AWARD WINNERS - Political Studies AssociationPOLITICAL STUDIES ASSOCIATION 60TH ANNIVERSARY AWARDS 2010 3ANNUAL AWARD POLITICIAN OF YEAR 2010 This is an award for domestic politicians

TUESDAY 30 NOVEMBER 2010One Great George Street, London SW1P 3AA

AWARD WINNERS

THE AWARDS

Politician of Year 2010..................................................................3Lifetime Achievement in Politics ..............................................5Parliamentarian .............................................................................7Setting the Political Agenda .......................................................9Political Journalist.......................................................................11Broadcast Journalist ..................................................................12Special ‘Engaging the Public’ Award .......................................13Best Political Satire.....................................................................14Lifetime Achievement in Political Studies............................16Politics/Political Studies Communicator .............................19Sir Isaiah Berlin Prize for Lifetime Contribution to Political Studies ..........................................................................20Best book in British political studies 1950-2010 ...............21W. J. M. MacKenzie Prize 2010 .................................................22

3POLITICAL STUDIES ASSOCIATION 60TH ANNIVERSARY AWARDS 2010

ANNUAL AWARD POLITICIAN OF YEAR 2010This is an award for domestic politicians who have made a significant impact in 2010. Any person elected for political office in the UK can be considered.

DAVID CAMERON

NICK CLEGG

The Judges SayDespite the inconclusive outcome of the2010 general election, the Conservativesmade the most progress of all parties –gaining over 100 seats and securing one ofthe largest swings of votes ever recorded.Conservative advances were characterisedby the leadership of David Cameron –taking the party from sustained opposition– to preparedness for government.

In the election aftermath, Cameronshowed remarkable tactical guile. His “big,open and comprehensive offer” to theLiberal Democrats paved the way for thefirst peacetime formal coalition of the UKgovernment for nearly 80 years. Forleading his party to the brink of victory,and securing his party the primary positionin the coalition, David Cameron MP is aworthy recipient of the award for Politicianof the Year 2010.

The 2010 Election will be remembered forthe UK’s first ever televised debatesbetween the three main party leaders. Fewcould have predicted the impact theLiberal Democrat leader was to have on thedebates – and on the governance of thenation. According to the 2010 BritishElection Study, 78% of British voters saidhe had done “the best job” in the firstleaders’ debate, and thereafter, pollevidence showed that the public believedthe Liberal Democrats had run the bestcampaign. Meanwhile Clegg emerged asthe towering figure in his own party as aconsequence of the campaign.

Although the Liberal Democrat shareof the vote rose only slightly, and theparty’s number of MPs fell, Nick Clegg’sleadership of a party from the Westminsterfringe to a partnership in government andhis rise to Deputy Prime Minister aretestament to his commanding presence in2010.

The Right Hon David Cameron MP David Cameron was born in 1966 inLondon, the third of four children. He waseducated at Eton College before enteringBrasenose College, Oxford, to studyPhilosophy, Politics and Economics. Whilethere he captained the college tennis teamand joined the Bullingdon Club. He avoidedstudent politics.

He graduated with first class honours in1988. Vernon Bogdanor, his tutor, later

described him as “one of the ablest”students he has taught.

After completing his studies he appliedsuccessfully for a position in theConservative Research Department. Whilethere he worked alongside David Davis aspart of a team providing briefings for thethen Prime Minister, John Major, for use atPrime Minister’s Questions. Later he actedas a political adviser to the Chancellor ofthe Exchequer, Norman Lamont, and gainedfirst-hand experience of the turbulentnature of politics during the BlackWednesday economic crisis of 1992. Hewas also an adviser to Home SecretaryMichael Howard.

In 1994 he was offered a job at CarltonCommunications where he became directorof corporate affairs. The job gave himresponsibility for the television company’spublic relations. He remained with Carltonfor seven years, but did not turn his back onpolitics during this time: in 1997 he wentpart-time in order to mount an unsuccessfulbid for the seat of Stafford in that year’sgeneral election.

It was not until 2001 that he enteredparliament as MP for Witney, a safeConservative seat. He was quicklyappointed to the Home Affairs SelectCommittee. From 2003 he was appointedto a succession of front bench posts.Following the appointment of MichaelHoward as Conservative leader in 2004,Cameron entered the shadow cabinet ashead of policy coordination, in which posthe played a significant role in drawing upthe party’s 2005 manifesto.

In the leadership election that followedthe party’s defeat at the 2005 generalelection Cameron stood alongside KenClarke, David Davis and Liam Fox. In the first round Davis, considered the favouriteto win the leadership, came first with 62votes. Cameron, widely regarded as anoutside chance, came an uncomfortablyclose second with 56. In the second round,Cameron led Davis by 90 votes to 57, and inthe final ballot of party members, Cameronachieved a resounding victory, with 134,446votes to Davis’s 64,398.

Under his leadership the party finallybegan to rebuild its position in opinion polls,achieving a sustained lead over Labour forthe first time in a decade. Cameronsuccessfully transformed the party’s image,softening its stance in various areas of social

4 POLITICAL STUDIES ASSOCIATION 60TH ANNIVERSARY AWARDS 2010

policy and extending its appeal beyond itscore supporters, without provoking thesplits that some had feared.

The Conservatives under DavidCameron emerged from the 2010 electionas the largest party, and their coalition with the Liberal Democrats, is a remarkabletestament to its leader’s flexibility andpolitical skills. As the UK’s youngest primeminister for two centuries, David Cameronhas made a confident start on charting the unexplored territory of multipartygovernment in 21st century Britain.

The Right Hon Nick Clegg MPNick Clegg was born in Chalfont St Giles,Buckinghamshire, in 1967. He was the thirdof four children born to a Dutch mother anda half-Russian father. He was educated atWestminster School and Cambridge, where he studied social anthropology and captained the Robinson College tennisteam. He was a postgraduate student at theUniversity of Minnesota and, later, at theCollege of Europe in Bruges. After a spellworking in New York as a trainee journalistunder Christopher Hitchens at The Nation,he won the inaugural Financial Times DavidThomas Award. He was sent by the paper toHungary where he wrote articles abouteconomic reform in Eastern Europe.

In 1994 Clegg began work at theEuropean Commission in Brussels, where he managed aid programmes in parts of the former Soviet Union. He later workedfor the Trade Commissioner and EC Vice-President Leon Brittan as a tradenegotiator with China and Russia.

In 1999 he was elected to the EuropeanParliament as MEP for the East Midlands. Hewas one of the founders of the Campaignfor Parliamentary Reform, and acted astrade and industry spokesman for theLiberal group in the European Parliament.He stepped down in 2004 and worked for a while as a part-time lecturer in theDepartment of Politics at the University of Sheffield.

At the 2005 general election Cleggsuccessfully contested the seat of SheffieldHallam to succeed the sitting LiberalDemocrat MP Richard Allan. He wasappointed Europe spokesman by the LiberalDemocrat leader Charles Kennedy andacted as deputy to Sir Menzies Campbell,the Foreign Affairs spokesman. WhenCampbell succeeded Kennedy as party

leader in 2006, Clegg was given the Home Affairs portfolio. From this positionhe launched a series of profile-raisingcampaigns on civil liberties, opposing ID cards and what the Liberal Democratsregarded as excessive curtailments of individual liberty in the pursuit ofcounter-terrorism.

When Campbell resigned the leadershipin 2007 Clegg announced his intention tostand and quickly became the front runner.In the event he beat his rival Chris Huhne by just 1.2 per cent of the vote.Nevertheless, the party quickly lined upbehind Clegg’s leadership. As leader hepledged to continue the defence of civilliberties, to give more power over publicservices to the people they served, and toprotect the environment.

It was in the 2010 election campaignthat he showed his true mettle,demonstrating beyond doubt in the three televised leaders’ debates that he was a match for the leaders of the largerparties and earning significant opinion poll advances in the process. Despite asomewhat disappointing result for his party in the general election itself, Mr Clegghandled coalition negotiations with theother parties with skill. Having struck a deal with the Conservative Party for a joint administration, he has succeeded in returning his party to the corridors ofpower after an absence of many decades,and there is every sign that he will live up to the promise of his performances in theleaders’ debates in his role as Deputy Prime Minister.


GEOFFREY HOWE

NEIL KINNOCK

The Judges SayGeoffrey Howe is one of the leadingparliamentarians of his generation. His 1990 resignation speech may beremembered for providing one of the mostelectrifying moments in parliamentaryhistory, but as Conservative MP for threedifferent seats, he enjoyed a remarkablecareer in the Commons. He served withdistinction as Solicitor General, Minister of State at the Department of Trade andIndustry, Chancellor of the Exchequer,Foreign Secretary, Leader of the Commons,Lord President of the Council and DeputyPrime Minister. His outstanding publicservice record continues today as a highlyrespected – and active – working peer.

Few British politicians have witnessed asdramatic a shift in their party’s fortunes as Neil Kinnock. After the party’sdevastating defeat in 1983 he becameLabour leader and set about a vigorousprogramme of renewal and reform. Theimage of the party was transformed,unpopular policies reversed and the locusof power in the party was drawn to theleadership and away from the constituencyparties’ activist base. As such the Kinnock-era must be seen as the precursor to theNew Labour project as Labour becamemore electable by 1987 and were runningthe Conservatives close in the run-up tothe 1992 election. After a distinguishedperiod spent in the European Commissionhe returned to Westminster as a workingpeer in an extension of his remarkablepolitical and parliamentary career.

The Right Honourable The Lord Howe ofAberavon Kt CH QC PCBorn in Port Talbot, Wales, in 1926, GeoffreyHowe was a near-contemporary of theactor Richard Burton (born a year earlier)and the trade union leader Clive Jenkins(born six months earlier). Although hisancestors were manual workers, by the time of his birth the law had supplantedthatching or tin-plating as the favouredfamily profession. His father was WestGlamorgan County Coroner and his mother was a magistrate.

After leaving Winchester College he didnational service in the army, some of it inWest Africa. At the end of his service hedeclined a regular commission, choosinginstead to enter Trinity Hall, Cambridge, as a

law student. While there he was Chairmanof the Cambridge University ConservativeAssociation.

He was called to the bar in 1952, andalthough he pursued a successful legalcareer, becoming a QC in 1965, his sightswere firmly set on Conservative politics anda seat in parliament. He was a co-founderand, from 1955 to 1956, Chairman of theBow Group, a think-tank comprised of high-flying Conservative graduates. Heunsuccessfully contested the safe Labourseat of Aberavon at the general elections of 1955 and 1959, before being selected asthe candidate for Bebington on the Wirralpeninsula in 1964. He was elected andserved for two years before being unseatedby Labour in the 1966 election.

He was elected again as MP for Reigatein 1970. In the same year he was awarded aknighthood and appointed Solicitor Generalin the new Conservative administration. In1972 he joined the Cabinet as Minister ofState at the Department of Trade andIndustry. Boundary changes in 1974 meanta move to the constituency of East Surrey,which he served until his retirement fromthe Commons in 1992.

He stood unsuccessfully againstMargaret Thatcher for the leadership of the Conservative party in 1975 followingEdward Heath’s resignation. She appointedhim Shadow Chancellor and, after theConservatives returned to power in 1979,Chancellor of the Exchequer. In that role he presided over the radical overhaul ofeconomic policy that was one of the keyachievements of the Thatcher government.

Moved from the Treasury in 1983, Howeserved with distinction as Foreign Secretaryfor six years before being appointed DeputyPrime minister when John Major replacedhim at the Foreign Office in 1989. The movewas not altogether a happy one, beingwidely seen as a demotion, and thefollowing year Howe resigned from theCabinet. His resignation speech, whichforeshadowed the end of MargaretThatcher’s period as Conservative leader,was notable for the power and simpledignity of its delivery.

Since standing down as an MP in 1992 and his elevation in the same year to the House of Lords, Geoffrey Howe hasseldom been far from the public eye, andparticularly so now that the economic crisishas revived memories of his actions in the

DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARD LIFETIME ACHIEVEMENT IN POLITICS This is an award for domestic politicians. Any person elected for political office in the UK can be considered.


face of a similar crisis in the years after1979. The current Tory leadership will behoping that their own budget tighteningmeasures will be followed by a strengtheningof the economy comparable to the one thatfollowed Geoffrey Howe’s measures in theearly 1980s.

The Right Honourable The Lord Kinnock PCNeil Kinnock was born into a mining familyin Tredegar, South Wales. His grandfatherworked alongside Aneurin Bevan, thefirebrand Labour MP who would becomeone of Neil’s heroes. His mother was adistrict nurse and a socialist and it waslargely her influence that steered the young Neil towards a life in Labour politics.

He joined the Ebbw Vale Labour Party at the age of 15, although politics was onlyone of a number of interests that includedrugby, cricket and singing. From school he took up a place at University College,Cardiff, to study industrial relations and history. He graduated in 1965, andsubsequently studied for a postgraduatediploma in education. He made use of thisqualification working as a tutor for theWorkers’ Educational Association.

In 1969 he narrowly won the Labournomination for the seat of Bedwelty –beating his rival by a single vote. He wasreturned for the seat at the 1970 electionwith a majority of over 22,000.

He soon made an impression within theparliamentary party as a member of theTribune Group, campaigning againstmembership of the European EconomicCommunity and in support of the strikingminers in 1972. After Labour’s return topower in 1974 he served for a year asparliamentary private secretary to Michael Foot, and supported Foot’s bid forthe Labour leadership after Harold Wilson’sresignation in 1976. Foot was defeated byJames Callaghan, who offered Kinnock apost as junior minister at the Department of Industry, but Kinnock declined, preferringto remain on the back benches, from wherehe was free to vote against the Callaghangovernment’s 1977 round of spending cuts.

Elected a member of the LabourNational Executive in 1978, Kinnockcontinued to speak out for the party’s left wing. He campaigned against thegovernment’s proposal to devolve power to a Welsh assembly during the 1979referendum. After Labour’s election defeat

in that year Callaghan appointed him to the shadow cabinet as Educationspokesman. When Callaghan resigned thefollowing year, Kinnock again backedMichael Foot for the leadership. This timeFoot was successful. Kinnock remained asEducation spokesman during the periodthat followed, which saw Labour move tothe left and a substantial contingent ofLabour MPs split off to form the SDP.

Kinnock refused to back Tony Benn’s1981 challenge to Denis Healey for theparty’s deputy leadership, signalling adistancing of his position from that ofLabour’s hard left. When Michael Footresigned after the disastrous 1983 electionKinnock easily won the contest to succeedhim. He began what was to prove an epicstruggle to return the Labour Party toelectability. Each step of the way was markedby turmoil and dissent within the party: overthe scrapping of the policy of withdrawalfrom the EEC; over the abandonment ofunilateral nuclear disarmament; over theexpulsion of the Militant Tendency; over the relaxation of the commitment tonationalisation; and over the ending ofsupport for the closed shop. Ironically it wasKinnock’s left-wing credentials that enabledhim to lead the party further away frommilitant left-wing ideology than any leaderhad done before him. By the time of the1992 election, at which Kinnock heroicallyfailed to dislodge the Conservatives frompower, the Labour Party had undergone atransformation at least as significant asanything that came after.

After a successful subsequent career asan EU Commissioner from 1995-2004 andnow as a member of the House of Lords,Neil Kinnock’s place as an elder statesmanof British politics is secure.


PATRICK CORMACK

DENNIS SKINNER

The Judges SaySir Patrick Cormack is an extremely worthyrecipient of a Diamond Jubilee Award forParliamentarian of the Year. He wasConservative MP for 40 years before hisretirement from the Commons in 2010,representing firstly Cannock and thenSouth Staffordshire in an illustrious anddistinguished career in Westminster spentmostly on the backbenches, perhaps dueto his marked propensity to rebel againstthe government in the 1980s. Sir Patrickwas knighted in 1995 for his service toParliament. He is a keen parliamentaryhistorian and has contributed greatlythrough his work as Chair of the History of Parliament charitable trust.

The longevity of Dennis Skinner’s serviceas Labour MP is remarkable and this awardis made in recognition of his unparalleledcareer in the contemporary House ofCommons. His acerbic wit and witheringdisdain for opponents is legendary butthey should not detract from his record as a principled campaigner on behalf ofconstituents and the working class ingeneral. His Commons attendance issecond to none and it is no surprise that he has frequently claimed the leastexpenses of any sitting MP. Mostremarkably of all, Dennis Skinner hasmanaged to pull off the remarkable feat of gaining respect in all parts of the Housewhile showing apparent disdain for mostof its traditions. He is a worthy recipient of this award in recognition of hiscontribution to political life in Britain.

Sir Patrick Cormack, MP, FSAPatrick Cormack, the son of a localgovernment officer, was born in 1939 inGrimsby, where he attended St James’sSchool and the Havelock School. He gainedhis BA from the University of Hull in 1961.After graduation he entered a career in theteaching profession, teaching at a numberof schools including his former school, St James’s, Grimsby, Wrekin College,Shropshire, and Brewood Grammar School,Stafford, where he was head of history.

He made two unsuccessful attempts to enter parliament in the 1960s: first, asConservative candidate for the safe Labourseat of Bolsover in 1964; and then in 1966in Grimsby, standing against AnthonyCrosland. During his campaign Cormack

made a 17-day trip on a trawler but lost by a margin of more than 8,000 votes.

In 1970 he was selected to stand for the seat of Cannock, where he defeated theveteran Labour MP Jennie Lee. Apart fromthree years as a parliamentary privatesecretary from 1970-73, and a further threeas Shadow Deputy Leader of the Commonsbetween 1997 and 2000, he remained abackbencher throughout his parliamentarycareer. He was, however, an extremelyactive MP, and estimated that his workingweek ran to some 70 to 80 hours whenParliament was in session.

He served on the Education SelectCommittee from 1979 to 1983, the ForeignAffairs committee from 2001 to 2003, andwas a member of the House of CommonsCommission from 2001 to 2005. He wasChairman of the Northern Ireland SelectCommittee from 2005 until his retirementat the 2010 election. He was a long-servingmember of the Speaker’s Panel of Chairmen,chairing a number of controversial bills. In1995 he received a knighthood for servicesto Parliament.

His parliamentary record shows him to be a man unafraid to stand up for hisprinciples: among the measures on whichhe voted against the party whip were theabolition of the Greater London Council,the introduction of the Community Charge,and the abolition of free dental checks andeye tests.

He stood unsuccessfully for the officeof Speaker on two occasions, first in 2000 – when he was defeated by MichaelMartin – and again in 2009, when he lost toJohn Bercow.

In the early 1990s Patrick Cormack wasat the forefront of a movement to establishacademic links between Parliament and St Antony’s College, Oxford. Following achance meeting in Moscow with ProfessorArchie Brown of St Antony’s, a programmeof Visiting Parliamentary Fellowships wasestablished. Among the extensive list ofvisiting fellows appointed since the schemebegan in 1994 are Tony Wright, AlanDuncan, Ann Taylor, Charles Kennedy, Gisela Stuart and Baron Trimble.

Patrick Cormack has retained hisinterest in history, both inside and outsideparliament. He is the author of a number ofbooks including Westminster: Palace andParliament (1981); Castles of Britain (1982);and Wilberforce: the Nation’s Conscience

DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARD PARLIAMENTARIANThis is an award for domestic politicians. The said politician should have made a particularcontribution as a parliamentarian (in either UK Parliament or devolved institutions) over asustained period. This might be in their role as a representative, member of the frontbenches,backbenches, or on a parliamentary body (eg, select committee chair), in their relations withconstituents and/or the public more widely.


(1983). In 2009 he and Rupert Goodmanedited Responsible Capitalism: Essays onMorality, Ethics and Business.

Dennis Skinner MPDennis Skinner was the third of ninechildren born into a mining family in thevillage of Clay Cross, near Chesterfield, in1932. At the time of his birth his father, whohad been a trade union activist during the1926 miners’ strike, was out of work as aresult of discrimination. He earned a smallincome by keeping an allotment.

Dennis was sent to school a year early,at the age of four, because his mother waspregnant, but found himself able to keep up with the other children and passed theeleven-plus at the age of nine. He went onto Tupton Grammar School, leaving in 1949at the age of 16 to work in the mines. Heworked at Parkhouse Colliery in Clay Crossuntil its closure in 1962 and afterwards at Glapwell Colliery near Chesterfield.

A Labour Party member since 1956, he was active both in local politics and theNational Union of Mineworkers. He servedon Clay Cross Unitary Development Councilfrom 1960 to 1970, serving a term as mayorfrom 1966. From 1964 to 1970 he alsoserved on Derbyshire County Council. Hewas elected NUM representative forParkhouse Colliery, a post his father hadpreviously held, and later, in 1966, becamethe Derbyshire NUM President.

In 1967, following a preliminary coursein political theory and economics at theUniversity of Sheffield, he attended a courseat Ruskin College in Oxford. At the 1970election he was the NUM’s preferredcandidate for the seat of Bolsover, which hewon with a majority in excess of 20,000 anda vote share of 77.5%. The morning afterthe election, he went to work at the pit asusual, unaware that his parliamentary salarystarted immediately he was elected. ‘Thelads said “I bloody we elected you. What areyou doing here?”’ he later recalled. He hasrepresented the seat ever since.

In Parliament he became known for hisacerbic wit and dislike of what he regards ashollow traditions. His interventions, even onformal state occasions such as the Queen’sSpeech, are the stuff of legend. He is alsoone of Parliament’s most hard working MPs,with a percentage attendance in the 90s. Heis a fixture at almost every debate.

Although no lover of parliamentarypomp, he is a shrewd exponent ofParliament’s procedural rules, and counts the defeat in 1985 of Enoch Powell’s privatemember’s bill to ban embryo research as one of his proudest achievements. Havingestablished that the House was due to movethe writ for a by-election in Brecon andRadnor on the day of the final reading ofPowell’s bill, Skinner determined that any MP could move the writ – so he did sohimself, and, with the help of colleagues suchas Michael Foot, delivered a series of longspeeches on the by-election writ that usedup the time available for debating the bill.

As Powell later remarked to Skinner,“Only you could have done that”.


The Judges SayThe Daily Mail has played a pivotal role insetting the political agenda throughout thehistory of the Political Studies Association.Particularly under the editorships of SirDavid English and Paul Dacre the Mail’scampaigning journalism has often beenexcellent and has shaped British publicopinion on issues ranging from theEuropean Union to the racist murder ofStephen Lawrence. Often controversial andfrequently lampooned by its detractors, itcan never be ignored and in electoral termsit has become psephological shorthand forsuccess, as parties wishing to gain powermust seek to influence the “Daily MailElectorate” in order to survive.

Liberty (formerly the National Council forCivil Liberties) is an organisation that hasconsistently concerned itself with issuesthat are central to students of politics, thedefence of individual rights and freedom.Working across a number of approaches -public campaigning, test-case litigation,lobbying, policy analysis and the provisionof free advice and information - Liberty hasbeen able to help set the political agendaover a sustained period. Its relentlesscampaigning on such issues as torture,terrorism, asylum, and extradition have led Liberty to confront governments of allstripes and many different regimes acrossthe world; its concern on rights to privacy,equality and free speech and protest havealways provided members with a moralanchor through which to evaluate theactions of others.

This group has been tremendouslyinfluential in standing up for the rights of Black and Ethnic Minority women in the UK. A secular organisation, which has challenged cultural and religiousfundamentalism, it has argued for genderequality and political rights for women in the UK. Its work with women affected by domestic and community violence isexemplary and it has refused to compromisewith those allegedly speaking for wholecommunities on grounds of religion orculture. For consistent, creative and criticalagenda-setting Southall Black Sisters is afitting recipient of a Diamond Jubileeagenda-setting award.

Daily MailInitially taking a lead from the snappypopular press of the United States, the DailyMail burst onto the British newspaperpublishing scene in 1896, a time when thenews media was still largely characterised bya worthy tone and stolid, plodding stories. Itmanaged to undercut its rivals by chargingonly a halfpenny cover price instead of themore normal 1d. And it was the first nationalpaper to use banner headlines that stretchedacross a whole page.

The paper made an immediate impact: aplanned print run of 100,000 copies on itsfirst day was exceeded by a factor of three,forcing the proprietor Alfred Harmsworth(later Lord Northcliffe) to acquire additionalprinting facilities. Within six years of itslaunch the paper was achieving averagedaily sales of over one million copies, thelargest circulation in the world.

From 1906 onwards the paper was a keydriver in the development of powered flight,first offering a prize of £10,000 to whoevercarried out a successful flight from Londonto Manchester, and later a prize of £1,000for the first aviator to cross the EnglishChannel. In 1919 it awarded £10,000 toAlcock and Brown for making the first flightacross the Atlantic.

In 1909 Lord Northcliffe commissionedRobert Blatchford to write a series of articlesfor the newspaper on the threat posed toBritain by Germany. Blatchford used thearticles to warn the British public about whathe saw as a planned assault by Germany onthe British Empire and to argue for an increasein spending on defence in anticipation.

During the First World War the Daily Mailsuffered a setback when its proprietorlaunched an attack in the paper on LordKitchener, accusing him of procuring thewrong kind of armaments for trenchwarfare. Kitchener’s popularity with theBritish public meant the article caused great offence, reducing the paper’scirculation from over a million to 238,000. It was later generally agreed, however, thatNorthcliffe’s attack had been justified.

On Northcliffe’s death in 1922 the Daily Mail passed into the ownership of hisbrother, Lord Rothermere. As the 1920sprogressed, human interest stories began to take more prominence as the Mailcompeted with rival newspapers byproviding entertainment as wellenlightenment. Nevertheless, a sense

DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARD SETTING THE POLITICAL AGENDA This award is open to individuals and/or organizations who have influenced or setthe political agenda over a sustained period during the Association’s 60 years. It isa domestic prize.

DAILY MAIL

LIBERTY

SOUTHALL BLACKSISTERS


of moral rectitude was never far from the surface.

The Second World War strengthened theMail’s position as the leading paper of themiddle classes, and, by the time it celebratedits golden jubilee in 1946, it had, as Churchillnoted, become a national institution.

In the 1970s and 80s, one of the FleetStreet’s most legendary editors, Sir DavidEnglish, reversed a period of decline for the newspaper. Unashamedly courting theTory voter by supporting the revitalisedConservative Party under MargaretThatcher, English simultaneously sought to raise standards of journalism and newsreporting in a bid to appeal to a moreintelligent audience.

His successor, Paul Dacre, who becameeditor in 1992, has skilfully built on thatinheritance, enabling the title to occupy a unique and influential position betweenthe broadsheets and the tabloids.

LibertyThe National Council for Civil Liberties was founded in 1934. Its seed was plantedby the 1932 National Hunger March, whoseorganisers attempted to deliver a petition to Parliament consisting of one millionsignatures protesting against governmentaction that had left much of the country in extreme poverty. Ronald Kidd, a formerjournalist, stage manager, publisher andbookshop owner, observed police usingunderhand tactics to prevent the petitionreaching Parliament and acting as agentsprovocateurs to incite the crowd to violence.

Kidd began to gather support for theview that the rights of protesters should berespected. By the time another hunger marcharrived in London, in February 1934, he hadformed the Council for Civil Liberties withthe immediate object of ensuring that nosimilar tactics could succeed against theforthcoming march by organising a body ofprominent people to act as neutral observers.

Kidd’s supporters, who included H. G.Wells, Dr Edith Summerskill, Clement Attlee,Kingsley Martin and Professor Harold Laski,wrote to the Manchester Guardian todeclare their intention of ensuring fairnessfor the marchers.

The movement continued to grow insupport long after the initial cause it was set up to pursue had faded into memory. Thelist of injustices against which the NationalCouncil for Civil Liberties took a stand is

extensive. In 1938, as the Second World Warloomed, the organization held a conferenceat which it warned against the imposition ofcensorship on the press in the event of war.In 1949 it stood up against racism in thecase of 14 African immigrants who had beensubjected to harassment in south London. Inthe 1950s it campaigned against unjusttreatment of mental patients. In the 1970sthe target was internment by the Britishgovernment in Northern Ireland and thereckless behaviour of British soldiers onBloody Sunday.

In 1989, the organisation shortened itsname to Liberty. Two years later it launched acampaign, under the banner ‘The People’sCharter’, to press for the incorporation ofhuman rights into UK law – a goal that wasachieved in 1998 with the passing of theHuman Rights Act. In 2001 Liberty supportedthe terminally ill Diane Pretty’s bid to beallowed to determine when to end her ownlife, making use of the provisions in the Act.

In 2006 Liberty began its campaignagainst the introduction of identity cardsand the United Kingdom’s involvement intorture overseas and in 2008 it saw itscampaign against the government’sproposal to allow 42 days’ detentionwithout trial in terror cases culminate in the House of Lords’ decisive rejection of the measure.

Earlier this year the European Courtruled in Liberty’s favour in a court case the organisation had brought arguing thatSection 44 of the Terrorism Act 2000, whichgives police the power to stop and searchwithout suspicion, violates the right torespect for private life.

Liberty’s casebook is never short ofmaterial, and at a time when the threat of terrorism gives rise to an equally gravethreat to civil liberties, Liberty stands as an essential bulwark against encroachmentby the authorities on individual andcollective freedom.

Southall Black SistersSouthall Black Sisters was founded in 1979by Asian and Afro-Caribbean women whoseaim was to relieve the plight of women whowere subject to violence and abuse. Over thepast 31 years the organisation has helpedcountless women escape domestic violenceand has tackled many miscarriages of justiceinvolving women jailed for killing violent orabusive men.

Operating from a small shop in Southall,west London, the organisation providescounselling, advocacy and advice forwomen who have been subjected to orthreatened with forced marriage, honourcrimes, rape and sexual abuse and sexualharassment or who are having problems inareas such as housing, immigration, mentalhealth and racism.

Some of their successes have changedpublic policy and legal practice in theUnited Kingdom. In 1992 the organisationsecured the release of Kiranjit Ahluwalia,who had been convicted of murdering herhusband, following ten years of severeabuse. After the case was brought to theirattention, Southall Black Sisters organised acampaign to reopen her case. When it wasreferred to the Court of Appeal, the judgesfound that there was evidence that MsAhluwalia had been suffering from a ‘majordepressive disorder’ at the time of thekilling. The conviction was quashed and at aretrial Ms Ahluwalia’s plea of manslaughteron grounds of diminished responsibility wasaccepted. She received a sentence limitedto time already served and was released.The case has now become an acceptedprecedent in domestic abuse cases.

Another success for the group waspersuading the government to drop the so-called ‘one year rule’, which left womennewly arrived in the UK who had fled violentmarriages with no immigration status.Under revised rules such women are nowallowed to remain in the UK indefinitely.

The organisation is partly funded byEaling Council and two years agosuccessfully fought off an attempt by theCouncil to withdraw funding based on thegrounds that the group did not provideservices for the whole community and thatthe money could be spent on otherorganisations that did. As Hannana Siddiqui,speaking for Southall Black Sisters, said: “Thewomen we help are not going to be able goto other organisations. They come to usbecause we are part of the community. Weare black and minority women ourselves, we know where they are coming from. Wecan provide them with a service in their own language very quickly.”

For reasons like these it is essential thatthis groundbreaking organisation continuesto thrive and that its extraordinary work onbehalf of an underrepresented minoritycontinues to be recognised and honoured.


The Judges SayChris Moncrieff has been a toweringinfluence in the Westminster media sincehe joined the Press Association’s politicalstaff in the Houses of Parliament in the1960s. Many of his memorable accounts(he called Margaret Thatcher “the hurricanein skirts”) can be found in his highlyentertaining account of half a century inthe lobby – Wine, Women and Westminster– and the respect he earned from bothpoliticians and journalists alike is clear tosee (the refurbished press gallery bar at the Commons was renamed in his honour).Thankfully, despite officially retiring in1994, Chris Moncrieff has continued towrite regular pieces for the PA.

Chris Moncrieff was born in Derby in 1931,the son of a scientist. He was educated atthe Moravian Girls’ School in Ockbrook,close to his home in Chaddesden, as hisparents had a low opinion of the localcouncil schools. “There were other boysthere, but it was still very embarrassing,” heremembered many years later. When he was12 the family moved to Halifax, where theylived a few doors away from the youngBernard Ingham.

Defying his parents’ wish that he enterthe legal profession, he got a job at theHarrogate Herald. Following a briefinterruption when he was called up fornational service, he resumed his career injournalism at the Coventry Evening Telegraph.Sadly one of his first stories, concerning thematron of the local YMCA who had asked thelocal vicar to conduct a funeral service for herbudgerigar, was spiked.

On another occasion he encounteredthe Minister of Transport, Harold Watkinson,who was travelling to Leamington toendorse the Conservative candidate in a by-election, by the side of the road. His carhad run out of petrol. Moncrieff and thephotographer accompanying him obligedwith a tow rope. The Minister unwillinglyreciprocated by supplying Moncrieff with a red hot story for that evening’s paper.

From Coventry, Moncrieff moved to theNottingham Evening Post, and then in 1962to the Press Association where he soonbecame established as a parliamentaryreporter. In 1973 he became a lobbycorrespondent. He developed a reputationfor utterly reliable and unbiased reporting, a trait which endeared him to a succession

of prime ministers including MargaretThatcher, who awarded him a CBE for services to parliamentary journalism in 1979.

He notched up numerous scoops,among them Thatcher’s departure fromoffice. Earlier he had been favoured with aleaked letter written by the Solicitor Generalin the Westland affair, part of an attempt todiscredit Michael Heseltine. The resultingfurore resulted in the resignation of theTrade and Industry Secretary Leon Brittan.

Moncrieff is one of the few people whocan boast that their life has been saved by aprime minister. In 1991, during a visit to theFar East by John Major, Moncrieff lost hisfooting and nearly fell off the Great Wall of China. “I actually couldn’t stop myself and I was going to go over the edge and fallhundreds of feet into someone’s collectivefarm,” he recalled. “But the Prime Minister,who’s a great cricketer, fielded me like he wasat long on or somewhere. He saved my life.”

Moncrieff’s reaction to the incident wastypical, according to Major: “I thought forthis act of mercy, he would say thank you.But I misjudged the great man. He stopped,looked up and said: ‘Can I use this story?’”

Among the many accolades accorded to Chris Moncrieff since his retirement in1994 one stands out: the press bar at theHouse of Commons has been named afterhim. Though, now long a teetotaller, he waslegendary in his day as a man who couldhold his own in any bar. It is a fittingacknowledgement to one of Westminster’smost notable characters.

CHRIS MONCRIEFF CBE

DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARD POLITICAL JOURNALISTThis is an award made to an individual journalist making a significant contributionto politics over a sustained period. These may be print (or other) journalistsoperating for UK organisations. Their area of specialism is open, and importantlymay be beyond Parliamentary politics.


The Judges SaySince the 1960s David Dimbleby haspresented news and current affairsprogrammes that have informed andengaged the public. From Panorama to ThisWeek Next Week, from his documentarieson Apartheid, the UK-US specialrelationship and Zimbabwe to his recentseries on the Seven Ages of Britain, he hasbeen responsible for bringing matters ofpolitical import into the nation’s livingrooms for nearly 50 years. Hisprofessionalism in his roles as Chair ofQuestion Time and as anchor on BBCElection Nights have we believe played acrucial role in persuading many people to get involved in politics or even want tostudy politics at University. He is abroadcasting maestro and a deservingwinner of the Political StudiesAssociation’s Diamond Jubilee Award.

David Dimbleby was born in 1938 andattended Glengorse School in Battle, EastSussex, and Charterhouse. He went on toread Philosophy, Politics and Economics atChrist Church, Oxford, and also studied atthe universities of Paris and Perugia. Whileat Oxford he preceded the current PrimeMinister as a member of the BullingdonClub. He also edited the universitymagazine Isis.

He joined the BBC in Bristol in 1960 and cut his teeth on a number of diversetelevision programmes including What’sNew?, a science programme for children, In My Opinion, a politics programme, andthe children’s quiz show Top of the Form.Later he filmed documentaries on the KuKlux Klan and the partition of Cyprus. Hewas a reporter for Panorama from 1967 to1969, and courted controversy in his 1971documentary Yesterday’s Men, in which hequestioned the former Prime MinisterHarold Wilson regarding the profits from his autobiography.

From 1974 he followed in his fatherRichard Dimbleby’s footsteps as anchor ofthe BBC’s flagship current affairsprogramme Panorama. He presented theacclaimed series The White Tribe of Africa,about apartheid, in 1979, winning a RoyalTelevision Society Supreme DocumentaryAward, and in 1988 An Ocean Apart, whichexplored the history of Anglo-Americanrelations. He received an Emmy and aGolden Nymph award for 1990’s The

Struggle for South Africa. He presented aprofile of Nelson Mandela in Mandela: theLiving Legend in 2003, and explored Britain’sculture, landscape and architecture in twomajor series, A Picture of Britain in 2005 andHow We Built Britain in 2007. Earlier thisyear his latest series, The Seven Ages ofBritain, was screened to critical acclaim.

In addition, Dimbleby’s measured tonessteadied the nation when he commentatedon the funerals of Diana, Princess of Walesin 1997 and of the Queen Mother in 2002.He has been a regular commentator on aseries of important national events,including the State Opening of Parliament,Trooping the Colour, and the RemembranceDay parades.

But it is for his long stewardship ofQuestion Time, where he followed RobinDay and Peter Sissons as chairman, and forhis unflappable performances on a string ofelection night broadcasts, that he is justlyrenowned. For fifteen years he never missedrecording a single episode of Question Time,until in November 2009 a rogue bullock onhis Sussex farm charged him over, forcinghim to have hospital treatment forconcussion. He has weathered a number of storms over the years, including thoseover Kelvin MacKenzie’s attack on Scots ingeneral and the then Prime Minister GordonBrown in particular, and British NationalParty leader Nick Griffin’s appearance onthe show.

Since 1979 Dimbleby has been a fixtureon the BBC’s election night broadcasts,holding together a sometimes chaoticmixture of results, interviews and analysis.His presence and calm manner have helpedmake sense of both general and localelections as well as coverage of USpresidential elections. Though sometimesapparently baffled by communicationsfailures and rapidly disintegrating specialeffects, he never loses his grip on theunfolding events or his uniquely humorousapproach to the unexpected.

DAVID DIMBLEBY

DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARD BROADCAST JOURNALIST A special award for outstanding contributions to broadcast journalism over asustained period.


The Judges SayThe 2010 general election televisedleadership debates may have transformedBritish elections for ever. Despite taking a cue from US Presidential debates, the UK leaders’ debates were resoundinglyBritish in character. All three debates were different, but were all expertlyhandled and professionally presented byAlistair Stewart, Adam Boulton and DavidDimbleby respectively. The debatesenlivened the 2010 election campaign and the normal election news agenda wassuspended as the run-up to and aftermathof the TV debates became the leadingpreoccupation during the campaign.Having been such a success the future ofUK leaders’ debates seems assured.

The concept of party leaders airing theirdifferences on national television is not anew one – it was first proposed as long agoas 1964, when the Labour leader HaroldWilson challenged Sir Alec Douglas-Hometo an election debate. Home, who was onlytoo conscious of his shortcomings as atelevision performer, politely declined. “I'mnot particularly attracted by confrontationsof personality,” he said. “If we aren’t carefulyou know you'll get a sort of Top of the Popscontest. You’ll then get the best actor asleader of the country and the actor will beprompted by a scriptwriter.”

Later, in 1970, it was Wilson’s turn toresist a similar challenge from EdwardHeath. Wilson feared some of the gravitasof his office as Prime Minister might rub offon his rival. And in 1979 an initially positiveMargaret Thatcher was advised againstaccepting a challenge from the avuncularJim Callaghan, who was behind in the pollsand had least to lose.

Both Thatcher and John Major rejectedNeil Kinnock’s challenges in 1987 and 1992.It was only in 1997 that the hoped-forevent looked likely to finally come off asboth Major and Tony Blair seemed open to the prospect of a debate. However,negotiations between the two parties brokedown, probably because Blair realised thatthe dangers of a debate outweighed itspotential benefits.

When David Cameron challengedGordon Brown to an election debate duringan exchange in Parliament in 2008, citingthe example of debates in America whichhad captured the imagination of the

electorate, the Prime Minister’s instinct wasto refuse. “In America they do not haveQuestion Time every week where we canexamine what the different policies of thedifferent parties are,” he responded.

However, perhaps spotting a potentialelectoral advantage in pitting his years ofexperience in government against the relativeinexperience of David Cameron, he lateragreed to a three-way debate also involvingthe Liberal Democrat leader Nick Clegg.

Even so, agreement on the preciseformat and style of the debate was hard to reach, requiring hours of negotiations.Eventually all three parties settled on athree-part debate with a carefully plannedformat calculated to give each leader anequal chance to put across his views.

The debates were to be shared amongthree leading broadcasters, the BBC, ITVand Sky News. Each leader was to be giventhe opportunity to open one of the debates.The first half of each broadcast was toconsist of discussions on a set topic, and aseries of questions would then be put to thethree leaders by the debate’s moderator.

In the event, the debates were anoutstanding success, with the threemoderators, Alistair Stewart for ITV, Adam Boulton for Sky News and DavidDimbleby for the BBC, creating threedistinct but compelling contests whichengaged the British public in a way that had not been seen for many years in ageneral election campaign. The threeleaders all acquitted themselves well andthe serious way in which issues of concernto the public were debated helped in part to restore public faith in the UK’s electedrepresentatives after the damage caused by the expenses scandal.

Given their success, televised leaders’debates promise to be an exciting andimportant feature of future electioncontests.

LEADERS’ DEBATES 2010BBCSKY ITV

DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARD SPECIAL ‘ENGAGING THE PUBLIC’ AWARDThis award is designed to recognise outstanding contributions in the field ofbroadcast or print journalism that have brought politics to the lives of the public.It is open to individuals, programmes and publications


The Judges SayWithout David Frost modern satirists suchas Jon Stewart might not exist. As presenterof That Was The Week That Was (BBC, 1962-63) Frost became the public face ofpolitical satire which was remarkably sharpin comparison to the conventions of thetime. TW3, Not So Much a Programme,More a Way of Life (BBC, 1964-65), and The Frost Report (BBC, 1966-67), presentedsome of the finest comedy moments ofthe 1960s from an unrivalled group ofperformers and writers. Sir David Frost has of course built a peerless reputation asinterrogator of political actors but it is hisrole in the birth of UK TV’s political satirethat is rewarded here.

Yes Minister and Yes Prime Minister, which ran from 1980 to 1988, are notunsurprisingly firm favourites among thepolitical studies community. The set-up –the futile struggle of the Rt Hon JimHacker MP, first as Secretary of State andthen as Prime Minister, against his CivilService controllers, Sir Humphrey Applebyand Bernard Woolley – found a massaudience for relatively esoteric details ofpolitical institutions. Adored by viewers,critics and politicians alike, the clearprecursor to contemporary satire such asThe Thick Of It, both Yes Minister and YesPrime Minister deserve their place in thenation’s hearts and the authors deservetheirs among the Diamond Jubilee Satireaward winners.

Coming to public attention when hebecame editor of Private Eye at the age of 26, Ian Hislop once claimed to be “themost sued man in English legal history”. Asa campaigning publication, Private Eye hasbeen vindicated in many a battle, butremains first and foremost relentlesslyamusing about politics and public life inthe UK on a fortnightly basis. Since beingmade a team captain on the televisednews quiz Have I Got News For You in 1990,Hislop has brought his razor-wit andacerbic insight into the homes of millionsof Britons. For his work at Private Eye andon Have I Got News For You Ian Hislop is adeserved winner of the Diamond JubileeAward for Political Satire.

Sir David FrostDavid Frost was born in 1939 in Tenterden,Kent, the son of a Methodist minister. Hewas educated at Gillingham andWellingborough Grammar Schools andeven as a schoolboy enjoyed stirring up debate by writing provocative,pseudonymous letters to the local paper,calling in one of them for dogs that fouledthe pavement to be shot. A talentedsportsman, he was offered a contract with Nottingham Forest in the late 1950sbut chose instead to take up a place atCambridge where he studied English atGonville and Gaius College. During his time there he was editor of the studentpublications Varsity and Granta and wassecretary of the Footlights comedy club.

After graduating he was employed for a time by the ITV companies AssociatedRediffusion, for whom he was the host of an international twist dancing contest, andAnglia. But it was while performing on theLondon stand-up circuit in 1962 that he was spotted by Ned Sherrin, then a BBCproducer on the lookout for talent for anupcoming satirical television show.

The relatively short run of That Was TheWeek That Was, often known by itsshortened title TW3, was a groundbreakingevent in British broadcasting history: thefirst television programme that wasunashamedly self conscious, allowingcameras and technicians to appear freely in shot, and unconstrained by fixed runningtimes as its presenter allowed the show tofinish early or late as the materialdemanded. As satire it was even moregroundbreaking, providing the first platformon which government ministers and otherfigures could be routinely subjected toridicule. The Profumo Affair provided anearly target for the show’s attention. Frost,as the show’s main presenter, became ahousehold name and a byword forirreverence.

The show ran for two seasons in 1962and 1963. It was dropped in the electionyear 1964 as the BBC feared TW3’s likelyimpact on its reputation for impartiality.The format, however, was picked up by theAmerican network NBC which ran a version,also featuring Frost, from 1964 to 1965.

Frost returned to British screens withNot So Much a Programme, More a Way ofLife, another satirical show produced byNed Sherrin, and then with The Frost Report

DAVID FROST

ANTONY JAY ANDJONATHAN LYNN

IAN HISLOP

DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARD BEST POLITICAL SATIREUp to 3 awards for outstanding contributions over a sustained period during theAssociation’s 60 years. This category is broadly defined; and might includeparliamentary sketches; impersonations; political comedians; cartoons; novels etc.


which launched the television careers ofJohn Cleese, Ronnie Corbett and RonnieBarker. It also featured a writing team thatwould later give birth to the anarchiccomedy series Monty Python’s Flying Circus.

David Frost continued to work on bothsides of the Atlantic during the years thatfollowed, developing a reputation as anincisive interviewer. His encounter withformer US President Richard Nixon becamethe subject of a multiple-Oscar nominatedfilm, Frost/Nixon, but in addition he hasinterviewed every British Prime Ministerserving since 1964, as well as everyAmerican President from Nixon onwards,with the exception, as yet, of Barack Obama.

He continues to subject politicians and other public figures to keen scrutiny inhis current show, Frost Over the World, on Al Jazeera.

Sir Anthony Jay, CVO And Jonathan LynnAnthony Jay was born in 1930 andeducated at St Paul’s School, where he wasa near-contemporary of the neurologistOliver Sacks, the classical guitarist JulianBream, and the former Home SecretaryKenneth Baker. He was an undergraduate atMagdalene College, Cambridge, graduatingwith first class honours in classics andcomparative philology. After nationalservice in the Royal Signals he started workin 1955 at BBC Television, where he wasamong the team that launched the classiccurrent affairs programme Tonight, ofwhich he was editor from 1962 to 1963.From 1963 to 1964 he was Head ofTelevision Talk Features, before leaving theBBC to take up a career as a freelance writerand producer. In 1972 he was one of thefounders, alongside John Cleese, of VideoArts, a media training company whichpioneered the use of humour in trainingvideos. Jay was knighted in 1988 andremains a mordant observer of politics,including those of the broadcastersthemselves. His 2008 report for the Centrefor Policy Studies, How to Save the BBC,provoked fierce debate by advocating aradical reduction of the scale of thecorporation’s activities.

Jonathan Lynn was born in 1943 andeducated at Kingswood School, Bath, and Pembroke College, Cambridge, wherehe studied law and was a member ofCambridge Footlights. After graduating heembarked on a career as an actor, appearing

at the age of 21 in the Broadway revueCambridge Circus alongside John Cleese andGraham Chapman. He appeared on The EdSullivan Show, played Motel the Tailor aspart of the original London cast of Fiddler onthe Roof in 1967-8, and appeared as Hitlerin the 1969 production of The Comedy ofthe Changing Years. A series of notabletelevision appearances included JackRosenthal’s TV plays Bar Mitzvah Boy andThe Knowledge and the TV series The LiverBirds, Doctor in the House and My Brother’sKeeper, which he also wrote. From 1977 to 1981 he was artistic director of theCambridge Theatre Company, producingmore than 40 plays and directing 20 ofthem. He also worked alongside TennesseeWilliams as director of The Glass Menageriein 1977. His production of Songbook in1979 won the Society of West End TheatreAward, the Ivor Novello Award and theEvening Standard Award for Best Musical.Since the 1980s his career has focused onscreenwriting and directing movies. Hiscredits include Nuns on the Run (1990), Sgt Bilko (1996) andThe Whole Nine Yards(2000) and most recently Wild Target(2010).

Anthony Jay and Jonathan Lynn firstworked together in 1975 on the Video Artstraining film Who Sold You This Then?, whichwas written by Anthony Jay and John Cleeseand in which Lynn appeared. Lynn laterjoined Jay as a writing collaborator at VideoArts. But it was the television series Yes,Minister, which ran from 1980-84, and Yes,Prime Minister, which ran from 1986-88,that propelled them to the forefront ofBritish political satire. The show was aninstant hit among critics, the general publicand the political classes that it lampoonedmercilessly. Its chief characters, the urbanecivil servant Sir Humphrey Appleby, hismischievous, pedestrian junior colleagueBernard Woolley, and the hapless politicalhack Jim Hacker, quickly became archetypesof the country’s ruling classes. Utterlybelievable, they were the embodiment of the obstructionism and complacency ofthe Civil Service and the venality andincompetence of politicians, but they alsocame to represent the more vulnerable andhuman face of power. It is perhaps notsurprising that in 1984 Margaret Thatcherchose to write her own Yes, Minister sketch,in which she played an autocratic PrimeMinister managing to get one over on an

uncharacteristically tongue-tied Sir Humphrey.

The enduring appeal of the shows liespartly in the writers’ skill in capturinggenuine truths about the way our politicalsystem works (it is still used as a teachingtool in several British universities’ politicsdepartments), and also in its ability topresent a different kind of satire fordifferent types of viewer. As Anthony Jayhimself put it, “I suppose you could say thatthe fun of the series comes from showingcivil servants as politicians see them andpoliticians as civil servants see them. I cantell you without any doubt that if youshowed politicians and civil servants as theysee themselves you would have the mostboring series television ever encountered”.

Anthony Jay and Jonathan Lynn’s playYes, Prime Minister is currently enjoying asuccessful run at the Gielgud Theatre.

Ian HislopIan Hislop was born in 1960 in Mumbles,South Wales. During his early years hisfather’s work as a civil engineer took thefamily as far afield as Nigeria, Kuwait, SaudiArabia and Hong Kong. He was educated at Ardingly College in West Sussex beforegoing on to Magdalen College, Oxford,where he studied English Literature. Whilethere he edited the student magazinePassing Wind and for one issue interviewedthe Private Eye editor Richard Ingrams.Following his graduation in 1981 Hislopbegan working for the satirical magazine.For a time he shared an office with itsproprietor, the comic god Peter Cook. Later,Cook had the decisive word in confirmingIngrams’s decision to install Hislop in theeditor’s chair on his surprise retirement in1986, in the face of protests from two of the magazine’s big beasts, Peter McKay and Nigel Dempster.

As Hislop later recalled, “There was anattempted coup. They took Peter out forlunch, which is always a mistake, and Peterreturned from lunch full of red wine andbonhomie and greeted me with the words“Welcome aboard”. And that was it.” Hisloplater allowed himself the satisfaction ofdismissing the two dissidents from his staff.

He has remained editor ever since,clocking up 24 years in the job to surpassRichard Ingrams’s tenure of only 23. Themagazine has gone from strength tostrength and recently recorded its highest


DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARD LIFETIME ACHIEVEMENT IN POLITICAL STUDIES Up to 5 special recognition awards for academics who have demonstrated anestablished contribution to political studies over their career. Research, teaching,public engagement and service to the profession may all be recognised by this award.

PROFESSOR ARCHIE BROWN, FBA

PROFESSOR ELINOR OSTROM

PROFESSOR WYN GRANT

The Judges SayA leading scholar in the politics of Sovietand post-Soviet Russia, Archie Browncontinues to be an excellent and activeresearcher, having published a score ofbooks including two PSA Mackenzie Prizewinning monographs. His mastery of hissubject is clear to all. His career has takenhim from student days at the LSE toteaching posts at Glasgow University,visiting Professorships at Yale, Columbia,Texas at Austin and Notre Dame, and ofcourse St Antony’s College in Oxford. He isa deserving recipient of the award forLifetime Achievement in Political Studies.

Elinor Ostrom is an exceptional politicalscientist. She holds the Arthur F. BentleyProfessorship of Political Science and is co-Director of the Workshop in PoliticalTheory and Policy Analysis at IndianaUniversity in Bloomington as well as beingResearch Professor and the FoundingDirector of the Center for the Study ofInstitutional Diversity at Arizona State. In2009 she became the first woman to beawarded the Nobel Memorial Prize inEconomic Sciences. We are delighted tohonour her with the award for LifetimeAchievement in Political Studies.

Wyn Grant is the author of numerous titlesfrom Pressure Groups and British Politics,The Political Economy of Industrial Policyand The Common Agricultural Policy toTheDevelopment of a Discipline: The History ofthe Political Studies Association.Throughout his career he has done muchto cross interdisciplinary boundaries withhis work on political economy, interestgroups, policy formation and morerecently his insight into crossing theboundaries between political studies andbiological science. He was Chair of the UKPolitical Studies Association for three years(2002-5) and continues to represent theAssociation at international events such as the IPSA Congress. A trailblazer in theera of impact, he maintains the PoliticalEconomy of Football website, and is aregular contributor to the Friday eveningsports show on Radio Scilly.

circulation figure for 18 years – an averageof 210,218 copies.

Hislop’s career away from Private Eyehas included spells as a columnist on TheListener and The Sunday Telegraph and astelevision critic forThe Spectator. He was ascriptwriter for Spitting Image from 1984 to1989 and for Harry Enfield and Chums from1994 to 1998. From 1985 to 1990 he was aregular panellist on The News Quiz, and in1990 made his first appearance on the newsatirical television quiz show Have I GotNews For You, appearing as team captainopposite Paul Merton.

Over the show’s 20 year history, Hislopis the only member of the regular teamnever to miss an episode and he seldomcomplains about his team’s apparentinability to beat the score of Paul Merton’sopposition on any but the rarest occasions.Innumerable celebrities, comedians andpoliticians have appeared alongside him tobe subjected, in many cases, to witheringscorn, often uncomplainingly coming backfor more.

In recent years Hislop has become aregular presenter of television and radiodocumentaries on a number of aspects ofBritain’s social, economic and culturalhistory, including School Rules (1997) andPennies from Bevan (1998), A Brief History ofTax (2002), Not Forgotten (2004),anexploration of the social impact of the FirstWorld War, and Scouting for Boys (2007).

Earlier this year Radio 4 aired Hislop’splay, written with long-time collaboratorNick Newman, Greed All About It, a satireabout journalism set during the Wappingdispute of 1986.


Professor Archie Brown, CMG, FBAArchie Brown was born in Annan,Dumfriesshire, in 1938. After completingnational service in the army he gained hisfirst degree at the London School ofEconomics, where he was also a graduatestudent. In 1964 he returned to Scotland tolecture in political science at the Universityof Glasgow. He spent the academic year1967-68 as a British Council exchangescholar at Moscow State University, theinstitution from which the future Sovietleader Mikhail Gorbachev had graduated adozen years earlier.

In 1971 Brown moved to St Antony’sCollege at Oxford University as Lecturer inSoviet Institutions, a post he continued tohold for the next 18 years. In 1989, he wasappointed Professor of Politics. He served asSub-Warden of St Antony’s between 1995and 1997. He was Director of the college’sRussian and East European Centre from1991 to 1994 and again from 1998 to 2001.From 2001 to 2003 he was the university’sDirector of Graduate Studies in Politics.

In 1983 Archie Brown was one of anumber of academics invited by the thenPrime Minister Margaret Thatcher to takepart in a seminar intended to inform futureBritish policy towards the Soviet Union andEastern Europe. In the words of Thatcher’sadviser Sir Anthony Parsons, the seminar“changed British foreign policy” by advisingthat a policy of engagement at all levelswith the Soviet Union and eastern Europewas likely to yield better results than theexisting policy of minimal contact. Brownhimself gave a paper in which he predictedthe emergence of a reformist Soviet leader.The following year Mikhail Gorbachev, thena member of the Politburo and stronglytipped as a future Soviet leader, was invitedto the UK for talks with Margaret Thatcher.Thatcher’s subsequent acknowledgementthat Gorbachev was a man she could ‘dobusiness’ with, and indeed the subsequentsuccess of Britain’s policy towards Russia,owed much to Archie Brown’s intervention.

One of his most celebrated works, TheGorbachev Factor (1997), explored thepivotal role Gorbachev played in thetransition from Communist rule and thedifficulties he faced in guiding Russiathrough its transition to a freer society.

His catalogue of books, articles andedited volumes on the political history ofRussia and the Soviet Union, as well as the

wider Communist world, is extensive. Itincludes Soviet Politics and Political Science(1974); The Soviet Union Since the Fall ofKhrushchev (with Michael Kaser, 1975);Political Culture and Political Change inCommunist States (with Jack Gray, 1977);Political Leadership in the Soviet Union(1989); Contemporary Russian Politics: aReader (2001); Gorbachev, Yeltsin, andPutin: Political Leadership in Russia’sTransition (with Lilia Shevtsova, 2001). Hewas editor (with Jack Hayward and BrianBarry) of The British Study of Politics in theTwentieth Century (1999), to which hecontributed a chapter on the study ofauthoritarian regimes.

Archie Brown was elected a Fellow ofthe British Academy in 1991. He becameEmeritus Professor of Politics at OxfordUniversity and an Emeritus Fellow of St Antony’s in 2005 and continues to be an active researcher in his field.

Professor Elinor OstromElinor Ostrom was born in Los Angeles and grew up in the depression years of the 1930s. Her father was a theatrical setdesigner, while her mother managed theSan Francisco Symphony Orchestra. Fromtheir influence she derived an earlyambition to become a ballerina.Unfortunately for the arts world, butfortunately for the sphere of politicalscience, her flat feet proved an insuperableobstruction to that career path.

She attributes her entry to academia in part to her good fortune in attending the Beverly Hills High School, a hugeproportion of whose students went on tocollege studies. Without such a start in lifeshe might never have embarked on anacademic career.

Even so, she was forced to endure anti-semitism (her father was Jewish) andthe gender discrimination familiar to anywoman trying to pursue a career in the mid-20th century. Her bachelor’s degree inpolitical science was awarded by theUniversity of California, Los Angeles in1954, after which she moved with herhusband to Boston, where she worked inpersonnel for an electronics firm and, later, a law firm.

After separating from her first husbandshe returned to UCLA, initially as anemployee in the personnel office, but,having been seduced back into academic

studies, she gained a master’s degree in1962, followed by a PhD in 1965. Her thesiswas on the politics of groundwatermanagement in southern California.

While a graduate student she met and married her second husband, VincentOstrom, and after a spell in Washington,DC, moved with him to Bloomington, wherehe had been offered a job in the politicalscience department at Indiana University.Elinor initially struggled to overcome thehurdles faced by a woman in a male-dominated profession. She was first offeredan untenured position teaching a course inAmerican government, with some of herclasses taking place at 7.30am on Saturdaymornings. Nevertheless, she carved a placefor herself within the faculty, becoming anassociate professor in 1969 and a professorin 1974.

In 1973 she founded, with her husband,the Workshop in Political Theory and PolicyAnalysis, whose goal was to provide aninterdisciplinary forum for the study ofinstitutions and personal interactionsrelating to the formulation andimplementation of public policy. Aparticular emphasis of the workshop, which continues to be influential to thisday, has been on the sustainability ofnatural resources.

Indeed the impact of human behaviourand institutions on the natural environmenthas been the focus of Elinor Ostrom’s entirecareer. Her achievements in this field weremarked in 2009 when she became the first woman to be awarded the Nobel Prizefor Economics. The award was made inrecognition of her analysis of themanagement of common resources, such as fish stocks, pastures, woods, lakes andgroundwater basins. In particular she wascommended for demonstrating that‘common property can be successfullymanaged by user associations’, contrary to popularly-held conceptions of ‘thetragedy of the commons’.

Elinor Ostrom continues to activelyresearch environmental politics, and hasearned a string of awards and honours. Sheholds honorary doctorates from universitiesacross North America and Europe and is apast president of the American PoliticalScience Association. She is currently ArthurF. Bentley Professor of Political Science atIndiana University.


Professor Wyn GrantWyn Grant might have had a very differentlife if the study of political science had notseduced him away from his first career –journalism. In fact the young Wynford Grantwas more than that: for several years, fromthe tender age of 11, he was simultaneouslythe proprietor, editor, chief reporter,typesetter, advertising manager, distributorand street seller for his own localnewspaper, the Billericay Chronicle.

A Pathé newsreel from 1961 followedthe 14-year-old schoolboy as heinterviewed local officials, including theclerk of Basildon Council, before racinghome to type up the stories from hisnotebook. He laboriously printed as manyas 1,000 copies of the 12-page newspaperevery fortnight using a hand-crankedduplicator. The newsreel, which can still be seen on the British Pathé website, is afascinating insight into the past life of one of the country’s most distinguishedpolitical scientists.

Wyn Grant gained first class honours inPolitics from the University of Leicester,before going on to postgraduate studies atStrathclyde, where he was awarded his MSc,and Exeter, where he completed a PhDthesis on independent local political parties.

He was appointed a lecturer in politicsat the University of Warwick in 1971, andwas a senior lecturer (1978-86) and reader(1986-90) in politics at the same university.He was appointed Professor of Politics in1990, a post he still holds. He chaired theuniversity’s Department of Politics andInternational Studies from 1990 to 1997,and is a past Chair and past President of the Political Studies Association.

He is a prolific researcher in numerousfields, with particular emphasis on interestgroups, relations between governments and business, economic policy andglobalisation. He is an acknowledged expert on the European Union’s CommonAgricultural Policy, and in recent years hascollaborated extensively with researchers in the field of biological science.

Among his publications are booksincluding Business and Politics in Britain(1987); The Common Agricultural Policy(1997); Economic Policy in Britain (2002);Agriculture in the New Global Economy(with William Coleman and Timothy Josling,2005); and Managing Your Academic Career

(with Philippa Sherrington, 2006). Hisjournal articles cover diverse subjects, andinclude: ‘Direct Democracy in California:Example or Warning?’ (Democratization,1996); ‘The Provision of Fire Services inRural Areas’ (Public Policy andAdministration, 2005) and ‘An AnalyticalFramework for a Political Economy ofFootball’ (British Politics, 2007).

The dynamism and love of actualité that he demonstrated so exceptionally as a schoolboy have not deserted ProfessorGrant in later life: he is a prolific writer onsubjects ranging from social history tofootball – his support for Charlton Athletic is legendary and, as well as holding a seasonticket, he is a shareholder and kit sponsor. He also writes influential blogs on Britishpolitics and the Common Agricultural Policy.


The Judges SayPeter Hennessy, the Attlee Professor ofContemporary British History at QueenMary, University of London, is highlyvalued as a scholar and teacher of modernhistory and cabinet government. Beforebecoming an academic he was a journalistfor 20 years with spells on The Times,Financial Times, The Economist and as apresenter of BBC Radio 4’s Analysisprogramme. His accessible and intelligentstyle makes him a worthy winner of theDiamond Jubilee Political StudiesAssociation Communication Award.

Peter Hennessy was born in 1947 into alarge Catholic family and spent his earliestyears in north London. The family latermoved to the Cotswolds, where Peterattended Marling School. Coming from astaunchly conservative background, hestarted from a position on the right wing of politics. During the 1964 election, whichreturned Harold Wilson for his first term as Prime Minister, Peter Hennessy stood as a Conservative candidate in Marling’smock election.

By the time he embarked onundergraduate studies at St John’s College,Cambridge, two years later, his views hadshifted somewhat. While retaining a youngConservative’s taste for pipe tobacco, he had developed a keen interest in thepolitical history of the Labour Party. Hisinterest had been piqued by a familydiscussion in which his father and uncleshad disparaged both Wilson’s governmentand those of his predecessors, RamsayMacDonald and Clement Attlee. “Iremember thinking it can’t all have beenthat bad and when I went home I got everybook I could find on the Attlee governmentout of the library,” he later recalled. Theexperience had a deeply formativeinfluence on his political views. “I’ve lived inthe shadow of that government ever since.”

After graduating from Cambridge hespent a year at Harvard as a KennedyMemorial Scholar. On his return to Britain in 1972 he embarked on a distinguishedcareer in journalism, working first as areporter on the Times Higher EducationSupplement and from 1974 as a politicaljournalist on The Times. At this time he gotto know and respect Harold Wilson, who he described as “a warm-hearted humanbeing”. He worked as a lobby correspondent

for the Financial Times in the late 1970s andwas briefly on the staff of The Economistin the early 1980s. He was a columnist forthe New Statesman and wrote for TheIndependent between 1987 and 1991.

He pursued a parallel career in thebroadcast media, appearing regularly ontelevision and radio, including spellspresenting Granada TV’s Under Fire from1985 to 1987 and BBC Radio 4’s Analysisprogramme between 1986 and 1992.

In 1986 he was a co-founder, withAnthony Seldon, of the Institute ofContemporary British History, whose objectwas to move the study of recent history outof the shadows into the mainstream. In1992 Peter Hennessy took up the post ofProfessor of Contemporary British Historyat Queen Mary, University of London,becoming Attlee Professor in 2000. In 2003he was instrumental in setting up the MileEnd Group at Queen Mary, a research hubfor postgraduate students working in thefield of contemporary British history.

His contribution to the study of Britain’srecent political history has been withoutparallel and, since the publication of thisfirst two books, Cabinet (1986) andWhitehall (1989), he has been recognised asone of the most authoritative andaccessible authors on British government.He received the Orwell Prize in 2007 forHaving It So Good, his study of Britain in theMacmillan era.

In October 2010 Peter Hennessy joinedthe House of Lords as a cross-bench peer.

DIAMOND JUBILEE AWARDPOLITICS/POLITICAL STUDIES COMMUNICATOR Open to academics (either British or non-British academics working in the UK)who can demonstrate an excellence in dissemination with the public. This mightbe through the media, or through open lectures/seminars, policy pamphlets etc.

PROFESSOR PETER HENNESSY, FBA

Sponsored by:


The Judges SayRaymond Plant has been exceedinglyactive outside and inside academia. He led Labour’s Commission on ElectoralSystems in the early 1990s and became aLabour life peer in 1992. Above all he is a distinguished contemporary politicaltheorist having written extensively aroundsuch themes as Community and Ideology,Political Philosophy and Social Welfare,and Citizenship and Rights. His theory texts, have established him as one of theleading figures in contemporary politicaltheory and a worthy winner of the annualSir Isaiah Berlin Prize for LifetimeContribution to Political Studies.

Raymond Plant was born in Grimsby in1945. His father was a fireman and hismother worked in a grocery shop and waslater a school dinner lady. Largely thanks tohis mother’s efforts he gained a place at theHavelock School, Grimsby, after failing his11-plus. “If this had not happened, I wouldnot have had the academic career that Ihave enjoyed subsequently,” he said,remembering his mother after her death in 2003. In later life he has been a vocalsupporter of moves towards greaterequality in education and has urged the top universities to go further in raising the proportion of state-school educatedundergraduates.

He undertook undergraduate studies at King’s College, London and later studiedas a postgraduate at the University of Hull.Abandoning an early aspiration to train asan Anglican priest, he began his academiccareer as a lecturer at the University ofManchester, where he worked between1967 and 1979. He left to become Professor of Politics at the University ofSouthampton. He was Master of StCatherine’s College, Oxford, from 1994 to1999, and Pro-Chancellor at Southamptonfrom 1996 to 1999. From 2000 he wasProfessor of European Political Thought. Hetook the Chair in Jurisprudence and PoliticalPhilosophy at King’s College, London in2002. He was appointed Vincent WrightProfessor at Sciences Po, Paris, in 2008 and has taught at the Institute for PoliticalStudies at the Catholic University of Lisbon.

Raymond Plant has pursued an equallydistinguished political career. Having been aLabour Party member since the age of 17,he was an adviser to its leader, Neil Kinnock,

and chaired the party’s Commission onElectoral Systems from 1991 to 1993. TheCommission made a number ofrecommendations that suggested a radicalreform of the existing system, includingscrapping first-past-the-post in favour of anew supplementary vote system; weekendpolling; state funding of political parties;and four-year fixed term parliaments. Healso chaired the Fabian Society’sCommission on Citizenship and Taxationbetween 1998 and 2000.

In 1992 Raymond Plant was elevated to the House of Lords as Baron Plant ofHighfield, of Weelsby in the County ofHumberside. He was OppositionSpokesman for Home Affairs in the Lordsfrom 1992 to 1996, and served on variouscommittees, but never aspired toministerial status, telling a reporter: “I’d be terrible at it. I lack the day-to-daypolitical skills, and I’m too thin-skinned. It is impossible to be a minister and anacademic at the same time.”

Above all he is a distinguishedcontemporary political theorist havingwritten extensively around such themes as Community and Ideology, PoliticalPhilosophy and Social Welfare, andCitizenship and Rights. His theory texts, onHegel, Modern Political Thought, Politics,Theology and History (based on the Stantonlectures in Cambridge and the Sarumlectures in Oxford) and The Neo- LiberalState and the Rule of Law (based on theBoutwood lectures in Cambridge and theVincent Wright lectures at Sciences Po)have established him as one of the leadingfigures in contemporary political theory.His next book, Religion in a Liberal State(based on the Bampton lectures at Oxford),will be published in 2011. He is a veryworthy winner of the annual Sir IsaiahBerlin Prize for Lifetime Contribution toPolitical Studies.

PROFESSOR RAYMOND PLANT,BARON PLANT OFHIGHFIELD OF WEELSBYIN THE COUNTY OFHUMBERSIDE FKC

ANNUAL AWARD SIR ISAIAH BERLIN PRIZE FOR LIFETIMECONTRIBUTION TO POLITICAL STUDIES This annual award is for those who can demonstrate a lifetime contribution to thestudy and understanding of Politics.


The Judges SayAs part of the 60th anniversarycelebrations of the Political StudiesAssociation, the 2010 Committee decidedto make a special award – despite someobvious difficulties – for the best book onBritish political studies published duringthe lifetime of the Association. The winnerwas determined by a poll of PSA members.Despite the plethora of wonderful books invarious sub-fields of the discipline, PoliticalChange in Britain, by David Butler andDonald Stokes emerged as the clearwinner.

David Butler is the doyen of electoralstudies in Britain. He studied PPE at NewCollege, Oxford, where he wrote his thesisThe Electoral System in Britain. He wasinvolved in the influential series of NuffieldStudies of British general elections from1945 to 2005, which have been universallypraised for their insight and analysis, andwas described by Anthony Howard as, “partof our democratic fabric”. In addition to hisextensive writing on the subject of Britishelections, David Butler was a key fixture ofthe BBC’s television coverage of electionsfrom 1950 to 1979 and radio coveragebeyond. His mastery of electoral issues hasbeen evident to all those fortunate enoughto take advantage of the repeats of electionnight coverage available on anniversarydates on the BBC Parliament Channel. DavidButler was the co-creator of the original‘swingometer’, a very different entity fromthe technological wonder it has become.

In the 1960s Butler joined forces withDonald Stokes (1927-1997) of theUniversity of Michigan, who had been partof the team which had produced TheAmerican Voter, itself a major landmark inUS political science. Donald Stokes earnedhis PhD in 1958 from Yale University andwas director of the Institute for SocialResearch at the University of Michigan,where he was professor of political sciencefrom 1958-74. From 1974, he was Professorof Politics and Public Affairs at PrincetonUniversity's Woodrow Wilson School ofPublic and International Affairs, havingserved as Dean of the School for 18 years.Professor Stokes was a member of theAdvisory Committee on Research of theNational Science Foundation and fellow ofthe American Academy of Arts and Sciences.In 1996, he received the Elmer B. Staats

Award for a distinguished career in publicservice from the National Association ofSchools of Public Administration.

Together, they undertook the first-evernationwide survey of electoral behaviour inBritain, publishing Political Change in Britainin 1969. The impact of Political Change inBritain was both immediate and enduring. Itwon the American Political ScienceAssociation’s Woodrow Wilson Prize and isone of only 16 books for which there is anindividual entry in The Oxford Companion toTwentieth Century British Politics. The entryincludes the following: “What becameknown as the Butler-Stokes model of votingemphasised the role of long-term forces ininfluencing the party choice of electors...Their work remains...the essential startingpoint for all subsequent survey-basedelectoral analysis in Britain”.

ANNUAL AWARDBEST BOOK IN BRITISH POLITICAL STUDIES1950-2010

DAVID BUTLER, FBA ANDPROFESSOR DONALD STOKES:POLITICAL CHOICE INBRITAIN, MACMILLAN(1969)


The Judges SayAfter a rigorous three-stage judgingprocess this year’s selection committeehave unanimously agreed to award the W. J. M. MacKenzie Prize 2010 to ProfessorArchie Brown for The Rise and Fall ofCommunism, The Bodley Head (2009).

In a period when academics are frequentlycriticised for saying more and more aboutless and less it is refreshing to find a piece ofscholarship that is willing to take on a verybig topic. It is in this context that ProfessorBrown has written a hugely impressive andwide-ranging work that covers communismas an idea from its beginnings before Marx;through its manifestations in practice incountries throughout the world to itscollapse in Eastern Europe and the SovietUnion; through to communism in the worldtoday. It is packed full with faultlessaccounts of cases and events and analyticalinsights based on the deep knowledge andunderstanding brought by a lifetime ofresearch. Described on the cover as a workof political history, it is more compellingly awork of political science that adds to ourunderstanding of why and how communismrose and spread and why, where it fell, it didnot survive as a political system is at itsheart. It is also important to note that incombining both breadth and depth across720 pages Professor Brown has stillmanaged to write a book that is bothaccessible and simply a really good read. The Rise and Fall of Communism is thereforedestined to become a central text in theanalysis of communism and regime changewithin and beyond the academiccommunity.

Professor Matthew Flinders, University of Sheffield (Chair)

Professor Mick Moran, University of Manchester

Professor Rosemary O’Kane, Keele University

PROFESSOR ARCHIE BROWN, FBATHE RISE AND FALL OFCOMMUNISM, THEBODLEY HEAD (2009)

ANNUAL AWARD W. J. M. MACKENZIE PRIZE 2010

Political Studies AssociationDepartment of PoliticsNewcastle UniversityNewcastle upon TyneNE1 7RUTel: 0191 222 8021 Fax: 0191 222 [email protected]

Documents

AWARD WINNERS - Political Studies AssociationPOLITICAL STUDIES ASSOCIATION 60TH ANNIVERSARY AWARDS 2010 3ANNUAL AWARD POLITICIAN OF YEAR 2010 This is an award for domestic politicians