Baldassare Peruzzi and the Siege of Florence: Archival Notes and Undated DrawingsAuthor(s): Nicholas AdamsSource: The Art Bulletin, Vol. 60, No. 3 (Sep., 1978), pp. 475-482Published by: College Art AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3049818 .

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Baldassare Peruzzi and the Siege of Florence: Archival Notes and Undated Drawings*

Nicholas Adams

A passage from Giorgio Vasari's Life of Baldassare Peruzzi has been the subject of extensive interpretation by scholars. The lines in question refer to the period of Peruzzi's life when, as architect to the Republic of Siena, he was asked to go to Florence to help in the

siege of that city (1529-1530). Peruzzi, the passage seems to say, refused to go, "amando piri la liberta del- l'antica patria chela grazia del papa."' What could Vasari have meant? Siena was then allied with the Pope and denial of the Pope was a betrayal of the homeland. The

passage has been a troubling one.2 Documents from the Archivio di Stato in Siena, pub-

lished once during the nineteenth century but invari-

ably overlooked by scholars, clarify Vasari's perplexing lines.3 Taken in association with a series of drawings in Peruzzi's hand, undated until now, the documents

permit us to reconstruct with remarkable accuracy Peruzzi's activities and something of his motives dur-

ing this confusing period. Far from a traitor, however, Peruzzi appears an obliging governmental servant, prompt and efficient in the execution of his duties and much appreciated by his employers.

In May, 1527, the Florentines declared themselves an

independent republic, free from the rule of the Medici.4

The exuberance of this freedom was soon transformed into glee when the Medici pope, Clement VII, was im-

prisoned in the Castel S. Angelo during the Sack of Rome. Once he was freed from his captors, however, the Pope began to plan ways to return his family to control of Florence.5 Although the Papacy was finan-

cially ruined, Clement found in his new friend, the

Spaniard Charles V, the perfect ally for the conquest of Florence. The Spanish also had troubles with the city- state. Diplomatic messages from the north were some- times intercepted by the Florentines and Charles's

troops and supplies were allowed only grudgingly to cross Florentine territory.6 Through 1528 and early 1529 the Spanish offered the Florentines a variety of defence treaties. All were refused; understandably, for they would have involved the posting of a garrison in Flor- ence to look after Spanish affairs.7

From mid-1529 on, the Florentines expected attack. In 1527, Antonio da Sangallo had helped the Medici to erect bastions north of the Arno, and now work went forward in the south, from S. Miniato to Giramonte, directed by Michelangelo until his departure for Venice in September, 1529.8 In July Florentine troops razed all

buildings within one mile of the city, a measure com-

monly taken in preparation for a siege; it denied cover

* This article is based on my Ph.D. dissertation, "Baldassare Peruzzi: Architect to the Republic of Siena 1527-1535," New York University, Institute of Fine Arts, October, 1977. I am grateful for the generous help that I received from Dr. Kathleen Weil-Garris and Dr. Wolfgang Lotz in all aspects of my study of Peruzzi. Dr. Simon Pepper in- structed me in the intricacies of Renaissance military history.

I Giorgio Vasari, Le opere di Giorgio Vasari, ed. G. Milanesi, Florence, 1906, Iv, 603. 2 There is no agreement on the interpretation of this passage. In Ul- rich Thieme and Felix Becker (Allgemeines Lexikon der bildenden Kiinst- ler, Leipzig, 1932, xvi, 455) the Florentine trip is dated to October, 1529. A. Venturi (Storia dell'arte italiana, Milan, 1938, II, 1), despite an elaborate chronology, fails to mention the trip at all. C. L. Frommel (Baldassare Peruzzi als Maler und Zeichner, Vienna-Munich, 1967-68, 21) attempts to explain Vasari's line by reference to Vasari's assump- tion that Peruzzi was Florentine in origin. As we will see, Peruzzi's

response to the request to visit Florence was much less than a refusal.

3 The documents have been published by Pio Carlo Falletti-Fossati, L'Assedio di Firenze, Palermo, 1883, II, 90, In, 113. I am deeply indebted to Dott.sa Sonia Fineschi, director of the study room in the Siena

Archives, for her guidance and generous help.

4 On the history of the siege of Florence, see Paolo Giovio, Istorie del suo tempo, Venice, 1572; Giambattista Busini, Lettere di Giambattista Busini a Benedetto Varchi sopra l'assedio di Firenze, ed. G. Milanesi, Florence, 1860; Bernardo Segni, Storie fiorentine, ed. G. Milanesi, Leghorn, 1830; Benedetto Varchi, Storia fiorentina, ed. L. Arbib, Flor- ence, 1843. The standard modern history of the siege is by Cecil Roth, The Last Florentine Republic (1527-1530), London, 1925.

s Roth, Last Florentine Republic, 84-87. 6 Ibid.,158-159. 7 Ibid., 159-160.

8 Of Sangallo's work for the Medici little is known (see Varchi, Storia

fiorentina, I, 118-19). Concerning Michelangelo's fortifications for the

siege I am preparing a study at the present time. Little has been

published on these works that makes any sense. They are generally considered formal patterns rather than tactical proposals. The Floren- tines took Michelangelo's works quite seriously (see Busini, Lettere, 103-06, 115-16; Segni, Storie fiorentine, 168-69; Varchi, Storia fioren- tina, II, 211-17).

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476 THE ART BULLETIN

to the enemy and allowed a free range of fire from the

city walls.9 Despite Florentine urgency the Spanish were in no

rush. It was not until August, 1529 that Charles's army under the leadership of Philibert de Chalons, the Prince of Orange, moved north from Rome. On Sep- tember 11, Perugia surrendered. One week later Arezzo

capitulated.'0 It took another three weeks, however, until mid-October, before Spanish troops entered the

plains around Florence. On October 29, 1529, the first rounds of artillery were fired."I

The reasons for the delays in the attack on Florence are important, and reveal much about Renaissance military strategy. Charles seems not to have been con- vinced of the need for a full-scale siege of the city. For one thing, he did not have enough men to encircle the

city. For another, his field leaders felt that the troops, undersupplied, underfed, and underpaid, might possi- bly go on a rampage as they had done in Rome two years before.'2 Charles hoped for a political com- promise. Clement, however, so completely supported the attack that he offered to pay part of the army's salary from private family funds when the possibility of call-

ing off the action was raised. Rather than risk his friendship with the Pope, Charles agreed that the army should press on.13

As the siege began, things did not look entirely bleak for Florence. The city was still open to the north and

supplies entered freely there.14 Moreover, the city was united, something that could not be said for the various

nationalities fighting under Charles's banner. The morale of the besieging army was low. The season was a wet one, money was scarce, and there were not even any doctors in the camp.'5 Supplies requisitioned from Siena were slow to arrive.16 The greatest blow to

Spanish pride came on the night of December 11, when a group of 500 to 600 Florentine soldiers slipped out of the Porta S.Niccolo and in the darkness set upon the

enemy tents between Rusciano and Giramonte. Two hundred Spanish soldiers were killed without a loss to the Florentines.17

The rhythm of the siege was, however, soon to

change. At the end of December, reinforcements began to arrive at the Spanish camp. Eight thousand soldiers came from Lombardy in the wake of the Treaty of Cam- brai and another 4,000 were sent by the Pope. The be-

sieging army soon numbered 30,000, enough to begin the complete encirclement of Florence.'8

The deployment of a force of 30,000 men is no casual matter, and Renaissance theory and practice demanded the presence of architects skilled in military affairs as well as generals.19 Here Charles's allies in Rome and Siena were well supplied. On December 22 the Pope sent Antonio da Sangallo (Italy's premier military ar- chitect and a man already familiar with the Florentine defences) to help in the siege, and the Spanish generals, through the Sienese ambassador Alfonso Faleri, re- quested the presence of Peruzzi from Siena, where he had been at work on the Sienese fortifications.20 On

9 "Rovinarono dipoi tutti i borghi, che erano intorno alla citta da tutte le porte, che erano grandi, ricchi, e ripieni di assai edifici sacri, e privati. Mandarono colla medesima furia a terra molte ville, che erano d'intorno alla citta di cittadini, perch& elleno non fussono ricettacolo di nimici e impedimento alla difesa della terra ... " (Segni, Storie fiorentine, 169). "I borghi e' monasteri fuori delle porte, si rovinarono col consiglio dei capitani, secondo l'uso della guerra" (Busini, Lettere, 226).

1o Roth, Last Florentine Republic, 165-68. " Ibid., 225. 12 When Philibert de Chalons suggested to the Pope that they should storm the city in order to pay for the troops, the diarist Sanuto reports that the Pope replied, "God forbid that it should be said that we have been the cause of two sacks, of Rome and Florence" (Roth, Last Floren- tine Republic, 257). Spanish strategy well illustrates Delbrdck's mili-

tary principle of Ermattungsstrategie, the aim of which is not the an- nihilation of the enemy but his reduction to the point of surrender. See Hans Delbrfick, Die Strategie des Perikles erlaiitert durch die Strategie Friedrichs der Grossen, Berlin, 1890. 13 On the cost of the operation, see Roth, Last Florentine Republic, 161-62. According to Roth, the Medici contributed 100,000 ducats to the cost of the campaign during October, 1529 alone (see Roth, Last Florentine Republic, 177). The cost of the operation was the object of amazement and awe within Florence; see Segni, Istorie fiorentine, 225. 14 The city of Florence was not closed to the north until the end of January, 1530. Roth, Last Florentine Republic, 213.

is Ibid., 232. 16 Siena was asked to supply 400 sappers, 5,000 pounds of saltpeter, 1,000 pair of oxen, and for the siege itself, 2,000-3,000 pounds of

powder daily! See ibid.; Segni, Istorie fiorentine, 218.

17 Roth, Last Florentine Republic, 230-31; Segni, Istorie fiorentine, 235- 37.

18 Roth, Last Florentine Republic, 243-44.

19 "Se poi si richiamano alla memoria le campagne di guerra condotte in passato, risultera probabilmente che le vittorie vanno attribuite in

maggior numero alle arte e alla valentia dell'architetto che alla guida e

agli auspici del comandante" (L. B. Alberti, Prologue, L'Architettura, 2 vols., ed. G. Orlandi and P. Portoguesi, Milan, 1966, 1, 10). The use of an architect on the field of battle was limitless. He was tactical adviser, strategist, and ordnance specialist as well as spy. 20 On the Pope's dispatch of Sangallo to Florence, see Ludwig Pastor, The History of the Popes from the Close of the Middle Ages, London, 1923, 10, 355, n. 3 (Secret Archive of the Vatican, Min. Brev. 1529, Vol. 26, n. 494). Also, "Rendiconto delle spese fatte nell'assedio da Baccio Valori Commissario di Papa Clemente VIII," Archivio storico italiano, n.s. 5, 1857, 112-13. Dr. Simon Pepper is currently preparing a

catalogue raisonee of the fortification drawings of Antonio da Sangallo. Sangallo and Peruzzi were not the only military experts hired for the

siege, although they were the best known. Another who appears in the accounts of Baccio Valori, "Rendiconto," 126, is an eastern Euro- pean, Simon Polones, who is called "ingegniere." Peruzzi was not unknown to the Spanish generals. He had, of course, been ransomed at the Sack of Rome in 1527, but Antonio de Leyva, who was respon- sible for the Milanese fortifications for Charles, had written to the Sienese through their ambassador on two occasions asking for draw-

ings of Peruzzi's fortifications in Siena. See Archivio di Stato di Siena

(hereafter ASS), Balia 538, No. 94, Balia 586, No. 45 (October 9 and December 9, 1528).

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BALDASSARE PERUZZI AND THE SIEGE OF FLORENCE 477

December 21, 1529, Faleri wrote to the Sienese:21

Mi hanno domandato maestro Baldassare et impost- omi scrivere a Vostre Signorie che lo mandino infino qua per sei o otto giorni et non piui. Che li farano bonissimo trattamento ne hara durar fatica alcuna si non conferire con alcuni altri architettori et di poi se non potra tornare, ch'io gia ho mostro a questi Sig- nori la necessita chel se ne ha in Siena, et etiam lo essere mal sano dela persona sua. Bisogna Vostre

Magnifiche lo forzino un poco che sara cosa molto

grata qua universalemente a tutti ...

Despite the pessimistic tone of Faleri's letter, Peruzzi seems to have needed little encouragement. On De- cember 25, 1529, the Balia authorized the payment of six scudi to send Peruzzi to Florence, and this payment was made to Peruzzi one week later.22

Peruzzi's appearance in the Spanish camp seems to have been a success, as we learn in another letter from Faleri dated January 7, 1530:23

Maestro Baldassarre lo messi innanti a questi Signori li hanno fatto assai carezze et molto hanno discorso con lui e visti gia suoi disegni di bastioni, trinciere et altre machine, et assai lo satisfa. Ma lui non si sente bene et starci mal volentieri perche non si puo starci si non con incommodi oltre che ha molto el capo costa a quelli suoi archi trionfali e non vuole pigliare denari dello exercito ma lassarlo certi disegni e tor- narsi. ...

Peruzzi's excuse for leaving the army was not fictitious. Triumphal arches were probably on his mind. In order to prepare for a festive entry into Siena by Charles who was expected to pass through on his way to Rome to be crowned Holy Roman Emperor, the Sienese had re-

cently suspended work on their fortifications and had

set to work to decorate the city. Among the projects undertaken for this occasion was a series of triumphal arches, and Peruzzi was, in all probability, their de- signer.24 Add to this Faleri's truism, that the life of a besieging army is comfortless as well as Peruzzi's ex- periences in Rome during the Sack, and one has suffi- cient notion why he would have wanted to leave. On January 9 Faleri again wrote to the Sienese:25

Maestro Baldassarre s'e resoluto venirsene. Ha con- ferito con questi Signori decto di suo parere, di poi li hanno mostrii li luoghi dove pensavano fare alcune cose e a tucti ha bene satisfacto e ha lassato li disegni che havea facti come da lui Vostre Magnifiche pot- ranno intendere ... Dele nuove per al presente non c'e altro di notabile si non le provisioni fanno con presteza come da decto maestro Baldassarre Vostre Magnifiche potranno intendere.

One is left to assume that Peruzzi would soon leave the Spanish camp and make his way back to Siena.

The next notice of Peruzzi's whereabouts comes, however, not from Siena, as might be expected, but from Port'Ercole, an important sea port on the west coast that had recently been returned to Sienese control

(Fig. 2).26 A letter dated January 13, 1530 from Leonardo Martini, the Sienese representative there, says:27 "Con- tinuando c'e capitato uno maestro Baldaxarre quale fa produxione di architectura et assariscia questa casa matta precipitara si in breve non vi si riparassa. Et a'facto mostra ruina."

In other words, some three or four days after leaving Florence, Peruzzi was inspecting Sienese fortifications along the western coast. What are we to make of this? Are we to assume that Peruzzi returned to Siena from Florence and then set out immediately for Port'Ercole under new instructions? On the basis of the docu-

21 ASS Balia 599, No. 77; Falletti-Fossati, L'Assedio, II, 90. "They [the generals] have asked for Master Baldassare and urged me to write to Your Lordships that they may bring him here for six or eight days and no longer. They will treat him well and he will have to undergo no hardship except to confer with several other architects. Thereafter he will certainly be able to return home, for I have already explained to the Gentlemen the need for him in Siena-besides he is unwell. It may be necessary to push him a little, which will be much appreciated by all here. . ." (author's trans.). 22 ASS Balia 98, fol. 108v; Balia 1008, fol. 78. 23 ASS Balia 600, No. 16; Falletti-Fossati, L'Assedio, II, 111. "Master Baldassare has been before these gentlemen who have been most kind and gentle and discussed much with him, having already seen his drawings for bastions, trenches, and other devices. But he does not feel well and stays here unwillingly since one may not stay here with- out discomforts. Furthermore, he has his triumphal arches much on his mind and does not want to go on the army's payroll but prefers to leave here certain drawings and return home."

24 Concerning the decorations for the city, see ASS Balia 99. Peruzzi is mentioned once in connection with the triumphal arch; Balia 99, fols. 10-10v (February 7, 1530). The suspension of work is documented by Adams, "Baldassare Peruzzi," 32-33.

2s ASS Balia 600, No. 21; Falletti-Fossati, L'Assedio, II, 113. "Master Baldassare has resolved to leave. He has given his opinion to these Gentlemen and they have shown him the places where they were

thinking of doing some things. In everything he is well satisfied and has left the drawings that he has done, as Your Magnificences will learn from him. .. Of the news at the moment there is nothing else

noteworthy beyond the speedy preparations being made, as Your

Magnificences will learn from Master Baldassare." 26 Varchi, Storia fiorentina, I, 524. 27 ASS Balia 600, No. 33. "Further, a Master Baldassare who produces architecture has shown up and assures me that the casemate will fall down if it is not repaired soon. And in fact it looks ruinous."

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478 THE ART BULLETIN

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proposed journey of Peruzzi, January, 1530

ments, this would appear to have been the logical course, but in conjunction with three drawings in Peruzzi's hand dating from this period I wish to

propose quite a different route, one that leads Peruzzi into Florence itself, then west to Pisa, and south to Port'Ercole before returning him to Siena (Fig. 2).

None of Peruzzi's drawings has ever been associated with the siege of Florence; Vasari's lines seemed to pro- hibit this. Three drawings in the Gabinetto dei Disegni of the Uffizi may now be suggested.28 The first, UA 360, is a strategic plan of Florence (Fig. 1). It shows the cir- cuit of the walls and the topography around them; note Peruzzi's indications, "monte" and "montuosa." The

points of the compass are also given. Evidence for dat-

ing this sheet to the period of the siege is provided by the absence of buildings inside or outside the walls as Peruzzi has drawn them: outside, they had been de-

stroyed by the Florentines six months earlier; buildings inside were irrelevant for the purpose of the siege. The

only structures that are shown are the Duomo and the Palazzo Spini, noted for its tower, the city gates and

bridges and a group of mills that dot the walls. The mills for grinding wheat and corn were probably heav-

ily defended by the Florentines, and they may have

28 The drawings have never been published together, to my knowl-

edge. UA 360: J.S. Ackerman, The Architecture of Michelangelo, New

York, 1961, I: fig. 26 c; UA 361 recto and verso: Giuseppe Marchini, Gaetano Miarelli Mariani, Gabriele Morolli, Luigi Zangheri, Disegni di

fabriche brunelleschiane, Florence, 1977, 19-20; UA 361 verso: Eugenio Luporini, Brunelleschi: forma e ragione, Milan, 1964, pl. 347.

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BALDASSARE PERUZZI AND THE SIEGE OF FLORENCE 479

3 Plan and elevation of the Baptistery; elevation of the Cathedral, Florence; map of the walls of the town of Orbetello. UA 361v (photo: Gabinetto Fotografico, Soprintendenza alle Gallerie)

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been the target for a Spanish attack. The drawing was

probably made from the Spanish camp overlooking the

city to the south, and was in all likelihood a rough sketch leading to a more elaborate drawing of an attack

plan. Two other sheets, UA 361 and UA 362, suggest that

Peruzzi's activities in the Florence area were not wholly military in nature. At first glance, UA 361 seems to be a sheet exclusively of Florentine subjects: the Duomo, the

Baptistery, Ghiberti's doors, and on the recto Brunel- leschi's S. Spirito (Figs. 3, 4). Tucked in, however, among the Florentine monuments on the verso is the

plan of the walls of the town of Orbetello. Its signifi- cance will be discussed later. UA 361 may be associated with yet another drawing by Peruzzi, UA 362 (Figs. 5, 6). This sheet, of the same type of paper as UA 361, of similar size, and in an identical technique, shows the

major monuments of Pisa: the Campanile, Duomo, and

Baptistery.2'9

Although UA 361 and UA 362 are roughly sketched, I do not think there is any doubt as to their character or

authorship. They were certainly done on the site: their

jagged chalk lines, casual measures, and brief annota- tions declare as much. The script, although irregular, is

clearly Peruzzi's and may be compared with other

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2) The measurements of the sheets are 287mm x 429mm (UA 361); 285mm x 429mm (UA 362). Both sheets have identical watermarks and the technique used on both sheets is similar (see Appendix of Drawings).

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480 THE ART BULLETIN

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6 Plan of the Campanile, facade of the Duomo, Pisa. UA 362v (photo: Gabinetto Fotografico, Soprintendenza alle Gallerie)

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BALDASSARE PERUZZI AND THE SIEGE OF FLORENCE 481

drawings known to be in his hand.30 Why, however, should these sheets be associated with Peruzzi's mili- tary conference in Florence? The clue is contained in the outline map of Orbetello on UA 361. Within four days, Peruzzi is documented in Florence and Port'Ercole, a few kilometers from Orbetello. In other words, had he returned to Siena, it is likely that he would have left his Florentine drawings at home before continuing on to the Maremma. With the Pisa sheet so clearly related to UA 361, one may reasonably hypothesize a new itiner- ary: Peruzzi left Florence on January 10, 1530 for Pisa, left Pisa on January 11 or 12, and arrived in Port'Ercole on January 13, 1530. Since Peruzzi's purpose in visiting Port'Ercole, as the letter of Leonardo Martini indicates, was to inspect the defences, it is reasonable to think that he would also have looked at those of Orbetello, so close by. The outline map of the walls on UA 361 proves the point. Thus, still carrying the drawings from Flor- ence, Peruzzi used an unfilled corner to map the walls of Orbetello.31

It would be nice to think that Peruzzi made the trips into Florence and on to Pisa on his own initiative, as

sketching trips. I think it more probable, however, that the Florence sketches, at least, were done on a spying mission, as yet undocumented, into the city. It would still have been easy to enter the city from the north and Peruzzi may have been sent into Florence to check on the city's preparations for the siege. The sketches in Pisa may have been done on a similar mission.32

So Vasari was partially right. Peruzzi did turn down the Pope's offers, although it is hard to say that pa- triotism was the motive. He served the Pope and the Spaniards for as long as he had to and then returned to his duties for the Sienese. He is documented back in

Siena early in February, 1530.33 Whether the triumphal arches were a convenient excuse cannot be certain. The fact is that although he turned down the offers of the Pope, he served his government well, in Florence and in the inspection at Port'Ercole.34

The result of Antonio da Sangallo's and Peruzzi's meetings with the generals is hard to estimate. The na- ture of their proposals is unknown, and a besieging army leaves few traces of its presence once it has won. Florentine chronicles and histories are little help. Their summaries of the events at this time are largely un- dated. Nonetheless, several strategic military moves of some importance do suggest that new minds were being brought to bear on the problems of Florence. Whereas the progress of the siege in the S. Miniato region, where Michelangelo had been especially active, had been slow until January, 1530, on January 20, 1530 a major hit was recorded and eight canne of bastion col- lapsed.3 3Five days later the entire army moved closer to the walls, to within two arrow flights, and set up new positions.36 This approach to the wall suggests that full use of the cannon had not yet been made and that, inspired by the S. Miniato hit, the generals now wished to take further advantage of their cannon. Such strategy might well have been the kind of thing that was dis- cussed at the meetings of January 8-12, 1530.

As important as the transactions of the January meet- ings would have been, the most striking fact is that both Antonio da Sangallo and Baldassare Peruzzi were invited to Florence at a key point in the Spanish cam-

paign. With the arrival of new troops, not one, but two architects were considered necessary. Both architects were considered too valuable to attend on the army's time-table but were held in reserve until the right mo-

3" These sheets may readily be compared with Peruzzi drawings from the same period, such as those for S. Domenico in Siena, UA 335 or UA 338. For a further discussion of Peruzzi's graphic style at this time, see Adams, "Baldassare Peruzzi," 201-09. 31 UA 361 is not the only sheet in Peruzzi's hand that shows the town of Orbetello. UA 582 (recto) shows a plan of the town and UA 583 (recto) shows a map of the Monte Argentario peninsula on which the town of Orbetello is shown. These two sheets do not belong to early 1530, in my opinion, but to a later moment when Peruzzi was working on St. Peter's, Rome. Both sheets have trial sketches for the piers of St. Peter's on their versi. Furthermore, it is apparent from a comparison of the measurements around the walls on UA 361 and UA 582, which do not correspond, that the drawings belong to separate visits. For a further discussion of the relation of the sheets of 1530 (UA 361 in

particular) to UA 582 and UA 583, see Adams, "Baldassare Peruzzi," 201-09. There UA 582 and UA 583 are dated to ca. August, 1532. 32 One of the most interesting details on the Pisa sheet is the tiny lantern that is found on top of the Campanile and which may have been its original configuration; see Marvin Trachtenberg, The Cam- panile of Florence Cathedral, New York, 1971, 172, n. 79. 33 On February 7 there is a record of Peruzzi in connection with the decorations for the entry of Charles; ASS Balia 99, fols. 10-10v.

-k- Proof of the government's approval of Peruzzi's activities comes from the fact that in October, 1531 they agree to raise his salary for the second time; see ASS Concistoro 2202 and Adams, "Baldassare Peruzzi," 522. 31 ASS Balia 600, No. 21; Adams, "Baldassare Peruzzi," 251. 36 Roth, Last Florentine Republic, 244.

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482 THE ART BULLETIN

ment and then rushed in, like secret weapons. Peruzzi, in demand elsewhere, was free to excuse himself. San- gallo, however, was still there in April when a model of Florence was sent to Rome; the generals in the field were probably having difficulty explaining the strategic situation to the impatient Clement in Rome and felt that the only solution was a visual aid.37 Hence, although it cannot be said that the victory of the Spanish at the siege of Florence was due directly to Peruzzi and San- gallo, their presence was clearly a vital link in the chain of events that led finally to a Florentine surrender in August, 1530.

Lehigh University

Appendix of Drawings All the drawings are in the Gabinetto dei Disegni e Stampe of the Uffizi, Florence. The abbreviation "UA" is used for Uffizi Architet- tura. (1) UA 360 recto (Fig. 1)

Map of the walls of Florence. Pen and brown ink. 415 x 574mm. Watermark: not traceable.

Script (clockwise from left): occidens// porta alprato// porta a faenza// porta a S. gallo// porta apinti// portacio la del prato// molino// civitas hanc abet pemerium Iutus et extra// molino// Sep- terio// porta ala crete// Santa Maria del Fiore// S. Jovannill porta ala Justitia// oriens// ponte ala Carraia// palazzo a spinill ponte a Santa Trinita// ponte vechio// porta//l ponte rebaconte// molino// arno f.// Meridiens// porta a S. feriano// porta a S. Nicolo// porta a S. Giorgio// monte// porta a S. Pietro Gactolini// montuosa.

(2) UA 361 verso (Fig. 3) Plan and elevation of Baptistery, elevation of Cathedral, Florence;

map of the walls of the town of Orbetello. Red chalk with some notations in pen and brown ink. 287 x 429mm. Watermark: C.M. Briquet, Les Filigranes: Dictionnaire historique des

marques du papier, Leipzig, 1923, 5542 (Florence, 1496-98). Script:

A: Qui c'era el portico// Sanctos Johannes de florentus// portal// porta//l Fons Baptisoni// palmi 116 Romani// porta//l colonna incate- nate di porfide// palmi 48. B: Orbetello

(3) UA 361 recto (Fig. 4) Plan of S. Spirito, plan and elevation of Cathedral, Florence. Red

chalk with some notations in pen and brown ink. 287 x 429mm. Watermark: Briquet, 5542 (see above) Script (top to bottom): palce// Sancto Spirito di fiorenza// colonne

31 tondi// colonne. (4) UA 362 recto (Fig. 5)

Plan and section of the Campanile of the Duomo, Pisa. Red chalk with pen and brown ink. 285 x 429mm. Watermark: Briquet, 5542 (see above) Script:

[A B. A: laugo del donno de papa cioe el corpo di pisa (measures). B. Colonne// vano del Campanile di Pisa// sopra el primo ordine//

Colonne 30// Intucto numero di Colonne 180 15// tucta opera di Corintia.

(5) UA 362 verso (Fig. 6) Plan of Campanile, fagade of the Duomo, Pisa. Red chalk. 285 x 429mm. Watermark: Briquet, 5542 (see above) Script:

A: due intagliate// Corintia// baptismo// Sancto (?) anni di Pisa. B: 6 gradi.

.7 "Rendiconto," cited n. 20, 113.

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