ASTROLOGY AND NUMEROLOGY IN MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN CATALONIA

THE MEDIEVALAND EARLY MODERN

IBERIAN WORLDEDITORS

Larry J. Simon (Western Michigan University)Isidro J. Rivera (University of Kansas)Donna M. Rogers (Middlebury College)Arie Schippers (University of Amsterdam)

Gerard Wiegers (Leiden University)

VOLUME 18

ASTROLOGY ANDNUMEROLOGY IN

MEDIEVAL AND EARLY MODERN CATALONIAThe Tractat de prenostication de la vida natural dels hmens

BY

JOHN SCOTT LUCAS

BRILLLEIDEN BOSTON

2003

This book is printed on acid-free paper.

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Lucas, John Scott, 1970-Astrology and numerology in medieval and early modern Catalonia : the Tractat de

prenostication de la vida natural dels hmens / by John Scott Lucasp. cm. (The medieval and early modern Iberian world ; v. 18)

Includes bibliographical references (p. ) and index.ISBN 90-04-13242-21. AstrologyEarly works to 1800. 2. NumerologySpainCatalonia. 3.

NumerologyEarly works to 1800. 4. Catalonia (Spain)Intellectual life. 5. Civilization,Medieval. I. Tractat de prenostication de la vida natural dels hmens. English & Catalan.II. Title. III. Series.

BF1685.L83 2003133.5dc21

2003050219

ISSN 1569-1934ISBN 90 04 13242 2

Copyright 2003 by Koninklijke Brill NV, Leiden, The Netherlands

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, translated, stored ina retrieval system, or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic,mechanical, photocopying, recording or otherwise, without prior written

permission from the publisher.

Authorization to photocopy items for internal or personaluse is granted by Brill provided that

the appropriate fees are paid directly to The CopyrightClearance Center, 222 Rosewood Drive, Suite 910

Danvers MA 01923, USA.Fees are subject to change.

printed in the netherlands

I dedicate this book to my grandmother, Leona Lucas, whose ninety-two years of wisdom were a constant source of inspiration.

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CONTENTS

List of Figure and Tables ........................................................ ixForeword by David J. Viera .................................................. xiPreface ...................................................................................... xxixAcknowledgments ...................................................................... xxxiAbbreviations ............................................................................ xxxiii

Chapter One Prognostication at the Dawn of the Renaissance .......................................................................... 3A. Changing World Views .................................................. 5B. The Catalan Context ...................................................... 19C. Catalan Material in Relationship to Other

European Traditions ...................................................... 26

Chapter Two Genres of Prognostic Material in the Catalan Language ................................................................ 31A. Astrology and Astrological Magic ................................ 32B. Geomancy ........................................................................ 43C. Numerology and Astro-numerology .............................. 47D. Gematria ........................................................................ 56

Chapter Three The Present Edition .................................... 59A. Known Editions of the Tractat ...................................... 59B. Physical Description of B .......................................... 60C. Contents, Divisions, and Sources .................................. 61D. Linguistic Features and Orthography .......................... 73E. Provenance ...................................................................... 77F. The Tractat in the Catalan Printing Tradition ............ 89G. The Present Edition ...................................................... 90

Tractat de prenostication de la vida natural dels hmens segons los signes, planetas celestials, e proprietats lurs demonstrenwith English Translation ...................................................... 93

Apparatus criticus ............................................................ 140Note on the Translation .................................................. 141

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Appendix A. Paleographic Transcription ................................ 143Appendix B. Facsimile Reproduction ...................................... 161Glossary: CatalanEnglish ........................................................ 183References .................................................................................... 197Index ............................................................................................ 203

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LIST OF FIGURE AND TABLES

Figure 1. Houses of the Zodiac ................................................ 33

Table 1. Melothesia in Two Catalan Texts ............................ 41Table 2. Melothesia in Two Classical Authorities .................. 42Table 3. Topics of Inquiry in a Popular Catalan

Geomancy .................................................................. 46Table 4. Alphanumeric Correspondences in the

Tractat de prenostication .................................................. 62

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FOREWORD

ASTROLOGY IN THE THIRTEENTH- ANDFOURTEENTH-CENTURY KINGDOM OF ARAGON

I. Introduction

The study of astrology began in antiquity and continued to the mod-ern era. Specically in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, thispseudo-science became an interest, and in some cases a passion, ofknowledgeable men: kings, princes, those employed by the royalcourt, doctors, and theologians. Unlike the classical and Renaissancestudy of astrology, medieval enthusiasts who studied the constella-tions did not clearly delineate between astrology, astronomy, andalchemy, all of which they brought together in their teachings andwritten works. This feature was due to the Arabic inuence thatinsisted on observing a series of points or parts of the sky, ratherthan the Greek practice of concentration on the individual heavenlybodies.

The Catalan writers, their rulers, and several Jewish and Christianastrologers and translators employed by the kings of Aragon studiedthe works of Greek, Arabic, and Persian astronomers and astrologers.These works include Ptolemys Tetrabiblos, or Quadripartitum, in itsLatin translation and oriental authors such as Ali Abenragel, Albu-mazar, and Abu lAbbas Fargani (Al-Faragani), among others.

From the time of Augustine to the thirteenth century, astrologyhad lost its prestige as a science due in part to Augustines depic-tion of astrology as an illegitimate practice, driven by the powersof demons (Wedel 23). Arabic commentaries on Greek astrologyand translations to Latin, such as Albumazars Introductorium in Astrono-miam, Liber conjuctionum siderum and Flores astrologiae, brought about anew interest in this pseudoscience in western Europe. This new prac-tice began to attract leading Christian scholars, such as Albert theGreat (Wedel 66), who made concessions to judicial astrology, andRoger Bacon (Wedel 7273), who read both Greek and Arabic stud-ies on this subject, with a preference for Ptolemy.

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Leading gures took an interest in astrology in the late MiddleAges. Pope John XXII practiced alchemy, while the Spanish PopeBenedict XIII collected many books on astrology in his personallibrary (Rubi i Lluch 191718: 12). Charles V of France was apatron of astrology, and amassed one of the leading libraries ofEurope, containing some 11,000 books in the form of manuscripts(Wedel 9495), many of which were astrological studies; he alsobrought to his court a cadre of prominent astrologers.

II. Arnau de Vilanova

Arnau de Vilanova is regarded by many as the leading physician ofhis time, the thirteenth century. He held the Chair of Medicine atthe University of Montpellier during the last decade of this period.Leading potentates and popes vied for him to be their personal physi-cian, including the Kings of Aragon, Pere III and Jaume III ofMajorca, Frederick of Sicily, and popes of Avignion, Boniface VIIIand Benedict XI.

Arnau accepted only theology and knowledge based on naturalscience, and rejected philosophical speculation, especially Scholasticism.In short, he sought God throughout nature. Religion was thereforeaccessible to all human beings because it was based on experienceand revelation, not on philosophy. Using the deductive method,Arnau bypassed philosophical speculation by asserting that experi-ence brings about reason, both of which are the sources of science.One must therefore reach God through nature.

Having discarded philosophy. Arnau opted for a new concept ofman and the cosmos whose origins lie in Neoplatonism. In thisprocess, however, Arnau gave precedence to imagination rather thanto an objective scrutiny of data found in nature. The result of thisprocess was magic and spiritualist theories, described as una con-cepcin fantstica de la naturaleza (Vilanova 1:217).

Arnau studied humans (their dierences, abnormalities, sicknesses,witchcraft) and concluded that a vital force he called spiritus (animmaterial force uido of cosmic character) became an intimateand motivating part of each individual being. Arnau did concede inhis De conservanda that the stars do not have a prophetic hold onmen, but rather dispose than compel (necessitas) them. He added

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that the role of scientic knowledge is important in this process.Arnau was also convinced that the psychic inuence of one being

can also aect others who come under its domain by allowing oth-ers to control ones will (e.g. necromancy). Easily transferred fromone being to another, this vital force owes its source to the constantmotion here on earth caused by celestial bodies. However, it is Godwho sets the stars in motion, causing positive results on humans.There is also a hierarchy in which pure spirits inuence inferiorones, such as the human soul. Only God can control evil spirits,although God can allow holy men to control diabolical beings, butno evil person can invoke demons. Furthermore, the celestial worldmay govern nature in a specic way, again through the inuence ofthe stars, which possess a hidden virtue that does not exist in humans.This cosmic animation has the power to create gold, whereas alchemistsmay bring about a stone that only resembles gold, because they lackthis hidden virtue.

These convictions taken from astronomers, astrologers, and alchemistsof the past formed the basis for Arnaus medical practices, whichmanifested themselves in magic and astrology. His treatments andpotents accorded with this occultist concept of nature.

Astrology played an important role in Arnaus medical practices.Objects suspended in space could have a positive or negative eectand, most importantly, a hidden force or virtues, and the appli-cation of these virtues constituted his practice of medical astrol-ogy. This form of cure was based on lunar phases and especiallythe inuence of the predominant star on the human body. In addi-tion, in the De iudiciis astronomiae, Arnau concluded that the currentzodiacal sign of the moon is of greater importance in curing a patientthan is the motion of heavenly bodies, specically on their eect onprescribed medicines (McVaugh 164). He resorted also to amuletsand images of celestial bodies that were composed of valuable min-erals, as well as the use of seals (see his treatise De sigillis).

Arnau wrote books on medicine and was a pioneer of the mainoccult sciences in the Latin West, including alchemy, astrology, andthe interpretation of dreams. Lynn Thorndike (3:15560) and JoaquimCarreras Artau (in Vilanova 2:1986), among others, have shownthat throughout the late Middle Ages and Early Modern era, Arnausmedieval and pharmaceutical treatises were studied and translated.A leading treatise on alchemy, Arnaus Rosarius philosophorum became

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a well-known work in light of numerous manuscripts and printededitions of and commentaries on its content. It is obvious that Arnausmajor contribution to astrology was medical astrology, and the lengthytreatise, Capitula astrologiae de iudiciis inrmitatum secundum motum planeta-rum, is a major source of this branch of astrology. The De sigillisdescribes the structure of amulets and their purpose for specialoccasions.

III. Ramon Llull

Ramon Llull, a contemporary of Arnau, informed his readers aboutastrological and astronomic beliefs in several works, including Felix(1288), Libre de meravilles (12881289), Arbre de scincia (1296), andTractatus novus de astronomia (1297). Like other medieval Hispanicauthors, Llull came under the inuence of Ali Abenragel and otherArabic astronomers and astrologers, although his traditional systemof correspondence has been described as simple, traditional, andderived from Ptolemy, the most exact (Sams 20102). He assigneda letter, A to D, to each of the four basic complexions, and thenestablished connections between these and the signs of the zodiacand the planets. He also used houses in which the maximum inuenceof each sign is reached. Furthermore, each planet represented ahuman quality, a metal, and a day of the week: (e.g. Saturn: evil,lead, Saturday).

Despite certain errors in his astrological system, Llull attemptedto supply elements lacking in the traditional system by resorting tohis Art, thereby bringing to medieval astrology a unique feature. Andalthough especially interested in some 28 planetary conjunctions,Llull was unable to solve the problem of the number of possibleconjunctions on the seven planets in the sign of the zodiac (Sams205207). However, like other religious gures of the time, Llull usedcaution. In several works, he addressed the doctrines of free will andGods omnipotence (Sams 204; Bonner 14; Libre de meravilles 1:15657),although, according to Juan Vernet, Llulls acceptance of the free-will doctrine was not of excesiva importancia (18991).

Ramon Llull also showed interest in medical astrology, taking intoaccount the complexion of humans together with medicines derivedfrom plants, in relation to the stars. Furthermore, the nature andamount or degree of medicine prescribed to a patient suering froma humoral imbalance was determined by the persons horoscope

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(Sams 204). Llull also was conscious of the uses of the astrolabeand astronomical tables and learning to tell time on the astrolabe.

IV. The Catalan Kings of Aragon and Astrology: Pere the Ceremonious and His Sons

As a youth Jaume II sought the knowledge of astronomy and theoccult as well as medicine and other oriental science. His son andheir, Alfons IV (13271336), translated from Latin to Catalan a bookon solar and lunar eclipses (Beaujouan 1415). It was, however, dur-ing the reign of Pere III (13361387) that astrology, alchemy, andastronomy became a major interest of study.

Pere, whose main emphasis was in astrology and alchemy, popu-lated his royal court with Jewish astrologers who were asked to pro-duced astronomical instruments. Encouraged by his father Alfonsinterest and the works on astronomy that issued forth from the courtof Alfonso X of Castile, Pere requested that astronomers Pere Gilbertand Dalmau Ses Planes observe the course of the planets. He alsoordered an almanac to be written between 1360 and 1366. In col-laboration with the astronomers Jacob Al-Corsi, author of a treatiseon the astrolabe, Pere drew up a book on astrological tables andthe eight spheres that was published in Hebrew, Latin, and Catalan(Beaujouan 1617). He also purchased works on astrology (Rubi iLluch 190821, 2:171; Rubi i Lluch 1994: 23132).

Peres interest in alchemy is shown by his allowing Joan dUlzinelles,militis, and Gabriel Mayol, jurisperitus, to write a book onalchimie auri et argenti (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 1:319). In addi-tion, Pere endeavored to obtain astronomical paraphernalia fromVidal and Bellshom Efram (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 2:xvi), as wellas an astrolabe from another source (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 2:171).

Peres curiosity about astrology became an obsession with his sonand heir Joan I (13871395), whom Rubi i Lluch described asmore superstitious than his father (191718, 12). Joan consultedfrequently with astronomers and astrologers, such as Juce, Jew ofOsca, on matters concerning the wedding celebrations, the births ofhis children, and other important events (Roca 141). John sueredfrom an illness described as an acute form or type of epilepsy (Tasis16566). However, convinced that these symptoms were caused bywitchcraft, Joans wife, Violant de Bar, the niece of Charles V ofFrance, resorted to reading the Cogonina, a famous work on necromancy

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by the bishop of Barcelona, Jaume Cig. Joans symptoms subsided,leaving him mindful of the importance of medicine. He became anavowed protector of science in general and astrology, and of theJewish and Moorish minorities, to whom he felt indebted, especiallyof Jewish men of science (Tasis 16567). His interest in astrology,described by Rubi i Lluch (191718: 18) as incorrigable, becamea pastime along with music and hunting.

Jewish astrologers were among Joans main resources for astro-logical works. Before ascending the throne, Joan requested booksfrom his contemporaries, including Bartomeu de Tresbns, who wasasked to visit Joan and bring with him all his books on astrologiai sica (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 1:264). A similar request was madeto Jucef Abernaduch the same year (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 1:195).In 1379 Joan insisted that Dalmau Ses Planes bring him a book onsolar and lunar eclipses. Later, in 1381, Isaac Nafusi of the royalcourt, commissioned Vidal Efram, a Majorcan Jew, to nish severalworks on astrology for Joan (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 1:293). Duringthe same year Joan acknowledged the receipt of a book by Ali AbenJaren (Alfagra), and requested a volume by Ali Abenragel from thekings archives (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 1:320 and 2:xxvi).

Mart I (13871410), who became king at Joans death, is knownto historians as el Hum (the Human), because of his dedicationto the humanities. He is also known by a less familiar and rarelyused sobriquet, that of Eclesistic. Rubi i Lluch (190821, 2:xlvi)conceived of Mart as a monk who became the legitimate heir andwas crowned king. What Mart lacked of Joans interest in sciencesand the pseudo-sciences, he made up in religiosity. Mart faithfullyattended church services, enjoyed staying in monasteries, read thebreviary, and decorated churches, including his own chapel. He also became a close friend of Benedict XIII, the last of the Avig-non popes.

Mart also followed Peres and Joans passion for collecting andreading books in dierent disciplines. However, he preferred to acquirereligious works (Bible, Psalters, missals, books on hagiography, theliturgy, and speculative religious works). This is not to say that helacked interest in astronomy and pseudosciences. Mart inherited alibrary containing some 3,000 volumes, about fty of which dealt withastrology and necromancy. Of these fty volumes many came fromthe private libraries of Pere and Joan (Rubi i Lluch 191718: 1213).

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V. Francesc Eiximenis

To date no comprehensive study has been written on Francesc Eixi-menis (13271409) views on astrology, partly because much of hiswritings remain in manuscript form. Despite the absence of editions,an evaluation of any subject on the late medieval Kingdom of Aragonmust include his opinions and insights for the following reasons.Eiximenis set out to complete an encyclopedic work, in the medievalsense of the term, which he titled El Cresti (The Christian); hedivided the work into thirteen books that addressed most aspects ofChristianity. Only four books are extant, a fact that leads scholarsto the conclusion that he never penned them. Instead, Eiximenisincluded new material meant for the Cresti in later works he wroteon women, moral theology, ascetism, Christology, etc. His writingsfrom 1383 to 1392 centered around social topics, for which he earnedthe reputation among twentieth-century scholars of being the chron-icler of late medieval society in the kingdom of Aragon.

Before bringing to light his astrological beliefs, let us recall twohistorical sources on Eiximenis and the occult sciences. First, Eiximeniswas accused of teaching Pope Benedict XIII necromancy (Probst 6).However, the accusation lacks validity given the friars opposition tonecromancy and his turning toward asceticism, prayer, and Christologyin his later life, when he came to support the Spanish pope. Didthis anecdote originate from malice, confusion with, or misrepre-sentation (i.e. Arnaus teaching Pope Boniface the art of alchemy)?

Unlike this questionable charge, Eiximenis confrontation with Joan I is well documented and scrutinized (Rubi i Lluch 190821,1:372; Bohigas 3134; Roca 13940). Eiximenis, who was drawn toprophetic-apocalyptic tendencies, wrote in the Dotz (ch. 466) that inthe year 1400 all kingdoms of the world would cease to exist exceptthe kingdom of France and its rulers. The passage apparently wentunnoticed for several years by the Catalan kings, but in 1391, fol-lowing on the heels of the Jewish pogroms in the kingdoms of Castileand Aragon, it came to Joans attention, and he immediately calledupon his chancellor, Pere dArts, to present a letter to Eiximenisstating: Mestre francesch Ximeniz qui a vegades sentremet de lartde astronomia, pronostica e diu que ans que no passara lany Mccc.no haura algun Rey de cristians al mon, sino tansolament rey deFrana (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 1:172). Placed on the defensive,

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Eiximenis wrote back an apologetic letter to the king, which Joananswered (Rubi i Lluch 190821, 1:37374).

Like his predecessors Ramon Llull and Arnau, Eiximenis wroteprolically. However, he was a compiler rather than an originalauthor, although at times he assertively expressed his beliefs. Onends at times in his works contrary opinions on minority groups andconfrontational topics during his lifetime. Regarding his views onastrology, Josep Torres i Bages wrote:

Eiximenis shi veu sovint la lluita entre lobedincia que vol tenir alautoritat de la Iglsia, qui damnava lastrologia judicira, i la sevaforta aci a les arts secretes i amagades que li prometien resultatsmeravillosos; aix, no obstant lo transcrit, en altres llocs manifesta lesextralimitacions de lastrologia, i al tractar de la arts i ocis damnicantsa la societat enumera als alquimistes qui comunament sn orats eenganadors (106).

I have cited or summarized representative passages culled from sev-eral of Eiximenis works in order to analyze Eiximenis attitude towardastrology and any contradictions concerning this pseudoscience thatare evident in his works in light of Torres i Bages passage, and willattempt to explain his attitudes toward these ancient sciences.

Eiximenis dedicated several chapters of his first extant work, thePrimer del Cresti (1379), to astrology. Of the subjects that do not per-tain to the clergys curriculum (no pertanyen a religis), he includedarithmetic, geometry, and especially astrology (Primer, ch. 32). Eixi-menis also reacted negatively to geomancy, aquella mala art (Primer,ch. 70).

In the Primer, Venus, which represents the earth, and especiallyJupiter are the most favorable stars. He also equated six planets withthe six major religious groups he regarded as the most important: theJews, Caldeans, Egyptians, Christians, Muslims, and followers of theAntichrist. He revealed his source as Albumazar, Livre des conun-tions, Books 12, probably a commentary on the authors De magnisconjunctionibus. In the Primer, ch. 184, Eiximenis opposed Albumazarby upholding the Christian belief on free will, citing St. Bernard andother Christian writers. Here Eiximenis introduced a proof repeatedin his subsequent works, stating that Islam, which was to last 693years due to the inuence of Jupiter and Venus, had outlived itself-some 800 years; therefore, he concluded that only God knows thefuture. The author also refuted Albumazars and other astrologersbelief that the planets were the cause of miracles (Primer, ch. 61).

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Eiximenis made mention several times in the Primer that he wouldreturn to the topic of the constellations coses celestials and relatedsubjects such as magic, unexplained phenomena, and diabolical worksin the eighth book of the Cresti, which he probably never wrote.

In the Segon del Cresti (chs. 9498), Eiximenis presented his mostlengthy exposition on judicial astrology, specifying the location andascendance of a number of planets. He also revealed his source asAli, gran astrolech, ll de Abeutragil, en lo ter libre seu dits Juysastrolechs. The astronomer to whom he referred is the eleventh-century Ali Abenragel (Gascn 39495). Eiximenis included in chap-ter 94 of the Segon a detailed account about whether constellationscould be used to interpret natural dreams and visions.

In chapter 95, the Franciscan began his refutation of Ali Abenragelsastrological convictions, stating that only the meaning that God givesto dreams and visions is true: negun nos deu friar en ni deu darfe a negun jhuy astrolech sino fort atart e ab comuna concordan-cia de molts scients en la dita art e en materia que nos puxa regirni mudar per nostre franch arbitre. Eiximenis went on to say thatno clergyman should study astrology because such study conveys abad example.

According to Eiximenis, before the coming of Jesus learned menstudied and upheld the validity of astrology, but after his death astrol-ogy no longer was considered a reliable study for predicting thefuture. Here Eiximenis resorted to a common practice with whichto refute Islamic and Jewish astrology: the works of Ptolemy: lomper prudencia natural pot senyorejar a les steles, e per conseguentmolt mils hi senyoreja hom devot, requirent e tement Deu, qui sola-ment posa sa fe en Deu. Likewise, in chapter 98, Eximenis sum-marized his conclusions, again citing Ptolemy: celestial inuencecannot cause one to sin because free will can overcome the starsforce, especially with the help of divine grace.

In the Ter del Cresti (chs. 13334), Eiximenis continued in thesame vein of argumentation, partly popular and partly scholastic, onthe root of evil. Eiximenis was fond of stereotyping dierent racialgroups. In these chapters he described the Germans and the Englishas serious and easily provoked, while the French were happy andeasygoing. These stereotypical discussions moved gradually to theplanets and constellations as the cause of racial personalities. HereEiximenis repeated his much-used astrological example, which hedescribed as la general sentncia dels estrlechs: humors, which

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Eiximenis called malcies, appear in specic regions that are gov-erned by a specic planet. Therefore the inuence of Saturn is feltin regions in which men are malicious and stubborn, and Venus,where men are sensual (192932, 2:18). Again Eiximenis repeatedthe reference he insisted came from Ptolemy (1792 [MS], ch. 14),stating that Saturn and Mars cause malice in those born under theirsign, and Jupiter exhibits bons costumes to all. Those born underthe inuence of Mercury show a positive trait (good nature) andtheir negative side (evil) (1792 ch. 686).

Eiximenis also used astrology for his own ends and proofs. In hiswritings, especially in the Primer, he put forth characteristics of non-Christian racial and religious groups that inhabited Iberia in theMiddle Ages, mainly Jews and Moors. The Franciscan also stereo-typed Jews in chapter 119, in which he added la malicia judayca,labeling them with traits and moral characters caused by the inuenceof Saturn, which is melancholic, cold, dry, nocturnal, and powerful.More concretely, Eiximenis, basing his conclusions on PtolemysQuadripartitum 2, chapter four, concluded that Jews were not adeptas government leaders because of their indecisiveness, laziness, melan-choly, and other negative traits.

Despite the constant mention of free will and Gods grace as decid-ing factors in ones salvation, Eiximenis was indeed attracted to astrol-ogy and astronomy. Contemplating the beauty God created, Eiximenisasked his reader to look to the heavens: e pensa lavors quina graneaes aquella del cel scelat e veuras que segons que posa los astrolechs,tota la terra no es sino un punt e un centre petit e invisible peresguart dEl (1792 [MS], ch. 939). Again in the Llibre de les dones(1392), Eiximenis insisted that his reader contemplate the beauty ofthe works of God, ax com sn los cels, e.1 lur ornament, move-ment e ferm estament, e inuximent e inuncia a les coses jusanesleva molt lo cor a loar lo poder de nostre senyor Du (2:526). Thisbeauty revolves around the earth, which Eiximenis paints in darkhues (1971: 433).

The Dotz libre del Cresti is, in large part, concerned with the edu-cation of the prince. Eiximenis is ambivalent in giving advice to royalleaders on the reliability of astrology. In the second part of the Dotz,in which he placed freedom of the will above astrological inuence,the Franciscan suggested that the prince take into account the per-sonal constellations of those who govern (2:2,31011), especially ifthey are of complexion diversa (Dotz 2:2,293). The prince must

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also allow predication of his food, especially at banquets, as well asthe hygiene and the direction of his responsibilities (2:1,198). However,the prince must not place much faith in astrology because he willlose condence in God and thereby allow the luminaries to controlhim (2:1,198).

In another chapter of the Dotz, Eiximenis referred to astrologyas a scincia errable, in which several astrologers might predictcontradictory interpretations of the stars: sobre una matexa con-clusi diveres astrlechs fan juys contrries (2:1,209). Eiximenistherefore followed the theological approach by repudiating theastrologers opinions and adding exempla in which Julius Caesar(2:1,26465) and Robert of Sicily (2:2,21819) show their disregardfor astronomy.

In the Dotz, (ch. 24), Eiximenis stated that Barcelona, his modelcity, owed its origin to a fortuitous constellation. Based on his source,Halirafals Judiciari, this citys fortune and prosperity was due to thefruitfulness of its generations of Catalans, especially their intelligence,wealth, and modest honors.

The Dotz (chs. 10810) deals with the question about whetherconstellations can aect construction of cities or dwellings. Eiximenisbrought forth unexplained occurrences: a person dies of the plaguewhereas his neighbor is not aected by it; a woman gives birth inone home, yet when moved to another house she cannot conceive.Eiximenis again resorted to Ptolemy (propositio xxii, xxxvi) to armthe inuence of certain stars. These two chapters were recently stud-ied together with chapter 126, which reads somewhat like an almanac.Eiximenis began the latter chapter by referring to New Years day,which fell on a Sunday, and made predictions for each day, includ-ing the weather for the year, divided into the four seasons, agricul-tural predictions, natural disasters, diseases (including plagues), andwar. He concluded this discussion by revealing his source:

Diu Alidonius Cordubensis, recitant les dites coses per vida de natura,ajuda molt lo art de astrologia, mas sobre tot es posar bo en les mansde Nostre Senyor Deu a quia pertany principalment saber les cosesesdevenidors e al qual plau mes hom se reta ignorant en esta materiaper la sua reverencia, que no massa entrecuydat per propria astucia.

The aforementioned scholars who have studied the three chaptersas a unit found it odd that Eiximenis would dedicate so much mate-rial to the inuence of the constellations, especially the predictions

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for each season and, in a brief paragraph, negate under the bannerof free will all that he had written regarding astrological beliefs. Theyoer two conclusions: either Eiximenis used astrological referencesto lure his readers, given the popularity of astrology in the four-teenth century, or the Franciscan was attracted to astrological pre-dictions. However, to avoid the risk of being a true believer in judicialastrology, he relegated these astrological assertions to men of thepast and placed at the end of each treatise on astrology a refuta-tion that included the undeniable beliefs in the ultimate power offree will and Gods ability to control the stars.

In chapter 120 of the Dotz, on how the inuence of the stars cre-ates a virtuous king, Eiximenis admitted Cronica that evil rulers,such as Baltasar, according to rabi Heleatzars Cronica judaica, pros-pered and were fortunate in war, as was Sciprion Africanus, a vir-tuous leader. Here Eiximenis somewhow omitted the reference tofree will.

Throughout part 1 of the Dotz, especially in his treatise on theprince and war, Eiximenis discussed the eect of celestial bodies onvictory in battle. These chapters include the Dotz, ch. 223, whichconcludes, according to Ptolemy, that men are more inclined to excelin war: the inuence of Mars, which predestines men born underthis sign to become virtuous and fortunate in battle.

Chapters 284286 are especially informative. In chapter 284, Comla constellacio celestial ajuda en batalles, Eiximenis described sev-eral remedies for misfortune that border on the occult. However, inthe next chapter (285), he refuted their remedies, insisting that theChurch opposed such beliefs. Eiximenis (chs. 285286) preferred themerits de les volentats dels homens e ordinacio divinal to the puraobra de natura, and denied potions and incantations, leaving all inGods hands. He also labeled such practices as bitter superstitions,referring his reader to Machabeus 1.3. However, in the Dotz 2,Eiximenis continued to return to the science of astronomy and pseu-doscience of astrology in order to predict success in battle. In chap-ter 550 (2:1,189), he described Alexander as learned, handsome, rich,fortunate in arms, and amiable, and accepted the inuence of thestars. But the friar immediately stepped back, warning those whoexamined these inuences too closely that they would fall into thesuperstition of the devil. Here again he returned to the Christianacronym of free will and divine grace in Ptolemys works.

Also, his Llibre de les dones, Eiximenis, recalled Alexander once again

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in a chapter in which the author sought to prove that it was possi-ble for an illegitimate child to become a good Christian. Eiximenisdescription of Alexander as a bon cavaller gradually became tar-nished when he listed defects he attributed to the Greeks supposedillegitimacy: fort pomps e altiu, desconexent a molt e taccat dals-cuns vices, some of which Eiximenis attributed to the rulers eviltutor. To disguise his illegitimacy, Alexander wished to be calledson of Jupiter. Although as the son of Jupiter he could not rulethe empire of Greece, Jupiter allowed him to reign among thestars so that Alexander could rule the land. Once again Eiximeniscuriously omitted in this discussion the superiority of free will andthe divine will and grace.

Although the stars could not aect humans who freely chose goodaided by Gods graceor evil, the planets could inuence animatebeings and inanimate objects. Military arms, such as swords forgedunder certain signs, favored the warrior who carried them into bat-tle by adding to his bravery and fortitude. As an example, Eiximenisalso referred to a sword Jaume I, conqueror of Valencia, had in hispossession, as well as the one that Pere III carried with him (Dotz,ch. 288; 2:246). Eiximenis inferred that he had seen these swords.Besides metals, the moon and celestial bodies inuenced the growthof fruits and other foods, according to the Greek and Roman writ-ers Eiximenis cited. On a lighter note, to chase away bothersomeies, Eiximenis recommended fabricating a y of pure gold withwings of iron on lo dia de Mercuri (Torres i Bages, 2:105).

In the Dotz, chapter 287, Eiximenis discussed a thorny issue: ifand when a soldier, especially an ocer, should retreat from battlewhen facing an imminent defeat. The Franciscan suggested that thesoldier remove himself from the battleground when a perilous cometshould appear in the heavens and followed Ptolemys Species de cometes,book 9. He went on to outline a summary description of cometsand constellations and their eects on agriculture and on the livesof kings and nobles. In the Dotz, ch. 288, Eiximenis continued bydescribing stars and comets, their unique colors and eects on pro-duce and on military decisions.

In his curriculum for the sons of princes and kings, Eiximenis alsorecommended astrology be included, but he stressed that kings ofthe past invoked the divine before consulting the stars. However, thefriar considered political and military decisions to be of utmost impor-tance to the kingdom. Therefore, he recommended for the princes

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of his time the study of theology, metaphysics, medicine, and ethics,as well as law, swordmanship, and military tactics. The princescondence should be in God, not in the constellations.

Eiximenis also preferred the opinions of theologians and opposedthose of philosophers who believed in the eects of the constella-tions (Dotz 2:2,450). He therefore warned his lay readers who werenot trained in theology, philosophy, and canon law not to take upeither astrology or alchemy because they may become involved innecromancy: Car en aquestes dues cincies sn gran disposici acaure en aquesta mala art (1927: 13436). They will become deceit-ful, suer, and die a harsh death that they ironically cannot them-selves predict. In the Llibre dels ngels (Book IV, ch. 31, f. 83v),Eiximenis continued in the same negative vein: to seek knowledgeto which only God is privy drives one to the ways of Satan. Andhaving been deceived by the devil, the sinner deceives others.

Throughout the Dotz, Eiximenis wrestled with astrology andalchemy as a profession. In the Primer, chs. 6061, the friar statedthat alchemy is only revealed to few people, for example, Solomon,whom God instructed in this science. In the Dotz (2:2,229), Eiximenislamented that there were no good astrologers in his day as therewere in the past. Given the complexity of this science, most pre-ferred the less complicated subjects, such as medicine and law, whichprovided a steady and lucrative income. Eiximenis used chapters 143to 147 of the Dotz to expound on these professions. He began withAristotle (Politicorum 2), whom he upheld as an exemplary philoso-pher because he refused to use his knowledge of astronomy to becomewealthy by predicting good and bad harvests. The friar then strongtogether several short narrations involving astrologers and alchemistsin the service of royalty and nobles whose predictions and magicbrought about the desired results. Yet Eiximenis remained cautiousand rearmed his opinion that there were in his time very fewlearned men in astronomy and alchemy (Dotz, ch. 145 and 2:2,219),perhaps a quip toward the Jewish notables who populated the royalcourts of Aragon during the era of the last Catalan kings.

Medieval Christianity, however, was hard pressed to reject astrol-ogy. At the birth of Jesus, the Bible tells that the Magi from Persiafollowed a celestial omen to Bethlehem. However, Eiximenis madeonly a brief mention of the event in his Vita Christi, one of his majorworks: Ell fa aparixer novella estela qui fa venir los tres reis dOrient

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en Betlem a adorar-lo aqui (Eiximenis 1951: 31; 1496, f. 93r). Onthe other hand, Mary, to whom Eiximenis dedicated several chap-ters of the Vita Christi, is referred to in an astrological context:

eylla nasque en lo XXII grau del signe apellat virgo en lo zodiac celes-tial en lo qual grau e signe estech lavors feta conjuncio de plenetes,axi alta que james no estec ne n sera semblant en lo dit signe, perque diu lavors los grans astrolecs de Egipte jutgaran que aquel anyverica (Vita Christi ch. 2: De vita Christi, fol. 19r).

This reference, in which Eiximenis insisted that Mary excelled aboveall others in purity, is especially interesting because he relied onastrology when it did not conict with Christian thought or when itdid not originate with Arabic astrologers. On another occasion,Eiximenis supported the metaphysical view of Aristotle, Avicena, andAugustine that angels inhabit and propel celestial circles: mouen afer lur cors natural e ordinary (ngels book 4, ch. 5). Through theirmovement they control the twenty-four hour day and the time ittakes for a human to walk 36,000 days. This reference is a misin-terpretation of Ptolemy, who stated that a star travels the heavensin 36,000 years, while a man can walk around the earth in less thanthree years. Eiximenis also reminded his readers of the great gift(virtut) God, who created the skies, gave to angels.

Several conclusions can be drawn from sections of Eiximenis worksdiscussed here. He was familiar, at least in part, with the Latin ver-sion, the Quadripartitum, of Ptolemys Tetrabiblos, and, on occasiontranslated passages from this work into Catalan. On the other hand,there is no evidence that Eiximenis consulted Ptolemys Almagest, per-haps because this work was too technical for him. The Franciscanappears to accept sections he had cited from the Quadripartitum.However, he is cautious regarding Arabian astrologers, although heseems to be drawn to Albumazars astrology, as were Christian writ-ers, in part due to its Aristotelian basis, including the doctrine ofthe fth essence and the stratication of the dierent spheres. Nomatter how attracted Eiximenis became to Arabian science, he quicklylifted his shield, the doctrine of free will, which he was compelledto uphold as a Christian theologian. In addition, the fatalism hefound in Arabian juridical astrology would also cause him to turnaway (Pelez 43344). Eiximenis found in Islam a religion that notonly approved of magic and astrology, but also encouraged theirpractice. This is especially evident in the Franciscans attack on Islam

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and Mohammeds miracles in the Primer (Cerulli 4177). Especiallyin the chapters on Islam in the Primer, Eiximenis discussed aspectsof Mohammeds life and miracles as doubtful, deceitful, superstitious,and immoral. Another aspect of Eiximenis attitude that, to my knowl-edge, has been overlooked by scholars is the disconcerting presenceof astrologers and alchemists whom he discreetly regarded as ama-teurish. This label, as it existed in Eiximenis mind, was gurativelyplaced on Pere III and his sons and on court astronomers andastrologers, including the well-known Hasdai Cresques, whom JoanI had consulted on the veracity of Eiximenis prediction on the futureelimination of all kings except the French monarch. Was Eiximenisenvious of the prestige Jewish astronomers and physicians held inthe kingdom in which he lived his adult life? Rubi i Lluch (191718:1018) attests to the trust Joan placed in the prediction of Jewishastronomers, whom he believed to be more knowledgeable on thesematters than the Franciscans and Majorcan navigators.

VI. Astrologers in the Royal Court

Bartomeu de Tresbns (1:11) was a physician in the service of PereIII and Joan I from 1361 to 1374. When Pere became convincedof his physicians expertise in astrology and in the astronomical tables,he requested that Tresbns write a treatise on astrology. The Tractatdastrologia, completed before 1383, combines Greek and Arabianastrology and concentrates on the position of the stars at the momentof a birth. Pere was especially interested in such a treatise not onlyfor himself but also as a means of learning about his friends andenemies.

Of the many astrologers in Peres court, four stand out. PereGilbert and his student Dalmau Ses Planes wrote, at the kingsrequest, works entitled Taules astronmiques and an Almanac. Dalmaucontinued in the royal court from 1364 to 1383 (Gascn 391). JacobCorsuno, who served Pere as an astrologer, translator, and scribe,penned the Taules de Barcelona, while Bellshom Efram translated astro-logical works by Al-Faragani.

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VII. Conclusion

Astrology and astronomy commanded much interest in the latemedieval kingdom of Aragon. Physicians and theologians, even popes,were attracted to studying the constellations. Kings and princes col-lected numerous books on astrology, astronomy, alchemy, and relatedsubjects, and consulted with both Christian and Jews on these sub-jects. Also, the horoscope and instruments such as the astrolabe wereprized much as telescopes and other scientic instruments are today.Much of this fervor must be credited to Arab and Persian astrologerswho had brough Ptolemy to the Latin West, adorned in a dierentattire to attract leading minds of the Middle Ages.

In the Kingdom of Aragon as in neighboring realms (Castile andFrance), the pseudoscience astrology had captured the attention ofleading intellectuals such as Ramon Llull, Arnau de Vilanova, andFrancesc Eiximenis; kings and princes called upon men of learningto examine, translate, and compose books on the planets and con-stellations. The search now continues in this neglected area of Catalanstudies with todays scholars, such as John Lucas, who has broughtforth in this book the rich heritage of medieval astrology in the king-dom of Aragon with modern editions of works such as his editionof Tractat de prenostication.

David J. VieraTennessee Technological University

References

Beaujouan, Guy. 1967. La science en spagne au XIV e et XV e sicles. Paris: Brill.Bonner, Anthony. 1983. Ramon Llull i la cincia de lastronomia. Estudis balerics

3: 718.Bohigas, Pere. 1928. Prediccacions i profecies en les obres de Fra Francesc Eiximenis.

Franciscalia. Barcelona: Editorial Franciscana.Carreras Artau, Toms, and Carreras Artau, Joaquin. 193943. Historia de la Filosoa

espaola. 2 vols. Madrid: Real Academia de Ciencias Exactes, Fisicas y Naturales.Eiximenis, Francesc. 198687. Dotz llibre del Cresti. (part 2). Ed. Curt J. Wittlin

et al. 2 vols. Girona: Collegi Universitari/Diputaci de Girona.. 1981. Lo libre de les dones. Ed. Curt Wittlin and Antoni Comas. 2 vols. Barcelona:

Curial.. 1971. Ter del Cresti: Edition and study of sources. Ed. Jorge J. E. Gracia. Ph.D.

diss., University of Toronto.. 1951. El naixement de linfant Jess. Ed. Jordi Rubi. Barcelona.

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. 192932. Ter del Cresti. 3 vols. Ed. Marti de Barcelona i Feliu de Tarragona.Barcelona: Barcino.

. 1927. Regiment de la cosa pblica. Ed. Daniel de Molins de Rei. Barcelona:Barcino.

. 1792. [MS]. Ter del Cresti. Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid.. 1791. [MS]. Segon del Cresti. Biblioteca Nacional de Madrid.. 1496. De vita Christi. Granada: Meinart Ungut and Joan Pegnitzer.. 1494. Dotz del Cresti. Valencia: Lambert Palmart.. 1494a. Libre dels ngels. Barcelona: Joan Rosenbach.. 1483. Libre apellat lo primer del Cresti. Valencia: Lambert Palmart.. [?]. [MS]. Primer volum de Vita Christi. Arxiu Capitular de Barcelona. [Shelf

mark 49].Gascn Uris, Sergi. 199798. Lastrnom Pere Gilbert en les obres dEiximenis.

Boletin de la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 46: 38996.Llull, Ramon. 1932. Libre de meravilles. 2 vols. Barcelona: Barcino.McVaugh, Michael R. 1993. Medicine before the Plague. Cambridge UP.Pelez, Manuel J. 1999. La magie et sa repression dans la pense politique et sociale

de Francesc Eiximenis et Saint Vincent Ferrer. In Magie et illusion au Moyen ge.Aix-en-Provence: Universit de Provence. 44151.

Probst, J. H. 1917. Eximeni: ses ides politiques et sociales. Revue Hispanique 39:182.

Roca, Joseph M. 1921. Joan I i les supersticions. Boletin de la Real Academia de BuenasLetras de Barcelona. 11: 12569.

Rubi i Lluch, Antoni. 190821. Documents per lhistria de la cultura catalana mig-eval.2 vols. Barcelona: Institut dEstudis Catalans.

. 191718. Joan I humanista i el primer perode de lhumanisme catal. EstudisUniversitaris Catalans 10: 1117.

. 1914. La cultura en el regnat de Pere III. Estudis Universitaria Catalans 8:21947.

Sans, Julio. 198183. Notas sobre la astonomia y la astrologia de Lull. Estudioslulianos 25: 187198.

Tasis i Marca, Rafael. 1980. Pere el Ceremonis i els seus lls. Barcelona: EditorialVivens-Vives.

Thorndike, Lynn. 192358. A history of magic and experimental science. 8 vols. New York:Columbia UP.

Torras i Bages, Josep. 1935. La tradici catalana. 2 vols. Barcelona: Biblioteca Balmas.Tresbns, Bartomeu. 1957. Tractat dastrologia. Ed. J. Vernet and D. Romano. 2 vols.

Barcelona: Biblioteca catalana dobres antigues.Vernet, Juan. 195152. Los conocimientos astronmicos de Ramon Llull. Boletin de

la Real Academia de Buenas Letras de Barcelona 24: 18599.Vilanova, Arnau de. 1947. Obres catalanes. Barcelona: Barcino.Wedel Theodore Otto. 1920. The medieval attitude toward astrology particularly in England.

New Haven: Yale UP.

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PREFACE

The Tractat de prenostication de la vida natural dels hmens was bornsometime in the late fteenth century in Catalonia. This curious lit-tle incunable helps to tell a story. The story is not mine, of course,and others would tell it somewhat dierently. Since time immemo-rial, men and women have gazed at the stars. I need not belaborthe reader with the questions they asked, for we ask many of thesame ones ourselves.

Our story has to do with astrology, numerology, andat a morebasic levelwith the slowly-unfolding mysteries of nature. Feared bymany, revered by some, and dismissed as harmless nonsense by morethan a few, astrology and numerology are simply tools used to answersome of the questions that necessarily arise from peering too longinto the cosmos. Tinged as they are with magic, these timeless artsof prognostication had the power to seduce both temporal and spir-itual leaders; but they could also topple governments and ruin rep-utations. Although the argument must not be taken too far, theseearly forms of science certainly brought some to an untimely demise.

However the prognostic arts are no less a part of the history ofwestern science than chemistry or biology. They are often dismissedby a post-modern world far too uncomfortable with mystery. Proudof our own bold attempts to crack the codes of nature, we fear totread with hesitant steps towards the very essence of creation itself.We do so well aware of the consequences, ethical and scientic, thatthese endeavors entail. Are we so dierent from our stargazing ances-tors in this respect? Certainly our tools are dierent, better, moreprecise. But is our own post-modern eclecticism so very dierentfrom medieval syncretism? We use what we have available, awarethat those who follow may nd dierent answers.

The Tractat de prenostication is a handbook, a practical fortune-tellingguide, the kind of thing that has survived only rarely in the textualrecord. Nevertheless, we know from indirect sources that this sort ofbook was once common currency in medieval and early modernEurope. As such, a study of the Tractat de prenostication reveals someof the Catalan source texts on astrology and prognostication, a uniqueexpression of medieval syncretism, the mingling of traditions, andthe development of new ideas.

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am grateful to my parents, John and Judy Lucas, for their mostimportant gifts: language and curiosity. Colleagues at the Institutefor Social and International Studies (ISIS) and Portland State Universityalways made work a pleasure. I owe a special debt of gratitude toJulie Resnick and Teresa Taylor at ISIS, whoin addition to theirencouragementgenerously gave me the release time I needed towrite and nancial support for some of the many journeys betweenSpain and the United States.

Other colleagues shared their time and professional advice withme during the research and writing process. Professor Gemma Avenozaat the Universitat de Barcelona shared her BITECA database andoered advice on codicology. Professor Isidro Rivera at the Universityof Kansas provided invaluable bibliography on the history of print-ing. Professor Jos Chabs read the manuscript and shared impor-tant advice on the history of astrology and astronomy. ProfessorDavid Vieras preface provides a wonderful framework for the studyand lls many lacunae. My friend Laura DelBrugge generously readthe rst draft.

The following cultural associations provided access to their libraries:University of Kansas, Universitat de Barcelona, Universitat Autnomade Barcelona, Universitat Pompeu Fabra, and the Ateneu Barcelons.The sta at the Biblioteca de Catalunya merit a special mention fortheir kind attention and for providing me with research and studyfacilities in Barcelona. I am also thankful to the Biblioteca de Catalunyafor permission to reprint the Tractat de prenostication de la vida naturaldels hmens.

Finally, I am ever thankful to my friend, colleague, and formerthesis adviser, Professor Donna Rogers, for her support in so manycapacities. Every student should be so fortunate as to work with ascholar of her caliber.

I alone am responsible for any errors and omissions that remain.

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ABBREVIATIONS

< is etymologically derived fromadj. adjectiveadv. adverbBITECA Bibliograa de textos catalans anticsCast. Castilian SpanishCat. CatalanC. L. Classical LatinDECat. Diccionari etimolgic i complementari de la llengua catalanaf. feminine genderg. gurativelyGot. GothicItal. ItalianGW Gesamtkatalog der Wiegendruckelit. literally; literally translatedL. L. Late Latinm. masculine genderMAN ID Manuscript Identication Number (used in the BITECA database)Mod. Cat. Modern Catalann. nounneut. neutral genderOcc. OccitanO. Cat. Old CatalanO. Fr. Old Frenchprep. prepositionProv. Provenalv. verbV. L. Vulgar LatinTEXT ID Text Identication Number (used in the BITECA database)

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1Sapiens homo dominabitur astris.attributed to Ptolemy

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3CHAPTER ONE

PROGNOSTICATION AT THE DAWN OF THE RENAISSANCE

What progress we are making. In the Middle Agesthey would have burned me. Now they are con-tent with burning my books.

Sigmund Freud

The Tractat de prenostication de la vida natural dels hmens participates inthe genre occult sciences as practiced in the late Middle Ages andearly Renaissance. The transition from the medieval to the Renaissanceperspective, nowhere easy to dene, evolved in Catalonia somewherebetween the fteenth and the sixteenth centuries.1 This was a time ofcultural change, and the cover term occult sciences encompasses avast panorama of magic, astrology, and other forms of prognostication.

To keep the Tractat de prenostication in focus, we restrict this studyto the tools of prognostication in vogue during the time. The termprognostication, as dened here, includes any method of foretellingfuture events, whether to answer specic questions or provide gen-eral life predictions. Because many forms of prognostication makeuse of the supernatural, the study also considers magic, but only asit impinges on prognostication and the Tractat in question.

The concept of magic experienced a process of redenition andvindication during the Renaissance. In the Middle Ages, magic isalmost synonymous with diabolical; it refers primarily to those artsthat employ demons to inuence the natural world by supernaturalmeans. The patristic writers include astrology with magic and cate-gorically condemn its practice. St. Augustine of Hippo (354430 AD)

1 Nadal and Prats state that the evolution from the medieval to the early modernperiod in Catalan language and literature took place between 1479 and 1520. Forthese scholars, the end of civil wars, political stabilization, and the development ofprinting mark the end of the medieval period. The coronation of Charles I (i.e.Charles V) as Holy Roman Emperor signals the beginning of the early modernperiod in Catalonia (2: 303).

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confesses to his irtations with astrology as a young man, an art thathe later claims true Christians should condemn (Confessiones 4.3.4).Compelled to expose astrology as superstition, Augustine devotes alarge portion of De civitate Dei to refuting its claims to truth. St.Isidore of Seville (c. 560636 AD) also leaves no room for doubt.In his Etymologiae, Isidore denes magic as a demonic art and aplague on Christian society. He states that Christians must condemnit wherever they may encounter it.2

In stark contrast, scholars of the Italian Renaissance came veryclose to conating magic and natural science so that any attempt toinuence the natural world constituted a use of magic. That mem-bers of the Catholic clergy should articulate this position illustrateshow much ground the occult sciences would gain (Garin 1984: 199201). In the sixteenth century, the Dominican Tommaso Campanella(n. 1568) argued that any act of scientic investigation constituted ause of magic. Among the achievements of magic, Campanella enu-merates the printing press and gunpowder.3 Somewhere between themedieval and the Renaissance concept of magic, we nd the Catalantreatise, Tractat de prenostication de la vida natural dels hmens. The textoers one popular system of medieval prognostication unselfcon-sciously packaged in Renaissance trappings. How this text ts intothe Catalan material and how Catalonia, in turn, ts into the widerEuropean context is the subject of this chapter.4

2 Isidores encyclopedic Etymologiae draws extensively on Classical sources and pro-vides an important reference for the state of learning in the Latin Middle Ages. Inconclusion to an lengthy passage on magi, Isidore observes the work of demons andangels of darkness: In quibus omnibus ars daemonum est ex quadam pestiferasocietate hominum et angelorum malorum exorta. Vnde cuncta vitanda sunt aChristiano, et omni penitus execratione repudianda atque damnanda (Etymologiae8.9.31).

3 The source is the Italian version of Campanellas De Magia: Tutto quello chesi fa dalli scienziati imitando la natura o aiutandola con larte ignota, no solo allaplebe bassa, ma alla communit degli uomini, si dice opera magica . . . Linvenzionedella polvere dellarchibugio e delle stampe fu cosa magica, e cos luso dellacalamita . . . (24142).

4 Born at the end of the fteenth century, the Tractat de prenostication helps usview the transition from the medieval to the early modern worldview. As such, ourstudy will focus on the fteenth century and historical antecedents. For an excel-lent study of how science continued to develop in Spain during the sixteenth andseventeenth centuries, see Lpez Piero (1979).

4

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A. Changing World Views

The cultural revolution of the Renaissance would have been impos-sible if the medieval period had been the barren wasteland scholarsonce imagined. As Garin notes, the rst Italian humanists, of ratherhumble beginnings, self-consciously sought a renovation that beganwith their contemporaries and applied only to the previous two hun-dred years. In other words, the early humanists sought a return tothe learning of the twelfth century (Garin 1984: 60). The term DarkAges originally applied to the Aristotelian logic of the thirteenthand fourteenth centuries, but the notion gathered nationalistic steamand eventually became a powerful cultural myth.

Cuando la inspiracin religiosa y un fuerte espritu de recuperacinnacional entran en contacto con una reivindiacin de la obra de losclsicos, la polmica cultural, todo hay que decirlo, de orgenes bas-tante limitados, se transforma en un mito de excepcional fuerza. (Garin1984: 63)

It was only later and slowly that revisionist historians would imposethe concept of a thousand years of darkness (5001500 AD) knowntoday.

This notion is nowhere truer than in the prognostic and occultsciences, which never vanished entirely during the Middle Ages.Although condemned by the Medieval Church, the occult sciencescontinued to capture popular imagination from Roman times up tothe early modern period, only nally being eclipsed in the Enlighten-ment. Thorndike notes, for example, that works on geomancy wererecopied until the eighteenth century (2: 121). The system of thefour bodily humors, tinged with astrological symbolism, played a rolein medical science until well into the nineteenth century.

It was traditionally believed that astrology and the prognostic artsdisappeared in the Middle Ages because access to primary sourcematerials was limited and repression from the Roman Catholic Churchsevere. However the human need to understand the natural worldand inuence the course of events is universal. The arts of prog-nostication never disappeared during the Middle Ages; they just wentunderground. Although the Classical texts were missing, astrologersand magicians continued to ourish, largely through oral transmis-sion of their craft (Flint 1990: 1216).

Flints studies of the transmission of the occult sciences (1990;1991) help us understand the Tractat de prenostication because much

5

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of her evidence for the continued practice of prognostic arts in theearly Middle Ages comes from Visigothic Spain. We have seen Isidoreof Sevilles condemnation of the non-Christian magi already (see note2). Isidore presided over several church councils, and he condemnedthe haruspices, among a long list of other types of magi. In hisEtymologiae, Isidore denes a haruspex as one how looks to predictwhich times and days might be suitable for large undertakings (Flint1990: 911).5

Other citations demonstrate that the full panoply of magical artsand sciences continued to function outside the Christian Churchthroughout the medieval period. Flint demonstrates, for example,that Church authorities were aware of a number of occult sciencesand able to speak of them in the present tense (1990: 10). Furthermore,the Leges visigothorum contains prohibitions of astrology and magic(1990: 10). Church canons and homilies also demonstrate an aware-ness and fear of practitioners of the occult sciences. We repeat hereone striking example to illustrate the point. Martin de Braga assem-bled a series of canons that typify church condemnation; the fol-lowing passage was known in the seventh century:

59. Clerics may not become enchanters or make ligatures, for this isto bind down souls.

71. If anyone brings diviners or lot-casters home, as is the custom ofpagans, he is to be cast out as an evildoer, and if anyone takesto magic or performs pagan lustration ceremonies, he is to dopenance for ve years.

74. No ceremonies or incantations are to be associated with the col-lection of medicinal herbs save for the Creed or the Lords Prayer,for God is the creator of all things, and he is the Lord to be wor-shipped. (Martin de Braga in Flint 1990: 13)

Although we have few details of what the magi did, their existenceis documented even before the revival of the textual tradition begin-ning in the tenth and in full swing by the twelfth century.

The importation of Arabic learning and Arabic translations ofGreek and Latin scholarship on a massive scale led to the rst revival

5 Flint refers to the following passage, also taken from Isidores the entry on themagi: Haruspices nuncupati, quasi horarum inspectores: dies enim et horas inagendis negotiis operibusque custodiunt, et quid per singula tempora observaredebeat homo, intendunt. Hi etiam exta pecudum inspiciunt, et ex eis futura praedi-cunt (Etymologiae: 8.9.17).

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of the occult sciences in the twelfth century. The Spanish schools inToledo and Barcelona translated works on astronomy, astrology, geo-mancy, and sympathetic magic. If Flints thesis is correct, however,this rst renewal of occult sciences merely brought out what wasalready festering under the surface. What changes at this point,according to Flint, is the complicity of the Catholic Church (1990: 12).

In the Middle Ages, most theologians believed in the occult sci-ences, but felt that magic was evil. Medieval scholasticism taughtthat individuals were subject to Divine law. Humankinds ability toinuence its destiny was reduced to choosing a good or evil path.Choosing to obey natural law and accepting ones station in life werecornerstones of the medieval ethic. Divine will, never the stars, deter-mined the outcome either choice would have. Furthermore, a prop-erly contrite and repentant sinner could always see the error of hisways and choose the course of salvation.

The occult arts and sciences threaten the Church in two keyrespects. The notion that the stars foretell destiny directly contradictsthe doctrine of free will. By extension, this fatalistic worldview alsodoes violence to the sacrament of penance and reformation. Moreimportant, if destiny is immutable, divine providence and humanhope are lost (Flint 1990: 2). Viewed in this light, a mage is dan-gerous demagogue who threatens established order. The CatholicChurch had much reason to fear, for these non-Christian divinersoered a contrary means of understanding, predicting, and thereforecontrolling the natural world.

At some point, however, the Church realized that terror andrepression were not the most eective methods of driving out themagicians. Faced with competing worldviews that were widely held,the Church had to begin a slow process of change or nd itselfeclipsed by other non-Christian social leaders (Flint 1990: 18). TheChurch fathers must also have realized that the distinction betweenthe mysteries of the Christian faith and non-Christian magic wasoften blurry. Non-Christian mages threatened the established order,but the foundations of Christianity itself rested rmly on a belief inthe metaphysical. In this light, for example, one might consider thedoctrine of transubstantiation as a type of alchemy, and we neednot repeat here the importance of astrological observations in thecomputus tradition. Without mathematics and astronomy, the Churchcould not adjust the ecclesiastical calendar for moveable feasts. Grad-ually the Church incorporated aspects of magic and the prognostic

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sciences that did not threaten orthodox theology. That a change tookplace is evident; when and how is not so clear.

Flint cites cases from as early as the sixth century in which theclergy began to graft Christian symbols onto the pagan forms ofprognostication. For example, one might use passages of the Bibleselected at random to decide a future course of action or substitutepaternosters for magical spells (Flint 1990: 2425). Some priests con-tinued to practice Christian forms of magic throughout the earlymedieval period. The use of random Biblical passages to foretell thefuture or the casting of a die after praying to God for an answer,known as sortes sanctorum, was perhaps the most common form ofprognostication (Flint 1991: 9697).

Isidore enumerated the practice among the types of magic Christiansshould avoid.6 Flints citations of Martin de Braga demonstrate thatthe Christian Church by no means accepted the sortes as orthodox.Nevertheless, theologians probably considered Christian magic a lesserevil and were willing to tolerate it as long as it didnt interfere withthe doctrines of free will and divine providence (Thorndike 1: 63132).Flint makes her case with the admirable trenchancy she ascribesto her detractors. Non-Christian forms of divination survived becausethey found some legitimate expression in the Christian church. How-ever the argument must not be taken too far. Although the leader-ship may have overlooked Christian forms of magic, the MedievalChurch was not ready in the sixth century to co-opt the occult sci-ences altogether.

Despite Christian opposition, we must remember that the castingof lots for religious purposes was accepted Hebrew practice. In theOld Testament, priests consulted God through lots. For example wend, The lot is cast into the lap, but the decision is wholly fromthe Lord (Prov. 16.33 RSV). A description of priestly vestmentsmentions the breastplate of judgment, a pouch containing the sacredlots Urim and Thummin (Exod. 28.1530). Neither was the practiceunknown in the New Testament. For example we nd the apostlescasting lots to choose a successor for Judas (Acts 1.26). The Christianfathers were not, however, wholly in favor of encouraging such prac-tices among their faithful.

6 Sortilegi sunt qui sub nomine ctae religionis per quasdam, quas sanctorumsortes vocant, divinationis scientiam protentur, aut quarumcumque scripturaruminspectione futura promittunt [emphasis mine] (Etymologiae 8.9.28).

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Acceptance of Christian forms of prognostication and magic inthe Middle Ages would have to wait at least until the thirteenth cen-tury. Thomas Aquinas (12251274) addressed the problem of thesortes sanctorum in the Summa contra gentiles and Summa theologiae. Aquinasshows some sensitivity to the emerging view that Christian magiccould, in rare cases, be useful. Reecting on the passage from Actsin which the apostles used lots, Aquinas observes that they onlyresorted to lots after fervent prayer and devotion. Aquinas hastensto warn that the practice is dangerous and should only be employedin cases of absolute necessity (Summa theologiae 2.2.95, 8). Attemptingto know the mind of God bordered on the sin of vanitas, and theuse of lots could also attract demons. St. Thomas also rmly rejectednon-Christian magic and clearly distinguished magic and lot castingfrom science.7 Like Aquinas, John of Salisbury (c. 111580) acceptedsome use of Christian symbols in medical intervention, but he alsorejected any non-Christian magic, the interpretation of dreams, andother forms of divination.

As Sezneck reminds us, Cecco dAscoli was burned at the stakein 1327 for calculating Christs birth by means of the stars (57).Furthermore, precursors to the humanists such as Petrarch (130474)maintained orthodox opposition to astrology. Thorndikes survey ofexperimental science nonetheless reveals a restraint in the Churchspursuit of astrology and other sciences:

Hitherto in our survey of medieval learning, more particularly of thetwelfth and thirteenth centuries, we have found little or no evidencein support of the old view, or rather assumption, that every medievalscientist was persecuted by the church. (2: 949)

In this regard, Cecco dAscoli is an isolated case. Although theremay not have been many executions, the Catholic Church contin-ued to scrutinize astrological and other scientic writings for signsof heresy.

Many astrologers needed powerful royal families to keep them outof trouble with the Holy Oce. The Catalan scholar, Arnau deVilanova (c. 12381311), provides such a case. Vilanova served as

7 In the Summa theologiae, Aquinas condemns most forms of divination as the workof demons. Because of their use in the Bible, Aquinass position on the divine lotsis not entirely consistent with his view on other forms of divination (2.2,95). ConsultThorndikes discussion of the sortes sanctorum, magic, and science in the Thomisticcorpus for a fuller treatment of the subject (2: 593615).

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physician to both popes and kings. His writings included the Libellusde improbatione maleciorum, a treatise on how to counteract sympa-thetic magic, and a work on the Tetragrammaton, inuenced by JewishCabbala. Because of his writings, Vilanovas orthodoxy was calledinto question more than once. The Inquisition banned his booksocially, and it was only self-abnegation and success in treating PopeBoniface VIIIs gall stone that got him removed from the Inquisitionsblack list (Thorndike 2: 84445).

Neither did the Inquisition cease to exist in the Renaissance. Someforms of magic earned acceptance as legitimate science, and theCatholic Church began to show more tolerance in the fteenth andsixteenth centuries. However we nd several cases of imprisonmentand a few notable executions as late as the seventeenth century, paceThorndike. The philosophers who laid the foundations of Renaissanceastrological magic were trained as Catholic clergy, and the Churchlater pursued many of them for their unorthodox views.

Among those who fell from grace, we nd such outstanding intel-lectual gures as Giovanni Pico della Mirandola (146394). TheInquisition chased Pico all over southern Europe on suspicion ofheresy, only to absolve him the year before his death. TommasoCampanella (15681639), a Dominican scholar, wrote extensivelyabout scientic magic, and those views landed him in prison. AnotherDominican, Giordano Bruno (1548?1600), was burned at the stakefor unorthodox views bordering on polytheism. Nevertheless, exper-imentation into astrology and astrological magic proceeded steadilyduring the Renaissance and provided the framework for early mod-ern science.

Before examining the vindication of the occult sciences, a wordof clarication is in order. It was once thought that the terms astrolo-gia and astronomia were synonymous in the early Middle Ages. Wealready met St. Isidore, who included all manner of supernaturalpractitioners under the term magi. The lines of division were indeeduid, and many authors confuse the terms. However other medievalwriters show a higher degree of sensitivity to the dierence betweenthese two terms than scholars once thought. St. Isidore himself isnot consistent, but in some passages he denes astrologia and astrono-mia much as we would today.8

8 Flint cites Fontaine (1953) as the rst to make this observation. HoweverThorndike noted Isidores denitions of astrology and astronomy in 1923 (1: 632).

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In the Etymologiae, Isidore uses the term mathesis for astrology, andin one passage he condemns the science outright. He states that,blinded by the beauty of the stars, some have mistakenly concludedthat they can predict the future from calculations based on the move-ment of the planets. According to Isidore, both Christian and paganscholars condemned such superstition.9 However in other passages,Isidore makes a subtle distinction between the terms astronomy andastrology.

Isidore notes that astronomy deals only with the movement of theheavenly bodies. By contrast, astrology is partly natural (i.e. scientic)and partly superstitious. It is a natural science when it observes theconstellations and their position in the heavens, and it is damnablesuperstition when it attempts to predict the nature of mens soulsand their destinies.10 Isidore is not the rst to make such a distinc-tion; his use of the term mathesis to refer to astrology comes frommuch older astrological sources.

Julius Firmicus Maternus composed his Mathesis (c. 354) on thesubject, and the treatise remains one of the few complete ancienttexts on astrology. Although the work is not cited until the twelfthcentury, Isidore obliquely refers to it. According to Tester, the titlederives from the Greek myhsiw learning, which originally referredto the sciences of the quadrivium, particularly mathematics (134).Later the term applies strictly to astrology (in both senses). By thetwelfth century, scholars had established a distinction between math-sis, with a long mid vowel and mth^sis with a short vowel. The rstrepresents true learning; the second is infused with superstition. We

9 The passage glossed follows: Sed nonnulli siderum pulcritudine et claritateperlecti in lapsus stellarum caecatis mentibus conruerunt, ita ut per subputationesnoxias, quae mathesis dicitur, eventus rerum praescrire posse conentur: quos nonsolum Christianae religionis doctores, sed etiam gentilium Plato, Aristoteles, atquealii rerum veritate conmoti concordi sententia damnaverunt, dicentes confusionemrerum potius de tali persuasione generari [emphasis mine] (Etymologiae 3.71.39).

10 Compare the following passage to Isidores blanket condemnation cited in notes2 and 4: 1. Inter Astronomiam autem et Astrologiam aliquid diert. Nam Astronomiacaeli conversionem, ortus, obitus motusque siderum continet, vel qua ex causa itavocentur. Astrologia vero partim naturalis, partim superstitiosa est. 2.Naturalis, dum exequitur solis et lunae cursus, vel stellarum certas temporum sta-tiones. Superstitiosa vero est illa quam mathematici sequuntur, qui in stellis auguri-antur, quique etiam duodecim caeli signa per singula animae vel corporis membradisponunt, siderumque cursu nativitates hominum et mores praedicare conantur[emphasis mine] (Etymologiae 3.27.12).

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may trace this distinction to John of Salisbury in the twelfth cen-tury (Tester 134).11

The two forms of mathesis are similar to the distinction betweenastrology and astronomy recognized today. Astronomy represents themathematical and theoretical branch of the science. Astrology, in itsdierent forms, is an applied science used to make general or speciclife predictions. We will meet this distinction again when we exam-ine judicial and natal astrology in the next chapter. This evidencesuggests that, at least in some respects, medieval scholars were awarethat scientic astrology was a useful activity and did not necessarilyinvolve heretical superstition.

Aquinas was bold enough to tread a bit farther in his acceptanceof astrology. He licenses the science as a means of observation ofthe natural world to search for causes and eects. Aquinas even goesso far as to assert that the stars do have some eect on the naturalworld. Given humankinds earthly passions and its connection to thephysical world, it seems logical to assume that men and women arealso subject to astral inuences. Careful to avoid heresy, Aquinashastens to note that free will allows humankind to avoid followingits baser desires:

The majority of men follow their passions, which are movements ofthe sensitive appetite, in which movements of the heavenly bodies canco-operate; but few are wise enough to resist these passions. Consequentlyastrologers are able to foretell the truth in the majority of cases, espe-cially in a general way. But not in particular cases; for nothing pre-vents man resisting his passions by his free-will. Wherefore the astrologersthemselves are wont to say that the wise man is stronger than thestars . . . (Summa theologiae 1.115.4)12

12

11 John of Salisbury ( oruit twelfth century). He denes the two reexes of math-esis in the Policraticus, completed in 1159. His understanding of magic is largelyderived from Isidore of Seville. Although he condemns most superstition, he acceptsChristian miracles and believes the use of the Lords Prayer is helpful in gatheringmedicinal herbs (Thorndike 2: 15860).

12 Trans. Fathers of the English Dominican Province. Original text: Ad tertiumdicendum quod plures hominum sequuntur passiones, quae sunt motus sensitiviappetitus, ad quas cooperari possunt corpora caelestia, pauci autem sunt sapientes,qui huiusmodi passionibus resistant. Et ideo astrologi ut in pluribus vera possuntpraedicere, et maxime in communi. Non autem in speciali, quia nihil prohibetaliquem hominem per liberum arbitrium passionibus resistere. Unde et ipsi astrologidicunt quod sapiens homo dominatur astris, inquantum scilicet dominatur suis pas-sionibus (Summa theologiae 1.115.4).

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This position is about as far as one can go without crossing the lineon astrological determinism, and it represents an enormous leap for-ward from the more conservative positions of Augustine and Isidore.According to Aquinas, without the will (often rendered in Latin asarbitrium or choice) there can be no hope that humankind mightredeem itself. Kenny elaborates on the will in St. Thomass system:

On the one hand, it is a capacity for certain kinds of wanting (forlong-term and universal goals that only humans can have, such as thediscovery of scientic truth or the pursuit of riches). On the otherhand, it is a capacity for action of a certain kind, namely free andvoluntary action; only those who have free will are capable of freeaction. (81)

Renaissance scholars will follow Aquinas to the letter on this point,always careful to respect the freedom of individual choice.

So far, we have considered the most recent scholarship on thetransmission of the occult sciences through the Middle Ages and the reception they nd in the Roman Catholic Church. Most of theresearch centers specically on astrology and, by extension, on magic.We also saw that scientic astrology (i.e. mathsis) was acceptableto the medieval Christian Church in limited doses and whenever itdid not conict with theological doctrine. What of the other occultsciences: bad astrology (i.e. mth^sis), astro-numerology, geomancy,lot casting, etc.?

When and if the medieval Church adopted the other occult sci-encesas Flint seems to suggestis a question that requires muchmore philological spadework. The Church may have been willing tooverlook some forms of Christian magic as we observed, but noneof the medieval sources equate magic with science as we nd in theRenaissance. Neither does magic or prognostic astrology appear inthe school curricula. Grant surveyed the educational programs ofmedieval universities and cathedral schools.13 He observed that astrol-ogy was taught only as a branch of astronomy and primarily in themedical faculties. Of other forms of prognostication he notes:

Whatever their signicance for the history of science, magic, astrology(especially as it pertained to human fate and fortune), alchemy, andother occult sciences were not ocially taught in the natural philosophy

13 Grant (1996) is a signicantly revised and expanded version of his originalanalysis (1974).

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curriculum of medieval universities, although this tells us little aboutthe extent to which individual masters and students may have pursuedthese activities privately. (1996: 137)

In Barcelona, the textual record begins in the sixteenth century, butit seems to corroborate Grants ndings for earlier periods. In 1559,the charter for the Estudi General stipulates that mathematics mightbe taught under arts and letters, time permitting. There was a chairfor mathematics at least from 1576; and in 1598 the record indi-cates that some astronomical material was included in mathematicalstudies. The textual record never mentions prognostic astrology (PeaDaz 492).

The evidence presented so far admits some preliminary conclu-sions. The various genres of prognostica ourished in the Middle Agesnot only because they were illicit, and so intriguing. Neither werethe prognostic arts merely subversive tools for the fringe elements ofsociety, for they had many practical applications. Prognosticationhelped kings predict future events, doctors choose the propitiousmoment for medical intervention, generals determine the outcomeof a battle, and farmers obtain the best crop yield. As such, theywere a continuation of pre-Christian forms of divination and magic,and these practices survived outside the Church in the Middle Ages.As Flint observes, the prognostic arts may have survived becausethey were practiced outside the Churchthat is underground andlargely out of its reach (1990: 24).

The occult sciences oered an alternative manner for humankindto control its fate. The early Christian Church was unrelenting inits pursuit of all forms of science that threatened the establishedorder. At some point, the seeds of tolerance began to sprout. TheChurch became less hostile to the more scientic forms of astrology,realizing it had much to gain by incorporating it into ocial doc-trines. By adopting some early pagan forms of magic and divina-tion, such as the sortes sanctorum, the Catholic Church cut the grassfrom beneath the feet of these alternative spiritual leaders. In sodoing, the Catholic Church kept much of this magic alive. The soilwould remain ever fertile, and Renaissance scholars would till theelds intensely during the fteenth and sixteenth centuries.

The humanistic project in the Italian Renaissance jettisoned Aris-totelianism and Thomism in favor of Neoplatonism and a reverencefor old classics newly discovered. This renovatio of arts and lettersbrought with it a revalorization of prognostic and occult sciences as

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expressed in classical sources. The discovery of the Neoplatonic andHermetic corpus provided a mine, rich with magical and astrologi-cal references. Marsilio Ficino (143399) made these Greek writingsaccessible in Latin and began to explore connections between Platonismand Christianity in Theologica platonica, which he published in 1482.

Around the same time, the idea of experimentation upon the nat-ural world also became popular. Neoplatonism and scientic exper-imentation brought science and magic together as complementaryforces. A brief mention of both is necessary to understand the intel-lectual climate in which the Tracat de prenostication was born. Thesetwo trends redeemed the practitioner of occult science, the mage:magus signicat hominem sapientem cum virtute agendi (Brunocit. in Garin 1981: 20001). The Tractat reminds us of the pseudo-Ptolemaic adage that the wise man will rule the stars (fol. 12r).

During the fteenth century, around the time the Tractat de prenos-tication was published, Italian scholars, such as Marsilio Ficino, werecrafting Neoplatonic treatises on the magic arts. In Ficinos works,one detects a concern to separate true magic from false super-stition. Ficino was one of magics most ardent spokespersons. Howevereven Ficino wavered on some aspects of magic. In the Disputatio contraiudicium astrologorum (1477), Ficino partially retracted the views of hisyouth, although many scholars take the third book of his De vita(1489), in which he defends astrology, as Ficinos nal word on thematter.

Ficino is one of the most important authors because his worksembody the philosophical revolutions that were taking place in thefteenth century. In De vita, one nds Neoplatonic realism fused withscientic experimentation. When Ficino describes medical proceduresand other scientic applications of astrology, he anticipates Campanellaand Bacon (Kaske and Clark in Ficino 1989: 58). For example,Ficino writes at length on the subject of astrological talismans.

An astrological talisman is a piece of metal or stone chosen forits ability to attract the inuences of a specic planet. The mageinscribes words, prayers, and other symbols related to one of theplanets upon the talisman to strengthen the eect. In Ficino, theword is the thing, for any operation performed upon a talisman isby extension applied to the star and vice versa (Kaske and Clark in