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8/21/2019 Attitudes Towards Animals in Ancient Greece
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Attitudes towards Animals in Ancient Greece
Author(s): Steven H. LonsdaleSource: Greece & Rome, Second Series, Vol. 26, No. 2 (Oct., 1979), pp. 146-159Published by: Cambridge University Press on behalf of The Classical AssociationStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/642507 .
Accessed: 21/01/2011 08:47
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ATTITUDES
TOWARDS
ANIMALS
IN ANCIENT GREECE1
By
STEVEN H.
LONSDALE
Among
the
general questions
that
arise
in
analysing
a culture's
out-
look
on its fauna are
the
following:
Where
do
animals
belong
in
the world-view
of that
culture,
in
their
cosmogony
or historical
mythology,
and
how
do
these
aetiological
beliefs reflect
upon
the
economic
position
of
animals? What is
the
range
of
emotional
attitudes
towards
man's
enigmatic
and
uncanny
half-brothers,
especially domesticated species? Are animalsused in entertain-
ment?
Questions
such as these
may
be further
refined
by
deter-
mining
which
species
are
domesticated,
which
hunted;
which
are
eaten
by
man,
which
taboo;
which animals
does man sacrifice
or
worship?
Are animals
kept
as
pets,
and if
so,
what kinds
of names
does
a culture
give
them-human
names or abstract
names
em-
bodying
a
spiritual quality
or force
in nature?
To
what
extent
are these
non-verbal
creatures
a
substitute
for affection
or sadistic
punishment,
or
a
target
for
aggressive
or
hostile
feelings?
In other
words,
what
qualities
does
man
project
onto
animals?
Or
put
slightly
differently,
which
powers
does he attribute to the animal?
Is
an animal
thought
capable
of
curing
illness,
for
example?
And
finally,
what
are
some
of the recurrent
symbols
that
emerge
for
a
given
animal
in
legend
or
myth?
The
fauna
of
ancient
Greece do
not
vary
appreciably
from those
of
modern-day
Greece,
save for the
notable
depletion
nowadays
in
numbers
of
two
domesticated
species,
horses
and
large
cattle,
owing
to
lack
of
pasturage
through over-grazing.2
Game is
com-
mon,
and
around
the
ubiquitous
Greek
coastline
fish
are
plentiful.
Among the wild species found in Greece are the 'European'
animals,
such
as
wildcat, marten,
brown
bear,
roe
deer, wolf,
wild
boar,
and
lynx.
The
jackal,
wild
goat,
and
porcupine
are
more
typically
Mediterranean
species.
A
few
species
have
become
rare
or
extinct.
These
include the
lion
and
agrimi,
a
variety
of
wild
goat
known
from artistic
representations
and
the Minoan
Linear
B
tablets,
which
tally
up
the
number of
horns
used in
manufacturing
the
composite
bow.3
Today
the
agrimi
is
a
protected
species
con-
fined
to the
area west of
the
Roumeli
Gorge
in
the
White
Moun-
tains of Crete. The lion, whose disputed
existence
in
the
Greek
world
is
entangled
in
a lair
of
controversy,
is
absent.
In
historical
times
Herodotus
(7.125-7)
reports
lions in
northern
Greece,
and
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ATTITUDES TOWARDS
ANIMALS IN
ANCIENT
GREECE
147
Aristotle
(H.A.
8.28),
an inhabitant
of
this
region,
follows
suit.
The naturalistic
portrayal
of
lions
in
Mycenaean
art and the
vivid
descriptions
of
marauding
ions
in the Homeric
similes
offer
com-
pelling subjective evidence for their presence in the Aegean,
The Greeks
were
a
mixed
planter
and
animal-breederculture
from the
Early
Bronze
Age.
Despite
the
undisputed
physical
beauty
of Greece
and its occasional
fertile
valleys,
plains,
and
rivers,
Greece has
always
been
a
poor country
with a
parching
climate.
Many regions
are
mountainous and
landlocked,
and
virtually everywhere
the
soil
is
rocky.
Vegetation
can
be
sparse,
especially
in
the
Peloponnese.
Given
such
conditions the
inhabit-
ants
managed
to
produce
grain
at
a
subsistence
level
and
to
breed,
by process of selection, resilient strains of cattle. The wealthy
landowner could afford
to
raise
horses and
horned
cattle,
the
peasant
small
cattle
(sheep,
goats,
pigs) only.
Poultry-breeding
was common
throughout
Greece.
In
Hellenistic
times it
proved
profitable,
and
sometimes
necessary,
to
sow the
earth in
order to
supplement
pasturage.
Realistically,
from
the
point
of
view of
the
peasant,
the soil could
sustain small
cattle
more
readily
than
cows.4
This
is not to
say
that
large
cattle
were
absent. The
largest
island off
the
coast of
Attica,
Euboia,
means 'rich
in
cattle',
and
the
many
sacrificial
cattle in
the
great procession
on
the
Parthenon
frieze indicate that
cattle
could
be
spared
for
sacrifice.
But
it
may
be assumed
that,
since
pasturage
was
at
a
premium,
large
cattle
were scarcer
and
commensurately
more
valuable
than small
cattle.
Because
of their
value
oxen
were
at the
basis
of
important
econ-
omic
and
social
practices.
Before
the
introduction of
coinage
in
the
Greek world
cattle were a
measuring-stick
of
wealth. In
the
funeral
games
of
Patrolkdos
n
the
Iliad,
the
victor of
the
wrestling-
match
is
accorded
a
tripod,
we
are
told,
worth
twelve
oxen,
and
the
runner-up
a
female
slave
worth
four
oxen
(II.
23.700-5).
This
form of primitive money is paralleled in many cultures.5
Cattle
were
exchanged
in
the
social
institution of
dowry.
The
dowry
in
ancient
Greece
may
not have
been
a
one-way
exchange
but
a
more or
less
mutual
trade
between
bride
and
groom's
family.6
Like the
name
for
the
island
of
Euboia,
girls
were
given
cow-names,
so
it
would
appear,
to
encourage
prospective
husbands.
'Euboia'
itself is
found,
as
well
as
names
like
'Phereboia'
('bringing
in
many
cows'),
'Polyboia'
('worth
much
cattle'),
or
'Stheneboia',
('strong
in
cows').7
There is no indication that cows were used for dairy-productsin
Greece:
the
goatinstead
was
the
milk-supplier.
The
meat,
however,
was
eaten. But
the
majority
of
the
population,
which
lived in
the
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ATTITUDES
TOWARDS
ANIMALS
IN
ANCIENT GREECE
countryside
tilling
the
fields,
existed on a
primarily
vegetarian
diet.
They
did
not
dislike
meat;
it was
scarce and
expensive,
served
up
to the
landowner or saved for
feasts.
Pronounced
meat-eating
habits are associated with
religious
cults. At one
extreme
worshippers
in the
Orphic
cults
from
archaic
times
adhered to
a
strict
vegetarian
diet
which
prescribed
keeping
to
inanimate food and
abstaining totally
from
things
animate
(P1.
Leg.
782
C).
At the
other,
the
ritual
eating
of raw ox
flesh,
c•pobayla,
was the
culminating
act
of
the
Dionysiac
winter
dance.
There is evidence
for the belief that
Dionysos
appeared
as
a
bull,
including
a
fragment
of one of the carmina
popularia
from
Elis which
invoked
the
deity
as
a bull
(Poet.
Mel.
Graec.
Pop.
871b). The exhausted female worshipperssubjected themselves to
a
finale which was at once
exalting
and
repulsive:
they
tore
apart
a
live
bull
and
ingested
the
inward
parts
in
order to become one
with the
god.
In the heat of this emotional
conflict,
they
believed
that
they
were
incorporating
the
godhead,
the
logic
being,
accord-
ing
to
the
principle
of
homeopathic magic,
that
if
you
want
to
be like the
god you
must
eat
the
god.8
The
scene that
Greek
literature
and
myth
reflect is one
of
expansive
and
bustling
pastoralism.
The Homeric
poems
give
the
impression
that
large quantities
of oxen were
about,
to
be
plun-
dered
by
the
enterprising
hero.
But
within the framework of
an
epic poem
this
picture
probably
amounts to
a
glamorization
of
the
actual
circumstances,
just
as the
hero
is
a
magnification
of an
ordinary
mortal.
Hesiod,
composing
across
the
Aegean
at
a time
roughly
contemporary
with
Homer,
perhaps
gives
a fairer
likeness.
He
advises the
farmer in
the
Works
and
Days
to establish
himself
before winter sets in
saying,
'First of
all,
get
a
house,
and
a
woman,
and an ox for the
plough'
(Op.
405
f.).
Epithets
for
regions
and
individuals,
such
as 'rich in
flocks',
and
the memorable bucolic characters
throughout
Greek
legend
indicate
that
the
Greeks liked
to
see one
faqade
of their national
identity
in
terms
of
animal
husbandry.
In
epic
and
lyric poetry
an
epithet
often accorded
to
the earth is
simply
'mother of the flocks'.
Greek
myths'
and
legends
are so
permeated
by pastoralism
as to
convey
the
impression
that
virtually
everybody, including
gods,
heroes,
thieves,
beggars,
and even monsters
put
in
his time
as
a
shepherd.
The
most uncivilized
of
monsters,
the
man-eating,
one-eyed
Cyclops Polyphemos
is cast
in
the
Odyssey
as a
shepherd
dutifully
herding, counting, and milking his sheep and goats. The morning
after
Odysseus
has
got
him
drunk
and
blinded
him,
the monster
stands
at the entrance
to his cave.
He
is
suffering
bitter
pain.
In
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ATTITUDES
TOWARDS ANIMALS
IN ANCIENT GREECE
149
plaintive
tones
he
addresses
the lead
ram
(under
whose
belly
Odysseus
is
guilefully
concealed)
and
looks for
a
friend
in
him:
My dear old ram,why areyou thus leavingthe cave last of the sheep?...
Perhaps
you
are
grieving
or
your
master's
eye,
which a
bad
man
with
his
wicked
companionsput
out,
this
Nobody,
who
I think has not
yet
got
clear
of
destruction.If
only you
could
think like us and be
given
a
voice
...
(Od. 9.447-57)
This
passage points
to
an
important
positive
aspect
of
the
man-
animal
relationship:
reciprocity.
The
shepherd
and his flock
live
in
a kind of
symbiotic
state
just beyond
the
fringes
of
civilization.
The
shepherd provides protection
for his
flocks,
and
they
in
turn
are
a
source of
comfort,
even
joy,
for
the
lone herdsman.
The
appearance
on all levels
of
Greek
myth
and
literature of
the
shepherd
and
his
flock
suggests
how
deeply ingrained
this
mutual
tie had become in the Greek
consciousness.
The sense of
reciprocity
applies
also to
the
dog,
which
was
never
far
removed
from
the
herdsman.
The
dog
served as a
faithful com-
panion
to ward off the
cattle-robbers
and
scavengers,
cats and the
wild
dogs,
which
preyed
on a
man's
possessions
and
peace
of mind.
A
short
digression
on the
dog
may
serve to
suggest
the
range
of
associations
and
attitudes
possible
towards an
individual
species.
As indicated, dogs were helpful creatures. The mastiff-like
Molossian from
Epirus
served as
sheep-dog,
and
certain breeds of
hounds,
notably
the
bitches of
the
Laconian
strain,
were
highly
prized
for their
acute
hunting ability.
The
dog's
keen
sense
of
smell
and
hearing
made him
invaluable
as a
watch-dog.
Hesiod
warns the
farmer not
to
neglect
the
sharp-toothed
hound: 'Look
after
your
sharp-fanged
hound,
and
don't
grudge
him
his
food,
or
some
day
the
Day-sleeper
may
rob
you
of
your
belongings' (Op.
604
f.).
Maria
Leach,
author of
a
comprehensive
book
on the
dog
in mythology and religion, asserts, 'the position of the dog can be
ascertained
by
the
names
bestowed
upon
him.
Dogs
who
serve
a
community
merely
as
scavengers
are
seldom,
if
ever,
named.'10
It
is
interesting
to
observe that
while the
Greek
named
dogs,
they
did
not
give
human
names either
to
hunting dogs
or to
pet
dogs.
Four
hundred
dog-names
have
survived from
antiquity.
Some
of
them
are from
the
Cynegeticus
(7.5)
of
Xenophon,
who
provides
the
huntsman
with a
list
of
possible
names
for
hounds.
Short,
two-
syllable
names
facilitate the
hunter in
calling
his
hounds.
As ex-
amples
he
gives 'Psyche'
(soul),
'Chara'
joy), 'Hybris', 'Methepon'
(helper),
'Lailaps'
(whirlwind).
These
names,
which
may
be
taken
as
representative
of
Greek
dog-names,
indicate
something
of the
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ATTITUDES
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ANCIENTGREECE
assumptions
nderlying
he
kinship
between
man
and
animal.The
dog
was
regarded
ot
as a
creature
possessing
a
complete,
quasi-
human
personality
but as
exemplifying
ome
generalized
quality
orspiritualorce.
The
intelligence
of
dogs
was
acknowledged.
lato,
n
the
Republic
(375
E-3
76),
discusses
he
qualities
of
the
guardian
f
the
state
and holds
up
the
dog
as an
exemplar.According
o
him,
the
dog
is
comparable
o
a
true lover of
wisdomsince he can
distinguish
between an unknown
person
and an
acquaintance.
Also
in
the
Republic,
as in other
dialogues,
Plato makesSocrates
wear
by
the
dog,
the so-calledRhadamanthine ath
(Resp.
376,
Phdr.
228
B,
Grg.
461
A,
466
C,
482
B).
Thedogwas a magicalcreaturewiththerapeuticunctions.In
the
cult
of
Asklepios
dogs
were
sometimesan
integralpart
of
the
cure.
They
licked invalids
back
to
health,
and
it
was
a sure
sign
of
imminent
recovery
if a
patient
dreamed about a
dog
(IG
4.951,
952;
Ael.
N.A.
8.9).
The
Greeks
kept dogs
as
pets,
whereas
cats
are
mostly
absent
from
the
record
until Hellenistic times.
The
table-dog appears
from Homer
onward.
Vase-painting, sculpture,
and,
most
emphat-
ically,
eulogies
to beloved
pets
in
the
Greek
Anthology
indicate
how cherished a companion the dog became. Dogs were buried in
cemeteries
alongside
humans.
Plutarch,
a late
source,
tells the
story
of
Alcibiades,
who deferred excessive
curiosity
and
attention
to himself
by
appearing
in
public
with
a
magnificent
hound whose
tail he had
lopped
off
(Plut.
Alc.
9).
The favourable
disposition
towards
the
dog
in ancient
Greece
stands
in
contrast
to
the
mistrust
for
the
dog
in the Near East.
The
strong
dislike
can be
explained
mainly
on
hygienic grounds:
dogs
in the Near East
are
scavengers
and
hence
pestiferous
vermin.
They
became
a
byword
for
intemperate
sexual
activities.
Dogs
did
not
provide
useful services to the Jews on the same scale as to the
Greeks.
Although
a
passage
from
Job
(30:1)
grudgingly
admits
the
presence
of
sheep-dogs,
it is not
at all certain that
dogs
were used
in
the
chase.
But
the
scavenger, frequently
conjured
up
as a
threat
by
Sophocles
and
Homer,
was also a
real feature of
the
Greek land-
scape.
This can
be deduced
from
Thucydides'
vivid
description
of
the
plague
at
Athens,
where
the
dogs
and
birds
are said
to have
learned
to avoid the
plague-ridden
corpses
of
the dead
lying
about
(2.50).
Ironically,
the
domestication
of
the
dog
may
have
developed
out of the realization that dogs living near areasof human habita-
tion
could
provide
useful
scavenging
services.
The
origins
of
man's
relationship
with
the
dog
may
thus have a
symbiotic
basis,
and this
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ATTITUDES TOWARDS
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151
may
incidentally
help
to
explain
the
deep
emotional
impulse
between
the
two
creatures.
Diseased
and
rabid
dogs
also aroused
the Greeks'
anxiety.
Aristotle mentions three kinds of rabies, only two of them fatal
to man. Euripides several times refers to Lyssa, the personifica-
tion
of
martial
rage
derived
from the same root as the Greek
for
'wolf'
and also
meaning
'rabies'.
The
approach
inherent
in the
dog's
uncleanliness is
extended to
apply
to
the animal's
supposedly
licentious
sexual
practices,
which could be observed
taking
place
close to
man's
living
quarters.
By
the time of
Aristophanes,
at
least,
izkov
had
acquired
the
meaning
'prostitute' (Wasps
1402).
The
dog
in
mythology
and
art was a
favourite
image
for
expres-
sing a monster. Underworld dogs made difficult pets. Kerberos
cannot
be named
but
is
allusively
mentioned in
Homer as the
'baneful
dog
of
Hades'.
In
the
Theogony
(309-12)
he is
unspeak-
ably
horrid;
Hesiod
nevertheless calls
him
by
name
and describes
him as
a
fifty-headed,
brazen-voiced,
flesh-eater. Hekate
travels
in
the
company
of her
hell-hounds. These underworld
dogs
possibly
reflect actual
experiences
of
travellers
meeting
face to face
with
inimical
watch-dogs,
as when
Odysseus,
returning
in the
guise
of
a
beggar,
meets
Eumaios and his watchful
dogs
in
book fourteen of
the
Odyssey.
The
dog
is not far removed from his wild
cousins,
the wolf and
jackal.
Certain breeds
of
dogs
were
believed
to
contain wild
blood.
The Laconian
hound
had no
less
than
seven
alleged
sires:
lion,
tiger,
civet,
cat,
fox,
jackal,
and
wolf. The Greeks never
missed
a
chance to tell
a
good
story,
and
the
following excerpt
from
the
Historia
Animalium
(574a)
furthermore shows the
Greeks'
interest
in
exotic
species,
stimulated
by specimens
which
Alexander
the
Great
had
his
men
bring
back from
campaigns
in
the
East.
In
dis-
cussing dogs
Aristotle mentions a rare
breed of
hunting dog
in
India which the owner would tie up to a tree in the hope that a
tiger
would
mate with the
bitch-provided,
as he
drily
adds,
that
the
tiger
did
not
eat
her
up.
The
tendency
to
adopt savage
animals
as
parents
to various breeds
of
dogs
not
only
indicates
a
desire to
attach
a
fiercer
pedigree
to
one's hounds
that
they
may
seem
worthier
in the
hunt,
but also
expresses
an
attempt
to
explain
the
wildness observable
in
that
species
which
lives closest
to
man.
This
outline of attitudes
towards
dogs
indicates
something
of
the
ambivalent
feelings
that can be
aroused for an
individual
species. Dogs are seen to be utilitarian creatures,working with
man. Pet
dogs
are
held in
affection,
and at
death
certain
dogs
were
buried and
eulogized
in a
manner not unlike
that which
their
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ATTITUDES TOWARDS
ANIMALS
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masters
might
expect
for themselves.
But
they
are conceived
as
independent
entities
incorporating,
as their names
suggest,
some
abstract
force.
Avoidance, mistrust,
awe,
and fear are
further
emotions associated with dogs. In time of war or conflict the dog
becomes
a
scavenger.
The
fear
that
the
dog
will
turn on his
master,
in essence
become
his
successor,
comes
through
strongly
in
stories
like Priam's
apocalyptic
vision of the
fall of
Troy
in the
twenty-
second
book
of
the
Iliad,
where his
table-dogs
tear out
his hair
and
rip
away
his
genitals.
The
dog
is also
made
out
to be
what
it
is not.
In a moral sense the
dog
is
turned
into a
shameful
reproach
for
sexual
intemperance.
In
a
healing
cult
the
dog
is held in
awe,
because
he
is believed
to
possess magical therapeutic
powers.
The ambivalencefelt for animals stems from the recognition
that
animals
possess
qualities, especially
the
power
of non-verbal
communication,
which humans
do
not;
these
may
arouse
hostility
and
envy
in
man.
The animal
may simply
enjoy greater
speed,
agility,
or muscular
power,
or
a
keen scent in the
chase;
or the
animal
may
be
thought
capable
of
controlling
the
fertility
of
the
crops
and
flocks,
or to hold the
key
to
conversation with
the
im-
mortal
gods.
The
Greeks
had a
tendency
to
interpret
events
and
phenomena
as divine
signs.
A
sneeze,
the
rustling
of oak
leaves,
or
the
cry
of
the
heron
might
have
a
supernatural mport. They
communicated
with
their
gods
through
animal
sacrifices and
interpreted
divine
will
through
bird omens.
The belief that the
Olympians
inhaled
the
smoke
of burnt
sacrifices offered
by
mortals is
parodied
by
Aristophanes
in the Birds.
Pisthetaerus,
one of the
two
disgruntled
Athenian
citizens off
to find
utopia,
consults
a
hoopoe-bird.
He
finds
none
of
his
suggestions
very
good,
but Pisthetaerus
himself
is
suddenly
seized
by
the
ingenious
idea that the birds found
a
city
in
mid-air and starve the
gods
by
blocking
the
smoke
from
human
sacrifices.
On
a more
serious
note,
the
Greeks
had a
professional
class of
seers,
olcwv6roXot,
who
studied
the movement
and behaviour of
birds,
and
thereby predicted
events or
interpreted
supernatural
decisions.
Prometheus,
in
Aeschylus'
Prometheus
Bound,
describes
how
he
taught
man the
subtleties
of this
craft:
'It
was
I
who
set
in
order
the omens
of
the
highways
and the
flight
of crooked-talcned
birds,
which-of
them
were
propitious
or
lucky
by
nature,
and what
manner
of
life each
led,
and what
were their
mutual
hates,
loves,
and companionships' (P.V. 488-92). A fascinatinghistorical docu-
ment
from
Ephesus
in
the
sixth
century
B.c.
indicates
that
there
was an
attempt
to
codify
the laws of
augury.
The
fragmentary
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ATTITUDES TOWARDS ANIMALS INANCIENT GREECE 153
inscription
can be restored to read as follows:
Line of
flight
from
right
to left. If the bird
disappeared
from
sight,
the
omen
is favourable; but
if
it
raised its left
wing and then soared and disappeared,
the omen is
inauspicious.
Line of
flight
from left to
right.
If it
disappeared
on
a
straight
course,
it is an ill
omen,
but if it raised its
right
wing
and then
soared
and
disappeared,
the omen is
good.
(SIG3 1167)
Fear and
hostility
are
prominent
feelings projected
onto
animals.
Animals
have the
power
to make men feel
guilty.
Walter
Burkert,
author
of an
important
work on sacrifice in ancient
Greece,
Homo
Necans,'3
interprets
the
discovery
of reindeer bones
stripped
bare
and.meticulously
replaced
in the
original
shape
of the beast
by
Paleolithic
hunters as evidence of
man's
desire to
avoid
the
aveng-
ing spirit
of
the hunted animal.
In
ancient
Greece
the sacrifice
of
an
ox
was like
killing
a
brother.
According
to the
primitive legal system
of
archaic
Athens,
the
various
participants
of the
bouphonia,
the
murder
of an ox with
an
axe,
were tried and found
innocent,
while the axe
was deemed
the
guilty agent.14
An
attractive
explanation
for
the
origin
of
the
use of masks
in
Athenian
tragedy,
a
word
literally meaning
'goat-
song',
is that the dramatic
ritual
involved the
sacrifice of
a
goat;
and the
sacrificer,
in order
to
avoid
being recognized by
the
animal,
disguised
himself behind a mask.
The hunt
is an area where
man asserts
power
over the animal
through
technical
superiority.
Hunting
in
Bronze
Age
and classical
Greece was
not so much
a
necessary activity
as a
pursuit
of adven-
ture and an educational
experience. s
A
spirit
of
sportsmanship
prevails
in
the hunt
as described
in
epic poetry;
hunting
is,
after
all,
the
off-duty
pursuit
par
excellence
of the
warrior.
The
hero hunts
not
only
wild
animals but
domesticated
species
when
he
goes
cattle-rieving
or
horse-thieving.
But
the
sense of
challenge
that
emerges, for example, in the Odyssey description of Odysseus
hunting
his first wild boar
on the
slopes
of
Mt.
Parnassos
(a
kind
of
rite
de
passage
that
ensures his
readiness for
war)
contrasts
sharply
with the
deceitful and
exploitative
nature of
the
hunt
in
later
Greece and
Rome.
Plato,
in the
Laws
(822
D-824
C),
approves
those forms of
hunting
which demand
skill and
effort on
the
part
of
the
pursuer,
but
condemns
cruel,
lazy,
and
deceitful
methods. In
keeping
with
the
Greeks'
love of
competition
the hunt
should
ideally
be a more
or
less fair
contest. Plato
rules
out
hunting by nets and traps, and
especially
night-stalking,
where
men
sleep
in
rotation while the
wakeful
member of the
expedition
watches
to see if an
unsuspect-
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154 ATTITUDES
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ing
victim has fallen into
a
pit.
Fishing
by
hand
is
permissible,
but
creeling
and
angling'6
should be
forbidden. Most
reprehensible
of
all
is
the use of
'muddying
waters',
vegetable
dyes
which
cloud
the
water and paralyse the fish. In the only acceptable form of hunting,
the
athletic
young
hunter
pursues
land
mammals on
foot
with his
dogs,
and overcomes his
prey by
running,
striking,
and
shooting.
There is
little
sign
of
respect
or
compassion
for the
hunted
animal
in
Xenophon
or
in
other ancient
treatises
on the
hunt.
In
the
Cynegeticus
Xenophon
describes
in
great
detail
how
to
dig
pits
and
place
nets for
deer,
hare,
and even
wild boar.
Once the
animal has fallen
into
the
trap
it is
clubbed
to death. An alterna-
tive method of
hunting
roe
deer
uses the
captured
fawn as
a
decoy.
With it the hunter lures the
bereft mother into a
clearingand unleashes his hounds on her. Attitudes become
increasingly
callous,
culminating
in Roman
times
in
the massive
slaughter
of
animals
by professional
hunters
in the Circus Maximus.
Aristophanes'
parody
in the
Birds
of the
uncanny powers
of
animals mentioned
above is
indicative of the humorous
possibil-
ities
animals
represented
in entertainment.
The
Greeks'
love of
a
good story
and the narrative
importance
of animals in
myth
is
translated
into action
in the dramatic festivals
of the archaic
and
classical
period.
Amidst
the
murky
origins
of Athenian fifth-
century dramalie lyric contests and animal masquerades.Aris-
totle
(Poet. 3-5)
traces
the
origins
of
tragedy
to the
dithyramb,
a
lyric
contest
in
honour
of
Dionysos,
and
performed
by
choruses
of
men
displaying
the
physical
characteristics
of
goats.
Indeed
the
light-hearted play
which
provided
relief from
the
trilogy
of
trag-
edies
at the Festival
of
Dionysos
was known
as the
satyr-play.
Goat- and
horse-men
wearing giant
phalloi
re-enacted,
or
perhaps
it is
fairer
to
say,
distorted ancient
legends
in
a
wholly
grotesque
and
hilarious
manner. As
part
of the
merrymaking
n
the
Kiccoo,17
a processional mime involvingan agon between revellersand on-
lookers,
some
of
the
participants
dressed
up
and
impersonated
animals.
In
Old
Comedy
it
may
be assumed
that
plays
such
as
the
Birds,
Wasps,
and
Frogs
of
Aristophanes
made
the
most
of
the
dramatic
possibilities
of choruses
of
men
hopping
about the
stage
in animal
guise. 1
Comedy
incorporated
the
talking
animals
from
folk-lore
and
fantastical
legends
about
the
escapades
of the
super-
naturals
in
every
manifestation,
including
animal
metamorphoses.
The
fascination
with
bestiality
known
from
Greek
myths,
such
as
the seduction
of
Leda
by
Zeus in the
form
of
a
swan,
seems
to
have been
gratified
on
stage.
Hans Licht makes a
very
convincing
case
for the enactment
of intercourse
between
animals
and
men
before
spectators
in Hellenistic
Greece. 9
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Animals
are
important
in Greek
games
and contests. The
chariot-
race
was the
first and
foremost event in the funeral
games
of
Patroklos
in
the
Iliad,
and
it
continued to
enjoy
this
prominent
position in the pan-Hellenic games. The keeping of horses became
something
of a
preoccupation
among
aristocratic circles
in
Athens,
and
Strepsiades,
in
Aristophanes'
Clouds,
is driven
bankrupt by
the
vast sums of
money
his son
Pheidippides
squanders
on
upkeep.
The
Athenians
also
took
great
relish in
cock-fighting.
Bred for
this
purpose,
these fierce
birds battled it out on raised
tables
smeared
with
garlic
to
resuscitate a maimed and fallen
contender. A
statue
base
dating
from
c.
500
found in
the Athenian
agora
shows two
ageing
men
urging
a cat and
dog
in a
fight.20
Animals do not
play
the same role in entertainment as in the Roman circuses, although
isolated
references,
such as the
ape
in
Pindar's
Second
Pythian
(72
f.),
may
allude to animal
performers
in
children's
shows.2'
In
summary
man's
relationship
with
animals
in
ancient Greece
is neither
simply
one of
superiority
or
submission.
By
virtue of
his reason and technical
accomplishment
man
harnesses the
energy
of
the
domesticated
animal
and
makes it work for
him. Between
the
shepherd
and his
flock,
hunter
and
dog,
there is
a
sense of
reciprocity.
The animal is a
source of humour and
entertainment,
and men
dress
up
in animal
masquerades
in
festivals and
cults at
least
in
part
because 'the child
in
mankind dies
hard'.22
In
the
hunt
man
asserts his
skill and
superiority
by
tracking
down and
killing
dangerous prey.
In
turn
the intrinsic
power
of the
hunted
victim,
especially
the wild
boar,
may
be
thought
to reside in a
helmet or hide made from
the animal
and which
the hunter
there-
after
wears.
The
pursuit
lends
prestige
to
a
man and
assures
him
of
the
right
to
fight.
In
sacrifice
and
omens the
animal
possesses
powers
inaccessible
to man:
the animal
is
therefore an
indispens-
able medium
of
communication
with the
immortal
gods.
There is an element of agon between man and animal. The two
are involved in a volatile
master-slave
relationship,
as
the
Greek
cosmogony
shows.
The
assumption
in
many
cultures
that animals
once
possessed
the earth
plays
no
part
in
the
Greeks'
creation
story.
But monsters appear
early
on in the Greek creation
myth
as told in
the
Theogony
(137-53;
617
ff.).
The
first
animate
creatures
that Earth bears
to
Ouranos are
Kronos,
the
one-eyed
Cyclopes,
and
a
fearsome
trio of
monsters,
Kottos,
Gyes,
and
Obriareus,
each
with
fifty
heads
and
a
hundred
arms.
Kronos
castrates Ouranoswith a sickle fashioned by loving Earth;and
Zeus,
the son of
Kronos
and
Rhea,
in turn
overthrows his
father.
The
monsters are
tucked
out of
sight
in
Tartarus
along
with the
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ATTITUDES
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three-headed
dog
Kerberos.
We
are
told that
they
are
chained in
cruel
bonds out of
jealousy
for
their
strength.
But
when Zeus and
the
other
Olympian
gods
find
themselves
contending
with
the
terrible race of Titan gods, Zeus resorts to unleashingthe monsters,
and
they
become his chief
allies. The
monsters
originally
can be
seen as
wild
species.
Their
banishment is
an
attempt
to
free the
civilized
upper
world from
unruly
influences. Once
Zeus is
made
aware
of
their
indispensable powers,
he
harnesses
their
energies
for
the
Titanomachy;
he
domesticates
them,
in
effect. Later
they rejoin
Kerberos,
now
enjoying
the status of
guardians.
The
relative lack of
animals
in
the creation
story
is in
keeping
with the Greek
anthropocentric
world-view.
The
Greeks
naturally
distinguished between men and animals, and yet it is interesting to
observe that
there
is
no
generic
word for
animals until
rod
ov
comes into use in
the
fifth
century
B.C.
(Hdt. 5.1).
There
is
an
important passage
from
early
Greek
literature which
points
out
a
fundamental
difference between
animals and men. In
the
Works
and
Days
Hesiod addresses his
brother,
a
landowner:
...
Perses,
hear me
out on
justice,
and take what I have
to
say
to
heart;
cease
thinking
of
violence.
For the son of
Kronos, Zeus,
has
ordained this law to
men: that
fishes and wild beasts
and
winged
birds should devour one
another,
since there is no justice in them; but to mankind he gave justice which proves
for
the
best.
(Op.
274-80)
Here the fundamental
distinction
is an
ethical one. Stated in its
most basic
terms,
the law of
Justice
restrains
man from
preying
on
his own
kind.
Later
in
the fourth
century Xenophon
distinguished
man from
animal
by
virtue of man's
ability
to
speak
and
reason,
and
his
sense
of
religious
awe.
(Ap.
12;
Mem.
1.1.3-5, 3.3,
11
f.)
This
strong
tendency
to
distinguish
between
man
and
animal
carries
over,
to an
extent,
in
myth
and
ritual.
G. S.
Kirk states
'... there is no real confusion in the Greek mythical world between
men and animals
as such.'
And
later,
The
Greeks'
anthropomorphism
was
severe.
They
missed
something
thereby,
I
believe,
but the reason for
it
may
be
obvious:
they
no
longer
lived
in a
world
dominated
by
animals,
by
the
need
to hunt and
trap
them
and
keep
them at
bay,
in the
way
that
many
simple
tribal
communities did
and
do.24
Is this a
complete explanation
of the
anthropocentric
Greek
world-view? The
propensity
to
regard
man and animal
in a
separate
light
is to a
large
extent a valid
observation,
especially
if one
con-
trasts Greece and Egypt. The Greeks lack the somewhat bleary
line-up
of
countless
theriomorphic
deities,
the millions of
mummi-
fied
cats-the
very
creatures which lived with
them;
nor did the
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157
Greeks
inhume cattle
bones and later send around
a
ship
to
collect
them
for reburial in a
special
locale. An animal
fetish
dominated
the
Egyptians
down
to
Hellenistic
times;
but from a
practical
point
of view animals dominated the Egyptians, who depended heavily
on cereal
products,
no
more than
they
did
the
Greeks.
By
chance
we have evidence
of
the
Greeks'
impressions
of
Egyptian
attitudes
and
practices
involving
animals
recorded
by
Herodotus.25 Herodotus delivered
his
History
as a
series of
lectures
in the
market-place
at Athens and
elsewhere,
and is
generally
taken
to be a fair
and unbiased
reporter.
What
emerges
in
the
tone
of
his
report
on the
Egyptians,
however,
is a
certain
prejudice,
and over-
reaction to outlandish
Egyptian practices,
as
if the Greeks were
unaware or unwilling to admit their own irrationalattitudes
towards animals.
No
doubt the
Greeks were staid
by comparison
with the
Egyptians,
but
archaeology
has
revealed a number
of to
us
rather
incomprehensible
animal
cults. The
best known
of
these
took-place
at
Brauron,
just
15 miles from Athens
at
the
height
of
the Golden
Age
of
Perikles.
There,
every
four
or
five
years,
little
girls
from five to
ten
years
of
age living
in a
sort
of
convent
dressed
up
in
saffron robes to
impersonate
bears and
dance offer-
ings
to the
goddess
Artemis,
who demanded
their service
(so
the
aetiological explanation
goes)
in
reparation
for
killing
one of
her
sacred bears.26
Greek
mythology
did
have
its
difficult
pets
in
addition to
Kottos
and his
friends: monsters such
as
barking
Skylla
and
belching
Charybdis,
hybrids
like the
chimaira and
sphinx,
or
hungry
demons
-Lamia,
who
fed on
children's
flesh;
put
slightly
differently,
the
sorceress
Circe
turned her
lovers
into
castrated,
domesticated
lions
or wolves
who
fawned and
wagged
their
tails. The
tendency
to
banish monsters
like
Kottos,
Gyes,
and
Obriareus
to
the under-
world-imprison
them,
so to
speak,
in
the
lower
regions
of
man's
mind-indicates both a fascination and an avoidance of the frighten-
ing
and
unknown.
Such
was the
fate of
the
last
and
most
fearful of
monsters in
the
creation
story,
Typhon,
who,
according
to
later
legend,
was
buried under
the
volcanic
Mount
Aetna
(Pind.
01. 4.8
f.).
Clearly
the
demonic
element of
the
animal
was
deeply
impreg-
nated in
the Greek
imagination
and
occasionally
it
erupted
and
fired the
artist
or
poet
to
creative
heights,
as in
Hesiod's
description
of
the
very
creature in
question:
But
when
Zeus had
driventhe
Titans from
heaven,
huge
Earthbare her
youngest child,Typhon of the love of Tartarus,by the aid of golden
Aphrodite.
From
his
shoulders
grew
a
hundred
heads of a
snake,
a
fearful
dragon,
with
dark,
flickering
ongues,
and
fromunder
the
brows
of
his
eyes
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158
ATTITUDES TOWARDS
ANIMALS
IN
ANCIENT
GREECE
in his
marvellous heads
flashed
fire,
and
fire
burned
from his
heads
as
he
glared.
And there
were voices
in all
his dreadful
heads
which
uttered
every
kind of sound
unspeakable;
for at
one time
they
made
sounds such
that
the
gods understood, but at another, the noise of a bull bellowing aloud in proud,
ungovernable
fury;
and at
another,
the
sound of a
lion,
relentless of
heart;
and
at
another,
sounds
like
whelps,
wonderful
to
hear;
and
again,
at
another,
he
would
hiss
so
that the
high
mountains
re-echoed
...
But Zeus
raised
up
his
might
and seized his
arms,
thunder
and
lightning
and the
lurid
thunderbolt;
he
leaped
from
Olympos
and
struck
him,
and
burned all
the
marvellous heads
of the
monster
...
Typhon
was
hurled
down,
a
maimed
wreck,
so that the
huge
earth
groaned
... And flame
shot
forth from the
thunder-struck
lord in
the
dim,
rugged glens
of the
mount
when
he was
smitten.
(Tb.
819
ff.)
NOTES
1.
Among
the
primary
literary
sources Aristotle
and Aelian are authors who wrote
works
pertaining
wholly
to animals. Aristotle's
extensive scientific
writing
on animals
includes the
Historia
Animalium,
De
Partibus
Animalium,
De
Motu
Animalium,
sections
of
the Parva
Naturalia,
and
De
Generatione
Animalium.
For
a
summary
of these
works,
see
G.
Lloyd,
'The
development
of
Aristotle's
theory
of
the
classification of
animals',
Phronesis
6
(1961),
59-81.
Aelian,
by
contrast,
is an
arm-chair
zoologist.
A Roman
historian
and
teacher of
rhetoric
writing
in Greek
in the
second
century
A.D.,
he
com-
piled
a
voluminous
work
entitled
De
Natura Animalium.
His account
is full
of
tales,
proverbs,
and
popular
cures
involving
animals taken from
medical handbooks.
Xeno-
phon,
a
fourth-century
B.C.
Athenian
aristocrat,
wrote two
pedagogical
treatises con-
cerning animals: a member of the cavalry and an expert horseman, Xenophon wrote
On
Horsemanship
for
the education of
his
sons;
the
Cynegeticus
is a treatise
on
hunting
hare,
as well
as
deer
and wild
boar.
Xenophon
stresses
the educational
value
of
the hunt
for
breeding
a
noble
character
and
preparing
a man
for war.
RE
contains
no
general
article on 'Tier'
per
se
but does
include entries
under individ-
ual
species.
A
long
article
entitled
'Tierdiiamonen'
ightly
emphasizes
the 'demonic'
element of
the animal in
religion, magic,
and
superstition.
On
a
much
smaller scale
the
OCD'
contains
a
short
entry
by
H.
J.
Rose
on
'Sacred
Animals'.
In
one
paragraph
Rose
presents
evidence
for what some
suspect
to
be residual
totemism,
but
strongly
rejects
the
possibility
of this
phenomenon
having
existed in Greece. Rose
refers the
reader
to
Nilsson,
GGR3,
pp.
212
ff.,
who
speaks
of
a
totemistic
void in Greek
religion.
In the
light
of
subsequent
clarification
from
both
anthropology
and
archaeology
this statement
seems
too
strongly
negative.
A.
B.
Cook's
'Animal
worship
in the
Mycenaean
age',
JHS 14 (1894), 81-169, is overstated in the opposite direction, but nevertheless con-
tains
some
insightful
hypotheses
on the
religious
function
of
demons in
Mycenaean-
Minoan
art.
For
the
role
of
the
animals
in
Greek
intellectual
history
see
F. M.
Heichelheim
and
T.
Elliot,
'Das Tier
in
Vorstellungswelt
der
Griechen',
StudGen
20
(1967),
85-9;
cf.
H.
Rahn 'Tier
und
mensche
in
der
homerischen
Auffassung
der
Wirklichkeit',
Paideuma
5
(1950-54),
277-97,
432-80;
Urs
Dierauer,
Tier
undMenscb
im Denken der
Antike,
Studien
zur
antiken
Philosophie
Bd.
6
(Amsterdam,
1977).
Among
the
encyclopedias
and
specialized
lexica
on
Greek fauna are the
following:
O.
Keller,
Die antike
Tierwelt
(Leipzig,
1909-13;
reprinted
1963).
This
two-volume
encyclopedia
(unfortunately
not
up-dated
before
reprinting)
is useful
because
it
dis-
cusses
the literature
and
monuments-relating
to
individual
species
in a
comparative
way
in Biblical, Near Eastern, Greek, and
Roman cultures.
For
a
survey
of
species
in
the
Greek
world,
see
O.
K6rner,
Die
homerische
Tierwelt'
(Munich,
1930).
Two
classifica-
tory
works,
both labours
of love
by
the
naturalist
Sir
D'Arcy Thompson,
are
A
Glossary
of
Greek
Birds'
(Oxford,
1936)
and
A
Glossary of
Greek
Fisbes
(Oxford,
1947).
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ATTITUDES TOWARDS
ANIMALS
IN
ANCIENT
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159
J.
Fernando,
Nombres
de
insectos
in
griego antiguo
(Madrid, 1959),
catalogues
insects
mentioned
by
Greek
authors.
2. Cf.
Keller
(above,
n.
1).
For
a
bibliography
of works
on
the
fauna
of
Greece,
see
A.
Kanellis and
C.
Hatzissarantos,
Bibl.
Faunae
Graec.
(1800--1950)
in To Vouno
(1949-50).
3.
Does2,
Knossos Mc-Series.
4.
Apiculture
was
practised
since
Neolithic times. It had the
same
importance
as
sugar
production
has
now.
Certain
regions,
such as
Mt.
Hymettos
near
Athens,
were
famous
for their
honey.
5. P.
Einzig,
Primitive
Money
(Oxford
and
London,
1949
and
1966).
6.
M.
I.
Finley,
Rev. internat. des droits de
l'antiquiti
30 Ser. 2
(1955),
167-94,
sees
two
stages,
one
matrilineal,
the
other
patrilineal.
7.
The
Linear
B
tablets
record
names,
mostly
colour-names,
for
oxen,
such
as
Wo-no-
quo-so,
'Rusty', (literally
'wine-coloured');
cf.
Docs ,
under the
Knossos
Mc-series,
105.
8.
Cf.
E. R.
Dodds,
The
Greeks
and the Irrational
(Berkeley,
1951),
Appendix
I
'Maenadism',
pp.
270
ff.
9. W. Burkert in Il mito greco, edd. B. Gentili and G. Paioni (Rome, 1977), p. 281,
sees
pastoral myths
as the survival
of
legends
from Paleolithic times
reapplied
to an
agrarian
and urban
Athens.
10. M.
Leach,
God
Had a
Dog
(Rutgers,
N.
J.,
1961),
p.
354.
11. Cf. G.
Herrlinger,
Totenklage
zum Tiere in der
antiken
Dichtung
(Stuttgart,
1930).
12.
See
De
Canibus,
The
Dog
in
Antiquity
(London,
1971),
pp.
43
f,
by
R.
Merlen
of
the
Royal
Veterinary
College
for
a
discussion of the
non-fatal
forms.
13. Homo
Necans
(Berlin,
1972).
14.
Cf.
J.
L.
Durand,
'Le
rituel du
meutre du
boeuf
et les
mythes
du
premier
sacrifice animal en
Attique'
(above,
n.
9).
15. For
a
fascinating
article
on
the
hunting origin
of
the
Athenian
Ephebeia,
see
P.
Vidal-Naquet,
PCPhS n.s.
14
(1968),
49-64.
16. Sc.
66hoc
bait)
also means 'deceit'.
17.
Cf.
A. W.
Pickard-Cambridge,
Dithyramb,
Tragedy
and
Comedy2
(Oxford,
1962),
pp.
225-53.
18.
Animal
choruses
are
shown in
vase-painting
representations
a
full
century
before
Old
Comedy.
19.
Sexual
Life
in
Ancient
Greece
(London, 1969),
p.
147.
20.
G.
Richter,
Animals
in Greek
Sculpture
(London,
1930),
fig.
175.
21.
Cf. W.
McDermott,
The
Ape
in
Antiquity
(Baltimore,
1938),
pp.
131
f.
22.
Pickard-Cambridge
(above,
n.
17),
p.
245.
23. Plato
in the
Timaeus
91
f.
gives
his
own
version
of
a creation
myth
for
women,
birds, animals,
reptiles,
and
fish. Birds
are
the issue
of men with
flighty
thoughts
on
astronomy,
land
animals from
men
who
had
no use
for
philosophy,
etc. These
transfor-
mations are part of Plato's theories on metempsychosis discussed in the Phaedrus 248 ff.
24. The
Nature
of
Greek
Myths
(Harmondsworth,
1974),
pp.
50 f.
25.
Cf.
A.
Lloyd,
Herodotus
2
(Leiden,
1977),
passim.
26.
Cf.
L.
Kahil,
AntK
20
(1977),
86-98,
who
links
Artemis with
Aphrodite;
the
cult
ceremony
confers
good
luck and
fertility
on maidens
about to
marry.