Background Guide

SITUATION OF TAMILS IN SRI LANKA

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Background Guide

I .Overview

Sri Lanka, known formerly as Ceylon, is an island of some 65,000 square kilometres located in the Indian Ocean off the south-eastern coast of the Indian subcontinent. By the 1830s the British had unified the Island under a single colonial administration and began in earnest the development of a Plantation economy based on export crops.

Much of the requirement for plantation labour was met by indentured labour brought largely from Tamil-speaking parts of India. This added to an already diverse population which included Sinhalese (who spoke Sinhala and were Predominantly Buddhist), Tamils (who had been resident primarily in the north-east of the Island, spoke Tamil and were predominantly Hindu), Muslims (most of whom were resident in the eastern coastal districts and spoke Tamil), and mixed descendents of Europeans (Sometimes called Burghers).

After limited self-government from the 1920s, Ceylon emerged as an independent country in 1948. However, despite strong growth, the country has lagged behind many Of the South-East Asian economies which, though similarly placed in the 1950s and 1960s, have experienced very rapid development in recent decades. On the political front, while Sri Lanka has

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managed to maintain a fairly robust democratic system, the countries political Institutions have failed to prevent or ameliorate growing inter-ethnic tensions in the decades since independence. By the 1970s the Tamils in the north-east had begun agitating for self-determination and, by the early 1980s, several Tamil militant groups had emerged. II. Anti-Tamil Riot 1983

July 23, 1983 saw the outbreak of massive anti-Tamil riots in the capital Colombo. This chaos was to continue for a week. Also known as Black July, the riots were triggered by the arrival in Colombo of the bodies of 12 soldiers and one officer, all Sinhalese, from the 1st Battalion of the Sri Lanka Light Infantry. The soldiers had been killed by Tamil rebels in Thievery in the Jaffna district. This was the greatest loss the government forces had experienced to date (Senaratne 1997:44). It is reported that by the end of the day, families, friends and members of the general public who had gathered at the Borella cemetery in central Colombo to pay their final respects to the fallen soldiers, began to destroy Tamil property and assault Tamil passers-by (Tambiah 1986:15; Balasingham 2003:68). Violence soon spread throughout the rest of the capital and its suburbs. Areas such as Borella, Wellawatte Bambalapitiya and Dehiwela, with large concentrations of the Tamil population were the worst affected. It was not long before the riots spread to other towns such as Nuwara Eliya, Kandy, Matale, Gampaha, Kalutara and Trincomalee, where many Tamils living outside the north and

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the east were concentrated. Angry mobs with voters’ lists in their hands went on rampage and set fire to Tamil houses and businesses. Tamil persons on the road or in their homes were assaulted or killed in bestial fashion.

Government involvement in this mass uprising was highly suspected. Certain elements of the government in power were suspected of issuing copies of voters’ lists to the mobs. In some instances, it is believed that the mobs were dropped off at particular points in vehicles owned by government establishments such as the State Timber Cooperation, the Cooperative Wholesale Establishment, the Ceylon Electricity Board and the Sri Lanka Transport Board (Senaratne 1997:45).III. Ceasefire Agreement (CFA)

The Ceasefire Agreement (CFA) in Sri Lanka completed five years on 22 February 2007. At this juncture it is pertinent to look at whether the CFA has achieved its stated objectives of "bringing an end to the hostilities, improving the living conditions and restoring normalcy for all inhabitants of Sri Lanka, whether they are Sinhalese, Tamils, Muslims or others" and of finding "a negotiated solution to the ongoing ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka."

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Background Guide

Under Norwegian facilitation, the government of Sri Lanka (GOSL) and the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE) signed the CFA (Ceasefire Agreement) on 22 February 2002. A separate body known as the Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM) was created to monitor the CFA. The ceasefire paved the way for six rounds of talks between the GOSL and the LTTE. The CFA also enabled opening of the A-9 highway - the only land route linking Jaffna peninsula with the rest of the island - enabling social re-linking between the North and the South. It undoubtedly provided the longest spell of no-war conditions and in turn gave much hope to the affected civilians. The ceasefire also gave an opportunity to the outside world to have a glimpse of hitherto fortified LTTE-controlled areas.

The benefits, however, were short lived as the CFA fell apart in due course of time. The six rounds of talks ended in failure. The two parties could not implement even temporary measures agreed during these rounds of talks. Tragically, even Norway has been unable to bring the two parties together to sustain the CFA and secure safety of the Monitors. Presently the CFA is alive, but only on paper. The situation can best be described as "undeclared war" characterized by high casualties, humanitarian strife and large scale displacement. There are various reasons attributed to the failure of the CFA.

V. The Rise of Tamil Nationalism

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Background Guide

One of the most notable features of political developments in Sri Lanka since independence has been growing ethnic tensions between the largest ethnic group, the Sinhalese, and the next biggest group, the north-eastern Tamils. These 'communal' tensions were fuelled by Sinhalese perceptions that Tamils had been favored by the British colonialists and were, on Average, richer, better educated, more likely to be literate in English, and heavily overrepresented in higher education and public sector employment. Successive Sri Lankan Governments enacted a series of discriminatory policies aimed at 'correcting' Tamil advantage in education and employment. Changes in the Constitution have also been enacted to give the Sinhala language and the Buddhist religion a prominent place.

Tamil political leaders began to voice concerns over their exclusion from political power and the discriminatory nature of language, education, and employment policies. Several incidents of anti-Tamil violence starting in 1956, growing Tamil frustration at the broken promises of Sinhalese leaders, and anger over state-sponsored Sinhalese settlement of Tamil areas served to compound Tamil fears of Sinhalese domination and fuelled Tamil nationalism.

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Background Guide

During the 1970s Tamil protests changed in their nature and intensity. The stated aim of Tamil political aspirations went from equality under the rubric of a single (unitary or federal) state to one of secession. In the same period those aspirations were increasingly being sought

Beyond electoral means and through militancy. Several militant groups emerged during the 1970s and, allegedly with the financial and technical support of sections of the Indian government, began to carry out increasingly daring attacks on the Sri Lankan armed forces.

One such attack in July 1983 resulted in the deaths of thirteen Sri Lankan soldiers near Jaffna, Sri Lanka's second largest city and the capital of the Tamil-dominated Northern Province. Capitalizing on the ensuing hysteria in the Sinhalese-dominated south, mobs of Sinhalese targeted Tamil residents and businesses in Colombo. The resulting pogrom is estimated to have left several thousand Tamils dead. The events of 1983 mark the watershed in the island's descent into a separatist civil war. Intermittent encounters between the Sri Lankan armed forces and several Tamil militant groups became more regular and intense through the 1980s. The militants sought an independent state of 'Tamil Eelam' covering about one-third of the island's area, an aspiration That has been unacceptable to successive governments in Colombo and an overwhelming majority of the Sinhalese polity. The challenge of accommodating Tamil aspirations and dealing with Tamil militants has dominated the Sri Lankan political landscape for over two decades, and continues to do so.

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VI. Civil War

In the bloodbath that ended the 26-year civil war in Sri Lanka in 2009, tens of thousands of civilians lost their lives in a few terrible months. The world's politicians looked the other way. Some governments even praised Sri Lanka for its "victory over the terrorists", in reference to the defeat of the rebel Tamil Tigers. The UN Human Rights Council passed a resolution that praised the Sri Lankan government's "commitment to promotion and protection of human rights".Many find it difficult to imagine that those few months in Sri Lanka may have cost more civilian lives than all those killed in Syria in the past 18 months. The satirist Kurt Tucholsky wrotePossible."The interviews are mostly with that now in exile, in cafes, homes or hotel rooms in unnamed towns and countries – fear of the Sri Lankan authorities remains strong. Some have never told even those closest to them the full nightmare of what they experienced, including rape or being forced to witness it. Occasional acts of generosity pepper the narrative. Above all, though, the story is one of horror.

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VII. Consequences of the War

Displacement

The duration and intensity of war in Sri Lanka has been a major cause of displacement Given that almost all of the fighting has taken place in the north-east, it is not surprising that almost all of those who have been displaced have come from this region. Given the ethnic make-up of the region, it is also not surprising that the displaced have been predominantly Tamil. Displacement in the north-east was often associated with major events. For example, the UNHCR (2000) estimates that some 130,000 Tamils fled to India soon after the anti-Tamil riots of 1983.

On other occasions, displacement was caused by pre-emptive flight, especially following warnings from one side or another of an imminent attack. For example, several hundred thousand people are estimated to have fled the Jaffna area ahead of its capture by the armed forces in 1995, resulting in what is considered to be the peak period of displacement in Sri Lanka (Gomez 2002). Similarly, an estimated 170,000 people fled before the key battle Around Elephant Pass in 2000 (Global IDP Project). Multiple displacements as a result of fighting have also been commonplace. In some cases Families have been compelled to move several times. A survey of 281

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families in 2000 by UNHCR (2000) shows that 21.7 per cent had been displaced five times or more, while a Further 30.7 per cent have been displaced three times. Some of those who have been displaced several times within the north-east may eventually have been displaced to Colombo or even overseas.

VIII. UN Resolution

On March 22 the United Nations Human Rights Council (UNHRC) meeting in Geneva passed a US-sponsored resolution on human rights violations in Sri Lanka. The toothless, non-binding resolution has nothing to do with addressing abuses in Sri Lanka but is aimed at advancing US interests in the South Asian region.

The resolution urges the Colombo government to implement the recommendations of its own Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Commission (LLRC), to take steps “to ensure justice, equity, accountability and reconciliation.” It calls for an “action plan” and for the UN Human Rights

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Background Guide

Commissioner to work “in consultation with, and with the concurrence” of the Sri Lankan government in implementing the LLRC proposals.

In other words, the UN resolution calls for an “action plan” from the very government that is responsible for the military’s killing of tens of thousands of civilians in the communal war with the separatist Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE), as well as other gross abuses of democratic rights. President Mahinda Rajapakse set up the LLRC to fend off international criticism and whitewash the government and the military.

The Sri Lankan government lobbied heavily against any resolution calling for even limited action on human rights. Minister Mahinda Samarasinghe said the government should be given “time to further consolidate the clear progress” of reconciliation and peace made since the end of the civil war in May 2009.

The resolution was finally passed by 24 to 15 votes. Significantly, India voted in favour, and China and Russia against. Eight countries abstained.

IX. Sources

http://www.forcedmigration.org/research-resources/expert-guides/sri-lanka/fmo032.pdf

http://www.massviolence.org/The-Black-July-riots-1983?a

http://www.ipcs.org/article/sri-lanka/sri-lanka-five-years-of-the-ceasefire-agreement-2219.htmlrtpage=3

http://www.guardian.co.uk/books/2012/oct/26/sri-lanka-civil-war-review

http://www.wsws.org/en/articles/2012/03/slun-m28.html

http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/south_asia/country_profiles/1168427.stm

http://www.cia.gov/cia/publications/factbook/geos/ce.html

http://www.incore.ulst.ac.uk/cds/countries/srilanka.html

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http://www.c-r.org/accord/sri/accord4/index.shtml

http://lcweb2.loc.gov/frd/cs/lktoc.html

The reports of the following agencies will be accepted-

1. Reuters

2. UN Official Website

3. State Run news agencies and official website

The delegates are hereby expected to answer the following questions-

Q.1 What are the primary reasons of the tension?

Q.2 What s the current situation?

Q.3 What steps have been taken by the United Nations in the past, their causes of success/failure and what steps can be taken to improvise?

Q.4 How can the conflict be solved?

Q.5 Is the discrimination justified?

Q.6 What measures can the UNHRC suggest as a part of its mandate?

The Background guide is just to give the delegates a brief idea about the agenda and provide a base for their research. However, the research should not be limited to the background guide and more will be encouraged. The delegates are requested o research n detail about the agenda. Hoping for a fruitful discussion in the two days. All the best to all of you.

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CHAIRPERSON VICE CHAIRPERSON

SHWETABH RANJAN MUKUND VATSA

DIRECTOR RAPPORTEUR

RITESH ARIGALA NIKITA

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