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Page 15 PAI/October – December 2000 T he Central Government in early August 2000 announced the New National Agriculture Policy envisaging more than 4 per cent annual growth rate. The ‘rainbow revolution’, it promises, would cover all aspects of the farm sector. Tabled in both Houses of Parliament on 28 July 2000, the Policy Document talks about increased private sector participation through contract farming and land-leasing arrangements. It also emphasizes price protection for farmers to safeguard their interests amid removal of quantitative restrictions on import of agriculture produce. Addressing a Press-conference at New Delhi, Sh. Nitish Kumar, Union Agriculture Minister said “Agriculture has become an increasingly unrewarding profession and corrective measures are the need of the hour. This policy will help the farm sector to meet the challenges of economic liberalization and form the basis of an action plan for agricultural growth”. The New Agriculture Policy has involved different reactions from various quarters. The consensus, however, is on the point that one vital issue that is glaringly missing in the policy document is – time bound, sector-specific approach of the government to tap the potentials in various agri-segments. The analysis, outlook, views, etc. as reported in major national dailies and economic papers have been excerpted by NCDC Bulletin, August 2000 to provide an insight into the issues involved and the follow up action. Below we quote an excerpt from the Hindu, Chennai, 1 August 2000. The Union Cabinet took the decision on 28 July 2000 for 100 million Indian farmers for a National Agriculture Policy (only coincidentally abbreviated as NAP). Its major objectives would be the attainment of a 4 per cent annual growth in the agricultural sector and enhanced levels of efficiency of input use consistent with environmental sustainability. The question is not so much about the imperative need (a) to raise levels of productivity both in food production and in the non-food sector and (b) to achieve rapid diversification of agriculture covering horticulture and floriculture tapping the unutilized potential, as about the instrumentalities of policy which are required to bring about an agricultural transformation that would be consistent with the fact that around 65 per cent of the people of India are still rooted in agriculture and related sectors. The reality is that there are pronounced disparities among the States in agricultural progress. This makes for a certain degree of incongruity about a National Policy on Agriculture especially when the formulation of such a policy is made with little or no participation by State Governments. Among the major issues that need to be addressed here is the decline in capital formation in this sector over the years. According to the Central Statistical Organisation (CSO) estimates, gross capital formation in agriculture has virtually remained stagnant (at 1993 – 94 prices) at around Rs 165 billion during the three year period, 1996-99. The share of public investment in agriculture has actually come down from 28.2 per cent in 1996-97 to 23.6 per cent in 1998-99. A point repeatedly made in the annual Economic Surveys of the Union Government is that the decline in public investment in the agricultural sector had arisen mainly because of the diversion of resources from creation of assets (irrigation capacity, water management, rural infrastructure) into subsidies of various kinds – food, fertilizers, water, power and so forth. Is this problem being addressed by the NAP? There is a certain formulation in the policy document which deals with “rationalization and transparent pricing of inputs” for the purpose of generating resources for agriculture. This is all right by way of intent but political sensitivities involved appear too forbidding for the policy document to spell out clearly how a larger flow of investments could be facilitated either through government budgets or through the private sector. India: New Agriculture Policy

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Page 15PAI/October – December 2000

The Central Government inearly August 2000announced the New

National Agriculture Policyenvisaging more than 4 per centannual growth rate. The ‘rainbowrevolution’, it promises, would coverall aspects of the farm sector. Tabledin both Houses of Parliament on 28July 2000, the Policy Documenttalks about increased private sectorparticipation through contractfarming and land-leasingarrangements. It also emphasizesprice protection for farmers tosafeguard their interests amidremoval of quantitative restrictionson import of agriculture produce.

Addressing a Press-conferenceat New Delhi, Sh. Nitish Kumar,Union Agriculture Minister said“Agriculture has become anincreasingly unrewarding professionand corrective measures are the needof the hour. This policy will help thefarm sector to meet the challenges ofeconomic liberalization and formthe basis of an action plan foragricultural growth”.

The New Agriculture Policyhas involved different reactions fromvarious quarters. The consensus,however, is on the point that onevital issue that is glaringly missingin the policy document is – timebound, sector-specific approach ofthe government to tap the potentialsin various agri-segments. Theanalysis, outlook, views, etc. asreported in major national dailiesand economic papers have beenexcerpted by NCDC Bulletin,

August 2000 to provide an insightinto the issues involved and thefollow up action. Below we quotean excerpt from the Hindu, Chennai,1 August 2000.

The Union Cabinet took thedecision on 28 July 2000 for 100million Indian farmers for aNational Agriculture Policy (onlycoincidentally abbreviated as NAP).

Its major objectives would bethe attainment of a 4 per cent annualgrowth in the agricultural sectorand enhanced levels of efficiencyof input use consistent withenvironmental sustainability.

The question is not so muchabout the imperative need (a) toraise levels of productivity both infood production and in the non-foodsector and (b) to achieve rapiddiversification of agriculturecovering horticulture and floriculturetapping the unutilized potential, asabout the instrumentalities of policywhich are required to bring about anagricultural transformation thatwould be consistent with the factthat around 65 per cent of the peopleof India are still rooted in agricultureand related sectors.

The reality is that there arepronounced disparities among theStates in agricultural progress. Thismakes for a certain degree ofincongruity about a National Policyon Agriculture especially when theformulation of such a policy is madewith little or no participation byState Governments. Among the

major issues that need to beaddressed here is the decline incapital formation in this sector overthe years.

According to the CentralStatistical Organisation (CSO)estimates, gross capital formation inagriculture has virtually remainedstagnant (at 1993 – 94 prices) ataround Rs 165 billion during thethree year period, 1996-99. Theshare of public investment inagriculture has actually come downfrom 28.2 per cent in 1996-97 to23.6 per cent in 1998-99. A pointrepeatedly made in the annualEconomic Surveys of the UnionGovernment is that the decline inpublic investment in the agriculturalsector had arisen mainly because ofthe diversion of resources fromcreation of assets (irrigationcapacity, water management, ruralinfrastructure) into subsidies ofvarious kinds – food, fertilizers,water, power and so forth.

Is this problem beingaddressed by the NAP? There is acertain formulation in the policydocument which deals with“rationalization and transparentpricing of inputs” for the purpose ofgenerating resources for agriculture.This is all right by way of intent butpolitical sensitivities involvedappear too forbidding for the policydocument to spell out clearly how alarger flow of investments couldbe facilitated either throughgovernment budgets or through theprivate sector.

India: New Agriculture Policy

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Page 16PAI/October – December 2000

Poverty Alleviation Initiatives (PAI) is published quarterly, as an interagency endeavour to provide United Nations initiatives onpoverty alleviation in Asia and the Pacific region. The inputs for the newsletter are provided by the members of the ThematicWorking Group on Poverty Alleviation, Rural Development and Food Security.

The designations employed and the presentation of the material in this newsletter do not imply the expression of any opinionwhatsoever on the part of the Secretariat of the United Nations concerning the legal status of any country, territory, city or area, orof its authorities, or concerning the delimitation of its frontiers or boundaries.

Present membership of RCM, includes ESCAP, UNICEF, UNEP, UNFPA, UNDP, and FAO, ILO, UNESCO, UNIDO, UNIFEM,and WHO.

Newsletters are issued without formal editing.For information please contact:

Mr Kiran Pyakuryal

Chief, Rural Development Section Population and Rural and Urban Development Division (PRUDD)ESCAP, United Nations BuildingRajdamnern AvenueBangkok 10200 Thailand

Page 16PAI/October – December 2000

PAI

The notion that the privatecorporate sector can make big foraysinto agriculture can never be part ofpublic policy in India owing tomillions of small and marginal farmsdepending on tiny holdings for baresubsistence. NAP seems to beopening up some new avenuesfor corporate involvement inagriculture through contract farming,a mode which has made for apositive impact on the farmingcommunity in the sugar sector, forexample. Consolidation of holdingsas has occurred in Punjab andHaryana can be replicated in otherStates but only on the basis ofdiversification of the rural economyand the supply of capital to farmersto enable acquisition of marginalholdings.

NAP envisages institutional,legal arrangements for leasing ofprivate lands for cultivation andagribusiness, which would presumethat holders of uneconomic farmswould find it prudent to engagethemselves in alternativeoccupations in the rural sector ratherthan migrate in large numbers totown and cities. The fashion of theday is a VRS policy for industrialworkers and not for the marginalfarmer!

Whatever the premises onwhich a new policy for agriculturalprogress is built, there is the alltoo basic question which would cryfor attention. And that is thevexatious issue of farm price supportwhich has come to mean “publicprocurement and distribution” ofnot only foodgrains but also ofcommercial crops such as tobacco,tea, coffee, and the political processof fixing sugarcane, at the Statelevel.

Should agricultural policyfoster cropping preferences of bigfarmers that are driven by greedrather than by the agro-economicrealities of the region in question?Merely saying that exportcompetitiveness of Indianagriculture will be strengthenedwhile decisions are taken regardingminimum support prices is nosubstitute for an active policy ofidentification and support foragricultural commodities which dohave a global competitive edge. Butit is a dicey game because worldcommodity markets are all toovolatile and it would be a grave errorof macro management of theeconomy for the State to emerge asthe underwriter for agriculturalexporters.

The Agri-policy envisagesRainbow Revolution

• Over 4 per cent annualgrowth rate.

• Greater private sectorparticipation throughcontract farming.

• Price protection forfarmers.

• National Agriculturalinsurance scheme to belaunched.

• Dismantling of restrictionson movement ofagricultural commoditiesthroughout the country.