, B.Antecedents of fathering. Unpublishedmanuscript, Stanford University, 1982.

3. Gibaud-Wallston, A., & Wandersman, L. P.Development and utility of the parentingsense of competence scale. Paper presented atthe annual meeting of the AmericanPsychological Association, Toronto, 1978.

4. Belle, D. E. The social network as a source ofboth stress and support to low-incomemothers. Paper presented at the biennialmeeting of the Society for Research in ChildDevelopment, Boston, April 1981.

5. Colletta, N. D., Lee, D., & Cregg, C. H. Theimpact of support for adolescent mothers.Unpublished manuscript. University ofMaryland, n.d.

5- Colletta, N. D. The infiuence of support sys-tems on the matemal ^ behavior of youngmothers. Paper presented at the biennialmeeting of the Society for Research in ChildDevelopment, Boston, April 1981.

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