Banal Nationalism in Stateless Nations:

Everyday IPE and national identity in Scotland and Catalonia

V04633

Table of Contents

1. Introduction ....................................................................................................................................... 1

2. Literature Review .............................................................................................................................. 4

2.1) Modernism and Nationalism ...................................................................................................... 5

2.2) Political Economy, Culture and Nationalism: Limitations .......................................................... 8

3. Theoretical Framework ..................................................................................................................... 9

3.1) The ‘Nation’ in Everyday Life ...................................................................................................... 9

3.2) Identity and Everyday Life: Connecting the quotidian and the nation .................................... 12

3.3) ‘Problematising’ banal nationalism: Identity in Stateless nations ........................................... 13

3.4) Case Selection and Methodology ............................................................................................. 14

4. Observations.................................................................................................................................... 16

4.1) Scotland .................................................................................................................................... 17

4.1.1) Tourism ............................................................................................................................... 18

4.1.2) Whisky ................................................................................................................................ 22

4.2) Catalonia ................................................................................................................................... 23

4.2.1) Football ............................................................................................................................... 24

4.2.2) Tourism ............................................................................................................................... 27

4.2.3) Cava and cuisine ................................................................................................................. 30

5. Conclusion ....................................................................................................................................... 32

6. Bibliography ..................................................................................................................................... 34

List of illustrations

Fig.1) Images of Scotland: Edinburgh City and a view of Duke’s Pass, Stirling................................................... 19

Fig.2) The Kelpies ................................................................................................................................................ 21

Fig.3) Screenshot of the Scotch Whisky Association Website ............................................................................ 21

Fig.4) Members forming a human tower at the Tarragona Castells Competition in Catalonia, 2014 ............... 24

Fig.5) Spectators display a banner during a FCB football match ........................................................................ 26

Fig.6) Screenshots from ‘Catalonia is your home’ video .................................................................................... 29

1

‘The essence of all nationality...is a peculiar way of thinking, and conceiving, which may be applied to subjects not belonging to the

history of one’s own country.’ -J.G.Lockhart, Peter’s Letters to His Kinsfolk

1. Introduction

The last century witnessed a paradigm shift to a more ‘organised’ global capitalist system

with expansive characteristics of industries and enterprise cutting across national

boundaries and relative spaces. One of the essential characteristics of the modern state has

been the ‘intolerance of difference’ – the homogenisation of culture.1 Today, commodities

that are produced, bought and sold across the global village provide a similarity of

experience in a life marked by a globalism that replaces nationalism.2 ‘Everything is for sale’,

as the famous cultural theorist Henri Lefebvre once mentioned in his critique of modernity;

culture has become a commodity.3

Nationalism scholars today consider shared culture, ethnicity, history, and image as

important factors that bind together a community as one nation by producing, reproducing

and perpetuating national identity. Nationalism is also increasingly being researched upon

from a ‘bottom-up’ approach in today’s era, where communities mobilise on the basis of

shared history, ethnicity and culture at a more ‘micro’ or societal level. The question of where

to place culture as a factor shaping identity is an interesting one today. Different scholars

from across sociology, nationalism studies and political economy have dealt with this

question in very different ways. Do the attempts at homogenisation lead to the politicisation

of peripheral identities? Does a ‘high culture’ dominate nation-states, using their institutions

and legal mechanisms to subjugate other minorities? Is the nation withering away? These

are interesting questions that are constantly thrown about in what has come to be called the

post-modern school of academics.

1Billig, Michael (1995), Banal Nationalism. Reprint, London: Sage, 2011, p.130 2Ibid, p.132 3Elden, Stuart (2004), Understanding Henri Lefebvre: Theory and the Possible, London: Continuum, p.111

2

This thesis attempts to address very specific questions from this debate, concerning to

everyday political economy and nationalism. It attempts to argue that ‘the everyday’

becomes the arena where the themes of modernity and nationalism constantly engage with

each other - more so in nations without states, where the most politicised form of identity

can be witnessed. The term ‘stateless nation’ is meant to mean a nation, which, in spite of

having their territories included within the boundaries of another state, by and large do not

identify with them.4 Identity politics that attempt to mobilise people based on a shared

culture, history and ethnicity are increasingly being successful in such nations. In the various

sub-nationalist movements within established nations, such ‘peripheral’ identities have

become the bulwark to compete with and differentiate themselves from a majority culture.

This is evident from cases across the globe, where nationalisms are increasingly fighting for

self-determination and legitimacy. People belonging to Kurdish, Scottish, Catalan, Québécois,

Basque, Welsh, and other such nations compete with the nationalisms of the Sates within

which they exist, often settling for political or economic autonomy.

Using two specific cases – Scotland and Catalonia, this thesis attempts to understand how

distinct history, culture, geography, festivals, etc. become tools to ascertain a unique, distinct

and different national identity in these nations. It moves beyond the notion that these are

‘invented traditions’, to study how these invented traditions are reinvented, practiced,

sustained or reinterpreted in the contemporary world with the aid of modernity. Using

examples from the two nations, it demonstrates that a certain stereotypical identity of these

nations is produced, sold, purchased and consumed by both natives and tourists in these

nations; national identity is constantly and banally being internalised in the everyday lives.

By doing so, it makes a humble attempt to bridge the gaps between two seminal works – one

on everyday IPE and the other on banal nationalism.

The fact that nations flag identity on a daily basis banally in its citizens’ lives is not new.

Authors have studied how, for instance, national press, flags and speeches by politicians

amount to such ‘flagging’ of nationalism.5 Studying stateless nations, however, provides

4Guibernau, Montserrat (2000), Nations without States, Cornwall: Polity Press, pp.1-5 5Billig (1995)

3

insight into how such flagging is done in these regions based on the ‘politics of difference’ –

that of positioning one’s culture, symbols, traditions as being different from another’s.

The next section reviews relevant literature from the Modernist tradition of nationalism

scholars who study it as a modern phenomenon, and attempt to understand the economic,

political and cultural factors that contribute to the formation of national identity. The

limitations of the approach are also briefly discussed. The third chapter moves ahead from

these existing theories to engage with Billig’s thesis on nationalism, and fit this

understanding of nationalism to Lefebvre’s study of everyday life, to devise a framework that

studies the shaping of national identity in stateless nations. The fourth chapter picks

different examples of activities and products through which national identity is reified in

Scotland (Scottish tourism and whisky industry) and Catalonia (Barcelona football club,

tourism, and cava and cuisine).

4

2. Literature Review

Nationalism and its definitions are difficult to fit into one specific academic school of thought.

Its definitions and meanings have for long, been discussed, debated and evolved. Since the

1920s and 1930s, nationalism studies gained immense academic importance, as the World

Wars and global politics over ‘national interest’ warranted for the historians of the time to

consider nationalism as a ‘discrete subject of investigation’.6 By the end of the 20th century,

theories of nationalism had grown to be more sophisticated, and different schools of thought

had emerged within its domain. Broadly, these schools have been classified into

Primordialism, Ethno-Symbolism and Modernism.7

A historical view of nationalism studied nationality as a ‘natural’ phenomenon – something

that everyone is born with. Termed the Primordialists, advocates of this approach believed

that national identities are a natural part of humans; just as are a nose and two ears.8 Soon,

the Modernists saw industrialisation and modernisation as decisive factors, and studied

nationalism from the point of view of politics, economics and culture. Towards the end of the

century, sociologists got interested in studying nationalism as the sense of ‘belonging’ to one

another and to a larger ‘family’; an accompanying desire to live within a nation-state ushered

in the need to identify shared culture, language, and ethnicity to define nationalisms.9 Among

the many differences between the Ethno-Symbolists and the Modernists, a notable one is to

do with the historicity and significance of cultural myths, symbols, values and memories.

While the Ethno-Symbolists aimed to ‘uncover the symbolic legacy of pre-modern ethnic

identities for today’s nations’ and stress the presence of ethnic pasts and cultures, the

Modernists understand nations as a relatively modern concept that evolved with parallel to

modernity and capitalism.10 To the Ethno-symbolists, ethnicity and identity that shape a

particular society historically need to be taken into account while studying nations. The

6Özkirimli, Umut. (2010), Theories of Nationalism: A Critical Introduction, Hampshire: Palgrave MacMillan, p.1 7 Ibid, pp. 12-63 8Gellner, Ernest. (1983), Nations and Nationalism, Oxford: Blackwell, p.6 9 Expanding on Foucault’s idea of Bio-Power (The History of Sexuality – Volume 1), Gledhill argues that expressions of bio-power

was expanded upwards towards its widest understanding of a kin collective, the ethnic group. This resulted in the creation of Ethnic Nationalism in Eastern Europe, different from the Western idea of Nationalism that developed in UK, Germany and France. See: Gledhill, John (2005)’ The Power of Ethnic Nationalism’, National Identities, 7(4), pp.347-368

10Özkirimli (2010), pp.167-168

5

Modernists, on the other hand, argue that such symbolisms are creations of modernity, often

invented by the state or the elites to mobilise masses using the sentiment.

Modernists expanded classical Marxist interpretations, to include culture as an important

aspect that shapes national identity.11 This approach of bringing together political economy,

historic (primordial) and sociological (ethno-symbolic) factors makes it a relevant starting

point for the present research. In the following section, a review of the Modernist school is

provided, discussing briefly the works of Tom Nairn, Michael Hechter, John Breuilly, Eric

Hobsbawm and Ernest Gellner.12

2.1) Modernism and Nationalism

Greatly influenced by the works of Max Weber, Karl Marx and Antonio Gramsci, the

Modernist scholars studied national identity as a product of economics, politics and

culture.13 Marx and Engels’ position in the Communist Manifesto is argued to have been

internationalist,14 but contemporary Modernist scholars have borrowed Marxist themes to

study nationalism as products of processes like capitalism, industrialization and the

emergence of the bureaucratic state.15 To Weber, nationalism was a political concept - a

sentiment that found voice when manifested through an established nation-state.16 This

emphasis on the role of a state in the political definition of nationalism in Weber’s works was

also noted by other later Modernist scholars like John Breuilly, Eric Hobsbawm and Ernest

Gellner.17 As will be discussed later, the distinction between nation and state is of importance

to the present thesis. Özkirimli divides the Modernists scholars into three categories,

depending on their emphasis on economic, political or cultural factors to understand

nationalism.18 This is a useful approach to study nationalism from the perspective of

11Ibid, pp.85-88 12 This is by no means an exclusive list of all Modernist scholars. Other works of Paul Brass, Miroslav Hroch, Benedict Anderson

and others, as important as they are, have little to offer for the present research. For a summary, see Özkirimli (2010). 13Ibid, pp.167-168 14Ibid, pp.17-18 15 Ibid, p.72. 16 This ’political’ reading of Weber’s understanding of nationalism, however, differed from Giddens’(1972) who read Weber’s

definition to mean that a society needed a bourgeois revolution to become a modern nation-state. On this, see: Chernilo, D. (2008), pp.50-52

17Breuilly, John (1982) Nationalism and the State, Manchester: Manchester University Press; Gellner, Ernest (1983); Ozkirimli, pp.12-30

18Özkirimli (2010)

6

modernity, territorialism and social factors – themes that would help build an argument

about how national identity is reproduced in nations without states.

According to Nairn and Hechter, economic transformation along with the rise of capitalism

gives rise to nationalisms in the modern era.19 To Nairn, nationalism emerged as a result of

the ‘rapid implementation of capitalism to the world society’.20 Since the spread of capitalism

across the globe, inequality and uneven development led to the people in the ‘peripheries’

growing discontented, and the local elites in these regions mobilised people based on a

distinct, common, shared identity – thus creating a community rendered ‘strongly (if

mythically) aware of its own separate identity vis-à-vis the outside forces of domination’.21

Michael Hechter made a similar economic argument as to why nationalisms (and eventually,

nations) developed. He arrived at a study of the rise of nationalisms in economically

backward regions by statistically analysing ‘internal colonisation’.22 He defines internal

colonisation as a process of ‘unequal exchange between the territories of a given state that

occurs either as a result of the free play of market forces, or of economic policies of the

central state that has intended or unintended distributional consequences for regions.’23 In

time, sections of the periphery who face collective oppression respond by identifying with

others who share their plight – leading to mobilisation along sub-national identities within

existing nations.24

As against the economic arguments to the rise of nationalism, John Breuilly, Ernest Gellner

and Eric Hobsbawm provide a political perspective.25 There must exist a nation with an

explicit character, and this nation must be as independent as possible (usually at least the

attainment of sovereignty).26 Nationalism, as an ideology, becomes important not just for

political co-ordination and mobilisation, but also to assert legitimacy not just to the state it

19Nairn, Tom (1977) The Break-Up of Britain: Crisis and Neo-Nationalism, Verso: London, 1981; Hechter, Michael (1975),

Internal Colonialism: The Celtic Fringe in British National Development,Reprint,Transaction: New Jersey, 1999. 20Özkirimli (2010), p.90 21Nairn (1977), p.340 22Özkirimli (2010), pp.96-97 23Hechter, M. (1975), p.xiv 24Özkirimli (2010), p.99 25Breuilly, John (1982); Hobsbawm, Eric and Ranger, Terence (eds) (1983) The Invention of Tradition, Cambridge: Cambridge

University Press 26Breuilly (1982), p.2

7

opposes, but even to the external world and international organisations.27 Politically, this

mobilisation is done through provision of citizen rights by an established state.28 Culturally,

sub-nationalisms seek legitimacy by putting forth a distinct collective character of society

even through non-political mediums through symbols, images and commodities that are

tagged as distinct and unique to particular regions.

Hobsbawm borrows the idea that nationalism is primarily political in nature, claiming that

nations and nationalisms are products of ‘social engineering’ and invented traditions.29

Invented traditions, he explains, are

‘...a set of practices, normally governed by overtly or tacitly accepted rules and of a ritual or symbolic nature, which seek to inculcate certain values and norms of behaviour by repetition, which automatically implies continuity with the past.’30

Hobsbawm says that invention happens in two ways - firstly, through the adaptation of old

traditions and institutions in new situations; and secondly the deliberate invention of ‘new’

traditions from quite novel purposes.31 To him, fragmentation and disintegration caused by

rapid industrialisation contributes to the process, and more and more symbols and public

monuments of identity are increasingly mass produced.32 The inability of capitalism to cope

with collective or communal interests is important in this context, since this leads to the

politicisation of the peripheries and their culture.33

Hobsbawm’s work is of relevance, since it brings together for the first time, an approach to

study national identity that bridges the gap between the political-economic definition of

nationalism as a modern invention and the cultural and ethno-symbolic tradition that argues

for shared culture as a unifying factor. His argument, simply put, was that even if cultural

27Breuilly, John (1999), ‘Approaches to Nationalism’ in G. Balakrishnan (ed.), Mapping the Nation, London: Verso, pp.166-167 28 Ibid, p.165 29 Özkirimli (2010), p.116 30Hobsbawm& Ranger (1983), p.1 31Özkirimli (2010), p.117 32Hobsbawm& Ranger (1983), pp.270-271 33Özkirimli (2010), pp.107-108

8

symbols, festivals, factors, and images act as factors that contribute to promoting national

identity, these were ‘created’ (often by the state), consciously in the last few centuries.

Gellner also emphasised on the importance of culture in nationalism studies, and shared the

view with Hobsbawm (and Weber) that the political and national units are congruent.34

Culture is an important aspect of identity in the industrial society, and only the ‘high-culture’

that is supported by the state survives, as folk cultures and little traditions survive only

artificially.35In other words, their works focussed on established nations, concluding that for

cultures to survive, having an independent state is an important criterion.36.

2.2) Political-Economy, Culture and Nationalism: Limitations

As prevalent as the Modernist theories are even today, two major limitations of this approach

that are relevant to the present thesis need to be mentioned. The first is the typology of the

terms ‘nation’, ‘state’ and ‘nationalism’. Guibernau points out that failure to differentiate

clearly between the three has been one of the major obstacles of contemporary studies on

nationalism.37 The difference between state building and nation building is important,

especially if we were to consider sub-national movements that rise among existing states.38

The second issue is that all the theories analysed here provide only a macro perspective of

understanding national identity. More recent works in nationalism studies have moved

beyond the territorial understanding of nationalism in the Modernist schools; from

boundary conscious modernism to the post-modern internationalism, as Billig suggests.39

Billig’s work Banal Nationalism was an important step towards this direction, as it attempts

to study how national identity plays out in everyday lives of the citizenry in established

Western nations. This is a useful stride for this research, and an attempt is made in the

following chapter to place Billig’s thesis on nationalism within the quotidian.

34Gellner, Ernest (1983) 35Özkirimli (2010),pp.127-130 36Guibernau (2000), pp.101-103 37Ibid, pp.2-3 38 Smith, Anthony D (1995) Nations and Nationalism in a Global Era, Cambridge: Polity Press, pp.38-39 39Billig (1995), p.131

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3. Theoretical Framework

Most of the orthodox theories, no matter how diverse their schools of thought, have one

characteristic in common – they study nationalism as a property of peripheral states that

are still under the process of uniting as a single nation. This is especially true of theories of

the Modernist school that have been discussed briefly in the last chapter. In the last two to

three decades, nationalism studies have moved beyond this ‘macro’ approach. The emphasis

shifted from understanding nationalism as a ‘top down’ approach, to understanding how

national identity plays out in everyday lives – to a ‘bottom up’ approach to understanding

nationalism.

3.1) The ‘Nation’ in Everyday Life

In his seminal work from 1995 titled Banal Nationalism, Michael Billig contributed to the

existing school of nationalism studies by throwing light on how nationalism is reproduced

on a daily basis in established nations of the West – something that has been ignored by

contemporary theorists, according to him.40 Pointing out established Western nation-states

are led to see it as a ‘property of others, not of “us”’, he goes on to remind the reader that

there is a continual flagging of nationhood that happens in these states banally.41 National

identity in these ‘settled nations’ is conceptualised as a form of life so entrenched and taken-

for-granted, that it is rarely noticed, let alone commented upon.42 He coins the term banal

nationalism to

‘…cover the ideological habits which enable the established nations of the West to be reproduced. It is argued that these habits are not removed from everyday life, as some observers have supposed. Daily, the nation is indicated, or ‘flagged’, in the lives of its citizenry. Nationalism, far from being an intermittent mood in established nations, is the endemic condition. The metonymic image of banal nationalism is not a flag which is being consciously waved with fervent passion; it is the flag hanging unnoticed on the public building.’43

40Billig, M. (1995). 41 Ibid, pp.5-8 42 Ibid, p.47, Skey, Michael (2009), ‘The national in everyday life: A critical engagement with Michael Billig’s thesis of Banal

Nationalism’, The Sociological Review, 57(2), pp.331-346 43Billig, M (1995), pp.6, 8-9

10

To support his case, Billig embarks on a detailed analysis of the British newspapers to study

the banal flagging of nationhood on an ‘ordinary day’. Through the use of symbols and words

– we, our, this, here, the nation – the readers of the press are constantly reminded of belonging

to the national homeland.44 Such a study of everyday political economy flagging nationalism

through quotidian and banal activities of a citizen’s life has, in fact, been the biggest

contributions of Billig’s analysis of nationalism. Billig’s thesis becomes even more interesting

if we broadened the scope of the mediums of everyday life that are responsible for this

flagging. Here, studying French philosopher, sociologist and political-economist Henri

Lefebvre’s detailed work on modernity and everyday life is compatible with Billig’s study of

nationalism, as it brings the concepts of economics and consumption to the quotidian life.45

Before Lefebvre’s seminal works on the critique of modernity through everyday life – the

first of which was written in 1947 – he had already been interested in studying individual

and social consciousness, fetishism and mystification.46 He intended to understand the

complexities of economics, and how it shaped complex ideologies such as nationalism. As an

ideology he was a staunch critique of nationalism. This is true of many scholars of the time

who witnessed the rise of Hitler’s Germany and the World Wars.47 Following the Marxist

tradition, he argued that nationalism is a bourgeois invention, and equated it to fascism. In

the second half of the twentieth century however, his work shifted more towards a study of

everyday life and a post-modern critique of modernity – something that this dissertation

attempts to engage with.48

Lefebvre’s critique of the quotidian life is an extension (and improvement) to Marx’s writings

that consider alienation as something that pertains to the economic sphere.49 Lefebvre

brings this concept of alienation to the everyday life, to the daily activities of citizens.

44Ibid, p.11 45 Lefebvre, Henri (1947) Critique of Everyday Life Volume-I Introduction. Translated by John Moore. Reprint, New York: Verso,

2008; Lefebvre, Henri (1961) Critique of Everyday Life Volume-II. Translated by John Moore. Reprint, New York: Verso, 2008; Lefebvre, Henri (1981) Critique of Everyday Life Volume-III. Translated by Gregory Elliot. Reprint, New York: Verso, 2005.

46 Especially in his earliest works, such as La conscience mystifee (1936) co-authored with Guterman; and in Le nationalism contre les nations (1937); De l'ÉtatIII (1976). See: Elden, S (2004), p.70

47 Ibid 48 It must be noted that his work De l'État was published after the 1950s. English translations of this, or his other works on

nationalism however, are currently unavailable. 49 Elden, S (2004), p.110

11

Modernity had increased the scope in the twentieth century to dominate not just the

economic, but also the political, cultural as well as social spheres often banally, through the

production of images and representations that continuously (re)shape identity.50 Here, the

word ‘production’ acquires a wider significance, signifying material production, ‘spiritual’

production (meaning creations of social time and space) and the continuous re-production

of social relations.51 Under a simple and unmediated appearance, the everyday life is

saturated with items, symbols, representations, ideologies, models and norms that

intervene, mediate, and influence it.52 The audience is made a passive recipient as modernity

presents the world in a particular mode, ‘consuming’ the precious goods, symbols, rituals,

festivals and images accumulated over the centuries. Everyday life thus, becomes the field

where the past meets the present, and identity (including national identity) is continuously

produced, reproduced or, in other words, flagged.53

The notion of continuity plays a key role in recurring everyday identity. Cyclical repetition is

an essential part of everyday life that makes it superficial, trivial, banal. It ensures that those

images, symbols or products that reify identity are internalised within the society, that they

are seldom noticed for their nationalistic character. As Billig famously quotes, these images

and products become like the ‘flag hanging unnoticed on a public building’.54Such a narrative

of everyday life – as explored by Lefebvre, and its connections with nationalism – as studied

by Billig – make an interesting case of comparison.

It is essential to briefly explore the similarities between the works on national identity and

the everyday life, to understand how everyday life bridges the gap between modernity and

regeneration, between the quotidian and reproduction of identity. The following section

does that, and finds this association in the works of an influential (and quoting Lefebvre,

controversial) literary work figures from the early 20th Century – James Joyce55

50 Lefebvre, H (1961), p.224, Elden, S(2004), p.110 51 Lefebvre, Henri (1971) Everyday Life in the Modern World, Reprint, London: Transaction, 1984, pp.30-31 52 Lefebvre, H (1961), p.236 53 Lefebvre, H (1981), pp.58-61 54Billig, M (1995), pp.8-9 55 Lefebvre, H (1971), p.3

12

3.2) Identity and Everyday Life: connecting the quotidian and the nation

In his Everyday Life in the Modern World, Lefebvre makes a direct reference to Ulysses,

dedicating about ten pages to discussing in detail, how Joyce’s work was a ‘momentous

eruption of everyday life into literature’.56 Ulysses follows the life of Leopold Bloom ‘through

Dublin, during an ordinary day.’57 Since the book was first published in 1922, it has been the

source of interest to scholars from different schools of academics, including feminism,

consumerism and colonialism; Joyce has come to be considered an important figure in the

study of Irish identity.58 As Loeffler points out, Ulysses ‘functions as a nationalist document

through the reduction of the nation to a series of unconscious quotidian routines which

neither the characters nor the reader identify as possessing “nationalist” content’.59 Ulysses

and Joyce’s other works – most importantly Dubliners and A Portrait of the Artist as a Young

Man – slip ‘deftly, quietly and nearly invisibly’ into the nationalist tradition, moulding a

fragmented population into a unified whole.60

Much like Billig and Lefebvre, Joyce points out that the constant circulation of stories, images,

goods need an audience whose consumption is often abstract, not just material.61 The most

obvious connection between Joyce’s work and Lefebvre’s is surely the emphasis on the

notion of Space. In Joyce’s work, Ireland is a historically legitimate, culturally distinct

nation.62 The quotidian steals the show, and ‘Bloom’s overwhelming triviality is

56 Ibid, pp.2-11 57 Joyce, James (1922), Ulysses, ed. Declan Kiberd, Reprint, London: Penguin, 1992 58Attridge, Derek (ed.),The Cambridge Companion to James Joyce, Cambridge: CUP (especially, chapters by Emer Nolan, Jeri

Johnson, Joseph Valente, Jennifer Wicke and Jennifer Marjorie); Farsi, Roghayeh (2013) ‘James Joyce’s Ulysses: A Post-Colonial Text’,The Criterion, 04(04), pp.1-8; Booker, Keith (2000) "Ulysses," Capitalism, and Colonialism: Reading Joyce after the Cold War, Connecticut: Greenwood;

59Loeffler, Toby H. (2009), ‘“Erin go bragh”: “Banal Nationalism” and the Joycean Performance of Irish Nationhood’, Journal of Narrative Theory, 39(01), pp.29-56

60 Ibid, p.31 61 Delany, Paul (1995), ‘Tailors of Malt, Hot, All Round: Homosocial Consumption in "Dubliners"’, Studies in Short Fiction, 32(03),

p.388 62Loeffler, T (2009), p.48

13

encompassed in the city (Dublin)’, and Irish cultural milieu, details of Dublin life as well as

Dublin speech all became a good guide to Ulysses and subtly, to Irish identity.63

3.3) ‘Problematising’ banal nationalism: Identity in Stateless nations

Nationalism studies have for long been dictated by the emphasis on states rather than the

rights of individuals and nations within them.64Despite the commonalities that can be traced

out from the works of Billig, Lefebvre and Joyce, there are fundamental differences between

their stances on identity and nationalism. Billig’s exploration of everyday activities through

which national identity is (re)produced, giving the term nation two interrelated meanings –

the ‘nation-state’, and the people living within the state.65 His study focuses on

understanding everyday nationalism primarily in established western states, mainly Britain

and the USA. It does not critically engage with stateless nations or sub-cultures that frame

sub-national identities within states, even though banal nationalism continues to compete in

these regions with the ‘hot’ forms of nationalism practiced by the States.66

Although he briefly mentions how Maori, Kurdish, Jewish and Scottish identities often

compete with other ‘high cultures’ within different established states, his work does not

analyse how banal nationalism can exist within what may seem homogenous states. To him,

nationalism is a boundary conscious concept, the nation being synonymous to nation-state.

He even points out the case of Scotland to elucidate a boundary conscious United Kingdom’s

contrasting positions in dealing with Irish nationalism, compared to the Scottish case.67As

pointed out in the previous chapter, this territoriality of nationalism, and the failure to

differentiate between nation and state have impeded the study of sub-nationalisms,

especially in nations without states.

63 Lefebvre, H (1971), p.3; Levine, Jennifer (1990) ‘Ulysses’ in Derek Attridge (ed.) The Cambridge Companion to James Joyce,

Cambridge: CUP, p.127 64Minahan, James (2002), Encyclopedia of the Stateless Nations, Westport, Greenwood, p.xvii 65Billig (1995), p.24 66Skey, M (2009), pp.335-336; Law, Alex (2001) ‘Near and far: banal national identity and the press in Scotland’, Media, Culture

and Society, 23, pp.299-317; Crameri, Kathryn. (2000) ‘Banal Catalanism?’, National Identities, 02(02), pp.145-147 67Billig, M (1995), p.76

14

Lefebvre argues that in modernity, everyday life has lost depth, and only triviality remains.68

Billing also mentions this postmodernist thesis in his work, but refutes the claim that the

forces of globalization ‘may be eroding differences between national cultures, but they are

also multiplying differences within nation’.69 He argues against this claim, saying that

nationalist consciousness appear to be persisting. People identify with new symbols of

nationhood, and even notes that the distinction between ‘us’ and ‘foreigners’ is far from

diminished.70Considering his detailed theory on nationalism in everyday lives, it is

surprising that he does not address how banal nationalism shapes sub-national identities. In

fact, Billig conceded this in his later response to Skey (who raised this criticism), stating that

these deficiencies arose from his wish to ‘illustrate the presence of nationalism where it was

not expected.’71

Lefebvre and Joyce’s work deal with the idea of quotidian shaping identity, but studies it

from the perspective of the consumer – the citizen who lives. Billig’s theory, on the contrary,

looks at how nationalism is flagged in everyday activities. The difference between these

themes although minor, is important. This makes it very interesting to attempt to bridge the

gap between them, and study how everyday economy becomes a playground for stateless

nations to flag their identity and nationhood, and how these products and images eventually

become banal, yet reify the distinct identity of the nation, as compared to ‘the other’. An

attempt to separate the nation from the State in Billig’s approach might lead the way to

understanding how identity is flagged in nations within established states – through

producing (and reproducing) a distinct and unique culture for themselves.

3.4) Case Selection and Methodology

To study everyday life and nationalism, it is beneficial to pick on cases where everyday

political economy is rich with images and products that are flagged or marketed as unique.

And among this, the politicisation of the peripheries in established states has meant that

68Lefebvre, H (1961), p.78 69Billig M (1995), p.132 70 Ibid, p.139 71Skey, M (2009), pp.331-346; Billig, Michael (2009), Reflecting on a critical engagement with banal nationalism – reply to Skey,

The Sociological Review, 57(2), pp.347-352.

15

nations without states have emerged as the loudest when it comes to identifying unique

distinct cultural factors to unify them. For a small sample study, one must follow a careful,

theory-guided selection of non-random cases.72 To this extent, Scotland and Catalonia have

been picked for the purpose of this study, considering their comparable size, relative political

and economic autonomy, and loud and visible nationalist movements.

Since the attempt in this research is to analyse how certain images, goods, services and

products are used to promote national identity in everyday lives, discourse analysis is used.

The sources analysed include mostly the websites of various organisations (both

government and non-government), relevant fictional and non-fictional literature as well as

films, video clips or documentaries that discuss the topic at hand. The next chapter accounts

the major observations, and elucidates the argument this research attempts to make.

72 Levy, Jack S (2008), ‘Case Studies: Types, Designs, and Logics of Inference’, Conflict Management and Peace Science,25(1), p.8

16

4. Observations

The Scottish government website has a dedicated section that defines Scottish national

identity as thus:

Scotland's national and cultural identity is defined by...sense of place...sense of history and...[the] sense of self. It is defined by what it means to be Scottish; to live in a modern Scotland in a modern world; to have an affinity to Scotland; and to be able to participate in Scottish society. It is the tie that binds people together.73

The case of Catalonia is similar. The Catalan language, geography and culture are important

factors that shape national identity in Catalonia, just as in Scotland. The importance of

language to defining national identity has been specifically strong in Catalonia, and can be

witnessed in their promotion of the Catalan language through schools, press and usage in

everyday life. The institutional and structural changes that came about as part of capitalist

growth meant that:

‘...the celebration of ‘difference’, which has been the counterbalancing obverse of the homogenising thrust of globalisation, has presented to smaller nations, as well as regions, the opportunity to incorporate their cultural distinctiveness as an important element in their economic development strategies. [The] elements of cultural identity which may previously have been considered as brakes upon economic success are now consistent with socio-economic vibrancy.’74

Stateless nations perpetuate banal forms of nationalism by reifying their distinctive identity

within, and using everyday activities that constantly remind themselves of their distinctive

identity - culture, lifestyle, cuisine or art. These ‘products’ are consumed on a daily basis not

just by those who are native to the regions, but to those who visit these nations, often looking

for the very distinctive characteristics.

This chapter attempts to identify some such ‘products of nationalism’ from Scotland and

Catalonia that have become embodiments of Scottish and Catalonian identities and thus,

nationalism. While enough literature has been dedicated to analysing how identity has been

73Extract from The Scottish Government Website:

http://www.gov.scot/About/Performance/scotPerforms/outcome/natidentity 74Keating,M and Loughlin, J (1997), p.3; Keating (1997), p.32; quoted in Bond, R, McCrone, D &Brown, A (2003), p.373.

17

banally perpetuated among people through political figures, the media and press both in

Scotland and in Catalonia,75 relatively less studies have been undertaken to study how

national identity is established molecularly through everyday political economy - through

how people produce and consume goods that have come to embody such identities.

4.1) Scotland

‘Everyone in Scotland is an ambassador’, reads the title of the Scottish Government’s web

page on tourism.76 This section discusses how this claim that everyone in Scotland embodies

a certain distinct identity is in fact shaped through subliminal interventions in how everyday

lives of the people – both natives and visitors - in the region are shaped.

When the Treaty of Union of 1707 resulted in the establishment of the British State out of

the political union of the Kingdom of England (including Wales) and the kingdom of Scotland,

the latter retained many of its civil institutions - its legal, education and Presbyterian Church

system, as well as many of its political and administrative bodies.77 The Scottish semi-state

became the corollary of welfare policies, economic restructuring and development after the

end of the World Wars and the collapse of the imperial markets.78The economic, cultural and

social differences that make the Scottish identity distinct from a larger ‘British’ one have

been reified through various cultural and economic ‘goods’. The press is one such cultural

good that creates an ‘imagined community among a specific assemblage of fellow readers’,

as Anderson puts it.7980 The last few decades have seen the emergence of a range of products

that strengthen stereotypical imagery of Scottishness, and many of these are increasingly

75 For Scotland, see: MacInnes, John et al. (2004) ‘Nation Speaking Unto Nation? Newspapers and National Identity in the

Devolved UK’, The Sociological Review, 52(4), pp. 437–58; Law, A (2001); McCrone, David (2005), ‘Cultural capital in an understated nation: the case of Scotland’, The British Journal of Sociology, 56(1), pp.65-82.For Catalonia, see: Crameri, K. (2000); Guibernau, Montserrat. (2000), ‘Nationalism and Intellectuals in Nations without States: the Catalan Case’, Political Studies, 48(05), pp.989-1005; Strubel, Miquel. (2009), ‘Discourse on Language Policy in Stateless Nations’, Catalan International View, pp.18-21.

76 ‘Tourism is everyone's business - everyone in Scotland is an ambassador’, The Scottish Government, Tourism. Retrieved from: http://www.gov.scot/Topics/Business-Industry/Tourism (04th August 2015)

77McCorne D (2005), pp.67-68 78Ibid, p.68 79Anderson, B. (1983), p.62; Law (2001); McCrone (2005); Bond, Ross, McCrone, David and Brown, Alice (2003), ‘National

identity and economic development: reiteration, recapture, reinterpretation and repudiation’, Nations and Nationalism, 09(03), pp.371-391.

80 Law, A (2001), McCrone, D (2005); Bond, Ross, McCrone, David and Brown, Alice (2003), ‘National identity and economic development: reiteration, recapture, reinterpretation and repudiation’, Nations and Nationalism, 09(03), pp.371-391.

18

being embodiments of Scottish nationalism by reproducing Scottish identity on a daily basis.

Since the 1970s rapid globalisation, the spread of neo-liberalism in the world, and the

anglocentric Thatcherite political project in the UK made it important and interesting to

bring in the economic perspective of understanding how the Scottish identity has shaped

itself since. Grenier also argues the same, stating that Scotland’s political nationalism

assumed great relevance in the late 20th century.81 This distinctness has been reified in the

Scottish case in the contemporary times through everyday activities. Here, two specific

examples are discussed – the tourism industry and the Scotch whisky industry.

4.1.1) Tourism

Scottish tourism has developed around those identifiers that form a powerful image of

Scottish identity and nationalism.82 It is common for any tourist who takes a tour in Scotland

to be amazed by the breath-taking view of the Scottish highlands. The quality of natural

environment and the nature of landscape has been a long-standing feature of Scottish

identity. Increasingly a key source of contemporary national pride, landscape and ecology

are factors that have come to define Scotland distinctively to the people who live there. Even

the nation’s external image has been deeply influenced by the rural and Highland imagery.83

However, the perception of a place is not just about images and descriptions, it is also about

the enactments of being there, forms of eating and drinking there, and the branding of objects

that come to represent the place – in other words, in the everyday-ness of living in the

place.84 This is why while the Highland imagery was established as somewhat typical of

Scotland, the last century witnessed tourism becoming more organised, and cities and

industrial centres began to create their own image through branding, and expanding the

81Grenier (2005), Tourism and Identity in Scotland, 1770-1914: Creating Caledonia, Aldershot: Ashgate 82 Bhandari, Kalyan (2014), Tourism and National identity: Heritage and Nationhood in Scotland, Ontario: Channel View p.37 83 The predominance of Highland iconography in Scottish tourism, noted by many scholars (Bond, R et al, 2003; Grenier, C.H,

2005 has also been a matter of contention to others like MacDonald, 1997, who suggest that the Highland/Lowland dichotomy is a myth created by the English.). See: MacDonald, Sharon (1997), Reimagining Culture: Histories, Identities and the Gaelic Renaissance, Oxford: Berg

84 Bhandari, K (2014), p.50; Cuthill, Viv (2004), Little England’s global conference centre: Harrogate. In M.Sheller and J. Urry (eds), Tourism Mobilities, Routledge, pp.55-66

19

avenues to experience the Scottish experience through art, culture, cuisine and sports, apart

from tourism in the Highlands.85

The expansion of technology has meant that the physical location of Scotland – something

that was considered a historically negative feature of identity due to its inaccessibility – has

been ‘reinterpreted’ as an economic asset, to attract tourists and residents.86Motor transport

and increased mobility gave the tourism industry the opportunity to expand its contours, to

use its geography to promote tourism in Scotland. Meanwhile, the ‘city-states’ of Aberdeen,

Dundee, Glasgow and Edinburgh succeeded in creating their own branding, using tourism as

an important tool in the recent past. Even as these cities shifted their focus to heritage and

nostalgia, their branding was done by promoting everyday phenomenon like textile, food

and drinks, souvenirs, education, art and cultural events, and importantly, the distinct

Scottish single-malt Whisky.

The Tourism Scotland 2020 identifies three main groups of assets that appeal to tourists in

Scotland – nature, heritage and activities; towns and cities, and events and festivals – and

create ‘brand Scotland’. By turning these assets into ‘experiences which are underpinned by

elements unique to Scotland’,87 the industry reifies Scottish distinctiveness, positioning itself

as ‘the other’. Through local products, places and services that make visitor experience more

85 Bhandari, K., p.49 86 Hunter, James (2000) ‘The Atlantic North West: the Highlands and Islands as a twenty-first century success story’, Scottish

Affairs, 31, pp.1-17 87 Bhandari, K, p.9

Figure 1: Images of Scotland: Edinburgh City (left) and a view of Duke’s Pass, Stirling (right)

Source: Pictures taken by author, May 2015

20

memorable and appealing, it is the uniqueness of Scotland that is promoted through tourism

and its manifestations in everyday life.

But the impact of Scottish tourist industry expands to beyond just a social characteristic

reifying Scottishness. It also plays an important role in the Scottish economy, and helps

promote marketing of ‘niche’ products from Scotland in sectors such as food and drink.88

This reflects in the fact that Scotland registered the highest percentage share of inbound

visits and spending for holiday purposes, compared to the rest of UK (London included).89 It

has been estimated that visitors from outside of the UK are expected to rise by 40 percent by

2017 in Scotland, much above the 34 percent growth predicted for the rest of UK.90 Apart

from contributing as much as £11billion (2011) to the economy, tourism also accounts to

over 200,000 jobs across 20,000 different tourism related businesses, and contributing to

other allied sectors like food and drink, retail, transport and construction.91

Thus, tourism in the Highlands (for a long time) and in the cities (more recently) have

actively flagged Scottish identity through arts, culture, products and cuisines that one

encounters in Scotland. A very interesting example of this is provided by Harwood & El-

Manstrly, who study Edinburgh’s Royal Mile, a popular destination and a UNESCO World

Heritage site to understand how Scottish identity is marketed to visitors on a daily basis.92 A

mention needs to be made here on the role of tour guides as mediators of local culture, who

exemplify the idea of the Scottish nation and nationhood during their work on the tour

bus.93Tour guides represent the nation through their accounts and interpretations,

reminding the visitor of their glorious past, while recounting the restoration of cities like

Glasgow from its inward-looking post-industrial slump to an outward-looking regenerated

destination city.94This experience is perhaps summed up best by the experience of a tour

guide proudly pointing out to the Kelpies - 30-metre high horse-head sculptures (see Figure

88Bond, R, McCrone, D &Brown, A (2003), p.379 89 ‘Regional Spread of inbound tourism to Britain’ (June 2015), Foresight Issue-139, Visit Britain, p.6. 90 ‘Scotland 'set for tourism boom', (2nd May 2014), BBC News, retrieved from: www.bbc.com/news/uk-scotland-27248907 91 Tourism Scotland 2020 (2012), p.4 92 Harwood, Stephen and El-Manstrly, Dahlia (2012), An Audit of an UNESCO World Heritage site - the Royal Mile, Edinburgh: a

preliminary search for authenticity, University of Edinburgh Business School Working Paper Series, University of Edinburgh Business School.

93 Bhandari, K (2014), pp.57-75 94Ibid

21

2) – as an example of contemporary art in Scotland, while returning from a trip to the

Highlands and the Stirling Castle – symbols of Scottish history.

Figure 2: The Kelpies

Source: Pictures taken by author, 17th May 2015

Figure 3: Screenshot of the Scotch Whisky Association Website

Source: Scotch Whisky Association Website, Retrieved from: http://www.scotch-whisky.org.uk/ (26th July 2015)

22

4.1.2) Whisky

2015 is being celebrated as the Year of Food and Drink, under the ‘themed years’ programme

of the Scottish Government. ‘Come and discover our fantastic produce, whisky and more in

our year-long celebration’ – reads an introductory paragraph on the Visit Scotland web page

about the celebrations.95 Produced in over a hundred distilleries across the nation, single-

malt whisky has for long been closely tied to Scotland and its image.96 The Scotch Whisky

Association (SWA), the industry body for companies behind the distilleries, brands and

blends has a website that reflects the stereotypes of Scotland and its culture of whisky

distillation – old wooden barrels, heather moors and serene highlands (notably, a sketch of

the Highlands as a background image for all pages on the website), and images of golden

coloured samples of whisky (see Figure 3).

The SWA, on its website, also recognises that ‘alcohol has an acknowledged place in

[Scottish] society,’ and that if ‘enjoyed responsibly, alcohol encourages social interaction and

is a social lubricant’.97 Through its whisky tourism, regions and trails, the idea is to reify a

necessary association with Scotland’s landscape and Scotland’s history.

‘Enthusiast or novice, there is no better place to enjoy your favourite dram than in Scotland, the home of whisky. Savouring Scotch in the country that shaped its character is an unforgettable experience...Visiting a distillery allows you to indulge your passion for Scotch and, at the same time, discover the environment and meet the people that have done so much to shape that instantly recognisable taste...No matter which distillery you choose to visit - be it island, mainland, large or small - you can expect great Scotch Whisky, a warm Scottish welcome, and a fabulous day out.’ 98

‘...there is no better place to enjoy your favourite dram than in Scotland’ is a phrase that

speaks not just about the distinctness of the experience of Scottish whisky, but through

marketing it as an essential everyday part of Scottish identity, whisky tourism reifies banally,

the notion that it is a necessary part of everyday Scottishness. The importance of Whisky in

95 The National Tourism Organisation of Scotland with a primary role to maximize economic benefits from tourism in Scotland.

Website: http://www.visitscotland.com/ 96Spracklen, Karl (2014), ‘Bottling Scotland, drinking Scotland: Scotland's future, the whisky industry and leisure, tourism and

public-health policy’, Journal of Policy Research in Tourism, Leisure and Events, 06(02),, p.137 97Scotch Whisky Association Website http://www.scotch-whisky.org.uk/what-we-do/alcohol-society/ (26th July 2015) 98Scotch Whisky Association Website.

23

shaping Scottish identity both to the natives as well as tourists is summed up perfectly by

Spracklen, who says:

‘Whisky production literally bottles Scotland and sells Scotland to the world. The industry relies on tourists travelling around different distilleries, paying to go on guided tours and tasting sessions, and spending huge amounts of money in the gift shops. For the wider tourism sector, whisky tourism is lucrative, ensuring that hotels and restaurants are full even in towns and villages that do not have other spaces and places that are desirably Scottish enough (lochs, mountains, salmon streams and golf courses). Whisky tourism has become a way in which Scottishness is constructed in the minds of potential and actual visitors.’99

4.2) Catalonia

Catalan identity in modern Spain was artificially and unsuccessfully repressed under

Franco’s regime.100 Since it gained more autonomy in 1979, institutions in the region have

been ‘reCatalnising’ the lives of its citizens, both culturally and politically. Catalonia’s

progress in the last three decades as a Stateless nation has served as something of a role

model to other nationalisms in the West. The Catalan and Scottish Parliament’s close

relationship, for instance, has been a known fact. The press reported of ‘suspiciously regular

pilgrimages to Catalonia’ made by Scottish leaders before the formation of the new Scottish

Parliament in 1999.101

Jordi Pujol, leader of the Catalan movement, was voted into power in 1980 on promises to

strengthen Catalan identity and autonomy- something that has been successfully carried out

by him and his successors. Institutionalised symbols of the Catalan nation are today found in

all aspects of everyday life in the nation, reproducing continuously- a Catalan identity

constantly competing with national symbols flagged by the Spanish State.102The presence of

traditional dances (la Sardana), competitions (els Castells or human towers – See Figure 4)

or national holidays continue to have prominence in Catalan’s everyday lives, confirming the

99Spracklen K.(2014), p.149-150 100Crameri, K (2000), p.146 101Preston, Peter (26th April 1999),`Now we see how serious the Scots are. (Not very)’ , in The Guardian, retrieved from:

http://www.theguardian.com/politics/1999/apr/26/scotlanddevolution.devolution (05th August 2015) 102Guibernau, M (1997), p.94; Crameri, K (2000), pp.148-149

24

existence of a Catalan nationalism that is reproduced on a day-to-day basis.103 Through

providing a constant Catalan cultural, social and political backdrop to life in the region, banal

nationalism has been the predominant form of shaping Catalonian nationalism.

4.2.1) Football

FC Barcelona’s (hereafter, FCB) website proudly proclaims:

‘FC Barcelona is “more than a club” in Catalonia because it is the sports club that most represents the country and is also one of its greatest ambassadors...Since it was founded, FC Barcelona has always been firmly rooted in its country, Catalonia, a commitment that has arisen out of Catalan society and that is understood by Barça supporters in the rest of Spain and the world. The club

103Crameri, K (2000), p.149

Figure 4: Members forming a human tower at the 25th Tarragona Castells Competition in Catalonia, Spain, 2014

Source: Getty Images, retrieved from: International Business Times

25

projects, with conviction and firmness, the image of Catalonia around the world. Barça defends the idea of a multicultural, integrating, fair and caring Catalonia.’104

It is not unusual during football matches at Camp Nou (FCB’s home ground) to hear fans

chanting about their desire for political independence, alongside an array of art works which

proclaim ‘Catalonia is not Spain’ (see Figure 5).105 Since its inception in 1899, FCB has been,

in all senses, a representation of Catalan culture and identity both within, and outside of

Spain. In the first years after inception, FCB primarily fielded players who were immigrants

from outside of Spain, or Catalan nationals.106In the recent past the club’s emphasis on

evolving more home-grown players has meant that players from outside of Catalonia like

Lionel Messi (from Argentina) and Andrés Iniesta (from Castilla) have been trained and

fielded, apart from Catalan players like Pep Guardiola, Carles Puyol, Xavier Creus (Xavi).

Sporting activities as banal forms that reproduce nationalism through everyday activities

has been studied by scholars, and Barcelona has featured as a prominent example in

examining how sport is mobilised to reproduce certain nationalistic identities.107 Studying

how football reproduces Portuguese nationalism, Coelho notes that football matches allow

‘fulfilment of banal nationalism’s crucial objective, the affirmation and celebration of a

difference and its superiority through sporting victories.’108 Hague and Mercer suggest from

a similar study in Scotland, that a club (in their study, the Raith Rovers FC) becomes a part

of ‘social memories’ used by residents to link their personal lives to the collective experience

of living in a place.109

104 FC Barcelona Website: http://www.fcbarcelona.com/club/detail/card/fc-barcelona-the-members-club (05th August 2015) 105 Mitten Andy (11th September 2014), ‘What would Spanish football look like if Catalonia were independent?’, ESPN FC,

Retrieved from: http://www.espnfc.co.uk/blog/football-writer/84/post/2030038/what-would-spanish-football-look-like-if-catalonia-were-independent

106Shobe, Hunter (2008) Place, identity and football: Catalonia, Catalanisme and Football Club Barcelona, 1899-1975, National Identities, 10(3), pp.335-336

107 Bale, John (1993), Sport, Space and the City, NJ: Blackburn Press, Reprint 2001; Barceló Joan, Clinton Peter & Samper SeróCarles (2015), ‘National identity, social institutions and political values. The case of FC Barcelona and Catalonia from an intergenerational comparison’, Soccer & Society, 16(04), pp.469-481; Coelho, JoãoNuno. (1998), ‘On the border: Some notes on football and national identity in Portugal’, in Brown, Adam (Ed.), Fanatics! Power, Identity and Fandom in Football, New York: Routledge, pp. 265-278

108 Coelho, J.N (1998), p. 161 109 Hague, Euan & Mercer, John (1998). Geographical memory and urban identity in Scotland: Raith Rovers FC and Kirkcaldy,

Geography, 83(2), p.106

26

Founded in 1899 by a Swiss businessman, and first presided over by an Englishman, how did

FCB come to become so tightly imbedded within the Catalan nationalism? An answer to this

question comes by understanding the history of the club. Football came to Spain on the ships

of the British empire and developed most intensely in the manufacturing areas.110 Soon, it

became a constituent part of modernity.111 Optimistic to the new global trends, Catalonia

modernised, and football soon came to occupy an important place in the social life, first in

Barcelona, then the whole of Catalonia.

The social and political role played by FCB became more and more significant in the last

century, for two reasons. Firstly, the period also saw rapid growth in industrialisation in

Catalonia, and the club became a centre of collective identification and representation

mobilised by the elites. Here, sports became an important window to construct and

reproduce collective identities, while also considering the power-relations that underlie the

situation. Secondly, FCB took on strengthened meaning as a Catalan symbol during the

110Shobe, H (2008), pp.335-336 111 Ibid, pp.335

Figure 5: Spectators display a banner during a FCB football match

Source: Mundodeodio

27

periods of oppressive regimes of Primo de Rivera and Franco.112 The club’s role during

Franco’s dictatorship has been summed up in the words of former FCB player and coach,

Charles Rexach:

‘…with Barça, the dictator miscalculated. As the Catalans had no political parties, no regional government, and no right to use their own language, they threw their cultural pride into Barça. At a Barça match, people could shout in Catalan and sing traditional songs when they could do it nowhere else.’113

On its website, FCB also explains how the club always remained faithful to the Catalan cause,

and refused to budge even under the dictatorship and oppressive regimes in Spain in the

20thcentury.114 Thus, we witness football and Camp Nou become a venue for the expression

of Catalonian nationalism through collective identities being manifested in everyday festive

celebrations. In other words, it becomes an area where banal forms of collective identity

meets Lefebvre’s notion of everyday carnival.

4.2.2) Tourism:

Catalonia’s tourism industry functions by successfully promoting its distinctive identity.

Towards the end of the 19th century, geographers who identified that Catalonia’s distinct

identity included its territorial and cultural factors, began to shape Catalan identity through

the education system. Catalonia’s first hiking club was established towards the end of 19th

century, with the aim to ‘know the lands’, and to awaken patriotic and nationalist sentiments

beyond intellectual circles, into everyday lives of the common citizens.115 Especially since

the end of Franco’s repressive regime, Catalonia has been seen as a whole, single territory

more than before, and marketed among tourism industries as a ‘culture in its own right’, to

be a ‘different and independent region.’116 An effort to promote Catalonia’s image as a

112 Barceló, et al (2015), p.472 113Peffer, Randall S. (1984), ‘Spain’s country within a country: Catalonia’, National Geographic, 165(1), p.120; quoted in Shobe

(2008 ), p.338 114Football Club Barcelona Website: Retrieved from: http://www.fcbarcelona.com/club/detail/card/fc-barcelona-the-members-

club (05th August 2015). 115Garcia-Ramon, Maria Dolors and Nogué Font, Joan (1994), ‘Nationalism and Geography in Catalonia’, in David Hooson (ed.)

Geography and National Identity, Oxford: Blackwell, p.199 116 Marine-Roig, Estela. (2011), ‘The image and identity of the Catalan coast as a tourist destination in twentieth-century tourist

guidebooks’, Journal of Tourism and Cultural Change, 09(02), p.126 – Table 2.

28

cultural destination has led to cultural tourism growing at a faster rate than the total average

growth of tourism.117

Payne sums this up beautifully in his book, where he comments on the changes that rural

Catalonia have witnessed in the recent past, and how the future of its tourist industry rests

on its success in portraying an authentic and distinct lifestyle. Of the many examples he

narrates, a notable one is of Peratallada, an inland from the Costa Brava region:

‘.. A drift of wood from the chimney, a face at the window, a supermarket and a post-office in the arcaded Plaça de les Voltes. Everything is stone...Peratallada is old, but alive. There are of course countless examples between the Mediterranean and the distant peaks of Pyrenees of this kind of harmony between people living local lives and tourists in search of the keys that will unlock the doors of local distinctiveness.’118

It is in these ‘doors of local distinctiveness’ that everyday life embodies a certain identity that

Catalonia reifies both in the lives of the native and the tourist. In time, this distinctiveness is

portrayed to the tourist who seeks it; and in the process, is internalised by the very

communities that portray them. Other industries that develop around the tourism industry

use this distinct identity to market their products, thereby further reproducing the same.

Through constant re-imagination and re-invention of its cultural image, Catalonian tourism

has thrived in the recent times.119

In the first half of 2015, Catalonia attracted 7.4 million foreign tourists, attracting 25.5

percent of all international tourists to visit Spain in the period.120 The period also saw a

growth of 4.4 percent from the previous year. The Catalonian tourism webpage

(www.catalunya.com/introducing) plays a two minute video giving the viewer a glimpse of

what to expect in Catalonia. A few striking observations need to be noted here. The beautiful

landscapes, mountains and coasts of the region feature in the video, along with the human

117Reverté, Francesc González and Izard, Oriol Miralbell (2011), ‘Tourism Development and Events: An Analysis at a local scale in

Catalonia’, International Journal of Event Management Research, 06(02), pp.30-45 118 Payne, John (2004), ‘Tourism in Catalonia’, Catalonia: History and Culture, Nottingham: Five Leaves, p.208 119Just as Scotland has re-invented itself to reinterpret and recapture its past in the contemporary times. See Bond, R et al.

(2003) for the case of Scotland; Marine-Roig, E (2011) and Clavé, S.A (2010) for Catalonia. 120‘New tourist record in Catalonia: 7.4 million foreigners came in the first half of 2015’, (22 July 2015), Catalan News Agency.

Retrieved from: http://www.catalannewsagency.com/business/item/new-tourist-record-in-catalonia-7-4-million-foreigners-came-in-the-first-half-of-2015

29

towers (or Castells), and wine cellars, and shots of a music festival.121 But the constant

undertone of the video is also of an everyday-ness. Footage of very banal activities run along

its length – for instance, characters inviting the viewer to ‘come on to my place for a coffee’

(00:10), a lady inviting the viewer for dinner (00:25), a young child’s invitation to play with

him on a beach (00:45) or an invitation to ‘take a walk’ in a beautiful flower garden (01:15)

– all introduce us to a world that is banal, yet very distinct in identity and culture. (See Figure

6)

121Interestingly, the video features no reference to football directly, perhaps since it markets itself wide enough.

Figure 6: Screenshots from ‘Catalonia is your home’ video

Source: Catalonia Tourism Website: www.catalunya.com/introducing

30

4.2.3) Cava and Cuisine:

There are perhaps fewer things more banal than the food and drinking habits of a nation. In

Catalonia, the wine industry has been a representative of Catalan identity, increasingly so in

the last three to four decades. What used to be called Catalan champagne had to be rebranded

since International law began proliferation of Protected Designation of Origin (PDOs) in the

1980s, and Champagne in France got the rights to use the word for their sparkling wine.

Although this verdict was seen as a blow to the wine industry in Catalonia, its rebranding of

the Catalan wine as Cava – literally meaning a ‘wine cellar’ – has become one of the strongest

representatives of Catalan identity.122 Today, about 95 percent of the areas producing cava

are located in Catalonia, mostly in Penedés region of Sant Sadurní d’Anoia.123 Freixenet, one

of the leading producers of cava, calls Penedés the ‘Cava country’, while Penedés’ own page

on the internet goes on to call it the ‘land that worships wine and the vine.’124 As Bennet

(2003) records from his trips to the region, cava has today become a drink of celebrations,

toasts, and to welcome a new year.

Today, visitors to Catalonia are taken on wine tours, much like the whisky tours of Scotland,

where they are introduced to the ‘traditional method’ through which cava is produced in the

picturesque Catalonian landscape:

‘The 45-minute journey takes you through the industrial area of the Llobregat valley, past the bulbous peaks of Montserrat and into the vine-fringed slopes of the Penedès. As you get off the train, there is nothing but vineyards as far as the eye can see, interrupted only by the impossibly bucolic romanesque church, with beautiful stained-glass windows and a separate walled cemetery, filled with cypress trees straight out of Van Gogh's Provence.’125

The idea of differentiating cava from other Spanish (and Basque wines) is prominent. This is

where nationalism is commodified, by distinguishing cava as ‘not just any Spanish wine’, but

a distinct ‘other’.126 Perhaps the strongest clue that cava has come to embody Catalan

122Eaude, Michael (2008a), ‘The Landscape in the Pot: Food, Drink and Identity’, in Eaude, M, Catalonia: A Cultural History, New

York: Oxford University Press, p.239 123 Bennet, J (2003) 124Freixenet web page: http://www.freixenet.com/origin/ and Penedès : http://www.dopenedes.cat/en/classic-born-

cl%C3%A0ssic-pened%C3%A8s 125 Bennet, J (2003) 126 ‘Origin: Celebrating our winemaking’, Freixenet web page: http://www.freixenet.com/origin/

31

nationalism comes from the fact that it was particularly targeted during Spain’s boycott of

Catalan products in 2005-06, leading to a 10 percent drop in sales.127

Another interesting observation is how the marketing of cava products uses terms that refer

to modernity, mysticism and banality. For instance, Freixenet, calls the transformation of

grapes into cava ‘magical’, while Penedés emphasises on how the technique fuses the

traditional methods of cultivation with the most modern techniques.128

127Guibernau, M (2012); Eaude, M (2008), p.240 128Freixenet web page: http://www.freixenet.com/origin/ and Penedès : http://www.dopenedes.cat/en/classic-born-

cl%C3%A0ssic-pened%C3%A8s

32

5. Conclusion

As argued in this research, nationalism is not just portrayed in its ‘hot’ fashion through

violence, speeches by politicians, or solidarity marches by the populations. It is also at work

subtly, through the political-economy of everyday life. When the Scottish or Catalan tourism

decide to promote the Edinburgh fringe festival or the Castells, they are simultaneously

creating avenues for people to celebrate these as unique experiences of the culture, history

and identity of these nations. The nations’ image, history, culture, geography and festivals

act as embodiments of this identity, constantly flagging and reifying its distinctness.

Billig’s influential work on how nationalism is reproduced on a daily basis focuses on

understanding everyday nationalism primarily in established western states, mainly Britain

and the USA. His work does not critically engage with stateless nations or sub-cultures that

frame sub-national identities within established states.129 It is important that nationalism

studies move beyond this territoriality. This is not to say that the nation is withering away.

What is important, however, is to differentiate between the nation and the State and to

understand that the politicisation of peripheral identities has become important in reifying

national identity in these regions, and modernity has aided them in doing so. 130

Scotland and Catalonia give a good example of how modernity and a sense of shared history,

culture and geography are used to create and recreate national identity through everyday

activities, products and markets. A fruitful analysis of nationalism in these regions would

demand a shift from the arguments about how or why a nation is an ‘imagined community’,

high culture, or an invented tradition - to focus to the quotidian, and study how the cultures,

communities and traditions are reinvented on a daily basis. It cannot be fully understood if

studied purely as a political or economic phenomenon. As Bond, McCorne and Brown argue,

national identity is also mobilised often in banal fashion, by non-political national

institutions such as economic agencies, festivals and practices.131

129Law , A (2001); Skey, M (2009) 130 Bloom, William (1990) Personal Identity, National Identity and International Relations, Cambridge: CUP, p.146 131Bond, R et al (2003)

33

As these peripheral sub-nationalisms gain ground, they compete with the banal nationalisms

of the modern states within which they exist. An ideal modern-state is said to be one that

creates and maintains an ‘illusion’ of homogeneity, to contain profound social upheaval,

separatist movements and sub-national sentiments.132 On its side, the state has the

institutions with the power to make and use laws to its advantage. They also have at their

disposal, legitimised forms of violence that aim at maintaining law and order. In western

nations like the cases considered in this thesis, cultural rights and political and economic

autonomy makes it possible for nationalism to be practiced freely within daily life.

In the less developed countries across the globe, nations without states exist, but often

struggle to sustain and survive under repressive cultural laws, limited language rights and

violent and oppressive governments. Minority movements from India, Middle East and the

African continent are examples. Perhaps, the violent forms of separatist movements that

nationalism takes in these states can be explained, to a certain extent, by their inability to

flag nationalism in a banal manner in daily life. This could be an interesting avenue of future

study that this research can undertake.

In any case, if social consciousness is influenced by everyday life, as Lefebvre and Guterman

argue,133 then it would be inevitable that the existence of products, rituals and practices that

‘flag’ banal nationalism in everyday lives also influence this consciousness. Lefebvre’s

analogy of everyday life being like ‘fertile soil’ fits this narrative, and sums up the argument

beautifully. ‘Flowers and trees should not make us forget the earth beneath, which has a

secret life and a richness of its own’, he said.134 In this work, an argument is made that

everyday life is like the ‘earth’ in this analogy, enriched by certain commodities, images and

products that allow the national identity of people – the flowers, metaphorically – to prosper

in the regions of Scotland and Catalonia.

132 Nagengast, Carole. 1994. ‘Violence, Terror, and the Crisis of the State’, Annual Review of Anthropology 23, p.109. 133La conscience mystifee, p.70 quoted in Elden, S (2004), p.70 134 Lefebvre (1947), p.87

34

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