Art and Urban Culture.pdf

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Proceedings of the URECA@NTU 2010-11

Imaging Cities: Art and Urban Culture

Jeanette Hong May Hurn

School of Chemical and Biomedical

Engineering

Asst Prof Michael Thaddeus Tan Koon Boon

School of Art, Design and Media

Abstract - This project focuses on how the act of

busking exists within an urban setting, specifically in

the context of Singaporean society. The purpose of the

project was to turn the spotlight on the little-esteemed

street performances we pass by each day and gleanfrom them useful perspectives that are essential in

constructing a holistic view of society. To achieve this

end, a series of photographs was compiled to form a

visual representation of local buskers. Basic

photography techniques were introduced followed by

interview-cum-photography sessions with threedifferent buskers in Singapore. The results were

presented in the form of graphics and reflective writing

focused on the personal life-stories of individual

buskers, issues uniquely related to busking as a

profession and the potential of busking as a platform toencourage the emergence of young artistic talent.

Keywords - busking, Singapore, photography,

social

1 INTRODUCTION

The approach taken in analyzing urban culture for this

project was largely stimulated by readings of ‘The

Metropolis and Mental Health’ by Georg Simmel, inwhich he stated concerning the dominance of money

economy and constrained patterns of time in cities:

“Punctuality, calculability, exactness are forced upon

life by the complexity and extension of metropolitan

existence and are not only most intimately connectedwith its money economy and intellectualistic character.

These traits must also colour the contents of life and

favour exclusion of those irrational, instinctive,

sovereign traits and impulses which aim at determining

the mode of life from within, instead of receiving the

general and precisely schematized form of life from

without. Even though sovereign types of personality,characterized by irrational impulses, are by no means

impossible in the city, they are, nevertheless, opposed

to typical city life.” [14]

The act of busking was given attention in this project

because it epitomized a form of counter-culture and

resistance towards mainstream work culture and the

definition of “proper work” as most commonly seen.

Through the process of physical immersion in the

shared public space where the buskers performed and

interviews conducted with them, attempts were made toclarify their motives as street performers, difficulties

and constraints they faced, as well as the general social

perception towards buskers.

1.1 THE SINGAPORE CONTEXT:

Busking in Singapore has seen its fair share of ups and

downs. Initially introduced in 1992, busking was

eventually banned in 1994 due to the non-compliance of

buskers to the regulations concerning designated

busking locations and handling of donations asstipulated by the National Arts Council (NAC).

However, busking was brought back in 1997 through

the establishment of the prevailing Busking Scheme in a

bid to promote tourism and art in the public sphere [3].

Most notably, the image of busking has been elevated

through the annually held Singapore River Buskers’Festival from 1997-2004. The event made a comeback

recently as the inaugural Sentosa Buskers’ Festival

2010). [2, 4, 9, 10]

For this project, the local context was of crucial

importance as inseparable from the circumstances

dictating the development of busking in Singapore. The

specificity of these surroundings gave rise to an added

dimension of stringent government control and

underlying political ideology, the knowledge of which

was essential in understanding the activity of local

buskers. The scope of this project serves only to

examine how individual buskers operate within theregulatory framework presented to them and to classify,

if present, any tension generated between these

regulations and an activity that is fundamentally a form

of free expression.

2 AIMS / OBJECTIVES

The aim of the project was to explore the activity of busking in Singapore and its role in urban culture. The

project was focused on the visual representation of local

buskers in the form of photographs supplemented by

commentary derived from interviews conducted with

the buskers.

3 LITERATURE REVIEW /

BACKGROUND

Several important concepts regarding urban culture

formed the basis on which this study was undertaken.

Firstly, we assumed that the general population in cities

is characterized by a “blasé attitude” that is,

indifference towards most external stimuli (such as a

street performance) with emphasis placed on money as

the common denominator to which all qualitative

aspects are reduced [14]. Hence, the act of busking is

viewed as unconventional as it is little appreciated(being equated to begging at times) and gives no

guarantee of a steady income.




Secondly, we acknowledged the presence of class

distinctions in Singaporean society, commonly referred

to as “Heartlanders” and “Cosmopolitans”. Heartlanders

are categorized as Mandarin or dialect speakers with

local interests as compared to English-speaking

Cosmopolitans who possess an international outlook [6,

7, 17]. These two categories are not seen to becompletely accurate in typifying the whole spectrum of

Singaporean society, but provide the backdrop of publicdiscourse against which social perception towards

buskers is examined.

The aims of busking in Singapore as outlined in the

NAC Busking Scheme are to create a vibrant city life

by providing an opportunity for Singaporeans to exhibit

their artistic talents, and to make the arts moreaccessible to the public. On the website provided, it is

clearly stated that busking is not to be seen as a source

of income [3]. This aspect is one of interest as it raises

the question of whether buskers themselves view their

activity as a hobby or a job. Furthermore, there is

seemingly contradictory treatment of foreign buskers brought in for the annual Buskers’ Festival as they are

fully paid for by the organizers [4].

The task of photographing individual buskers was

approached delicately in emulation of Henri Cartier-

Bresson’s words:

“The picture-story involves a joint operation of the

brain, the eye, and the heart. The objective of this joint

operation is to depict the content of some event which is

in the process of unfolding, and to communicate

impressions.” [5]Much of Cartier-Bresson’s philosophy concerning

photography and the decisive moment were adopted,

especially with regard to a photographer’s respect

towards the subject of interest, which in this case were

buskers in Singapore. In such light, the entire process

became one that was highly personal, as it was

necessary to actively participate in the scene not just asa passive observer but by being on relational terms with

the people involved in order to capture an accurate

expression of the moment.

4 METHODOLOGY

The medium of photography was explored through a

series of photo assignments in order to gain a better grasp of camera handling and photo composition. The

details of each assignment are described in the results

section. In addition, photographs from various sources

were studied to gain a better understanding of the

different aspects in photography such as angle,

composition, photo-editing techniques and photographic opportunities [1, 8, 12, 13].

Contact with local buskers was made by directly

approaching them in person during their performances

in public spaces. Several buskers who were willing to

be interviewed and photographed were identified. As

most encounters were unplanned, a later date was set

for the actual photography and informal interview to be

conducted.

Five of the best photographs were selected for each of the buskers. The photographs were taken with a Nikon

D70 camera and developed by a commercial

photograph shop. They were then arranged in sequence

in a handmade book.

5 RESULTS

5.1 PHOTO ASSIGNMENTS

Prior to the sessions with buskers, several excursions

were undertaken with the aim of developing basic

photography skills.

i) Location: Lakeside - Chinese Garden

Date: 8 October 2010

Description: Emphasis on symmetry andgeometrical shapes, experimental typographywhere random objects were framed to form letters

of the alphabet.

ii) Location: Bras Basah - Dhoby Ghaut

Date: 24 October 2010Description: Urban landscapes

5.1-3 Crossroads

5.1-1

Lotus flower

at Chinese

Garden

5.1-2

“Y”, experimental

typography




iii) Location: Nanyang Technological University

Date: 6 November 2010

Description: Portraiture photographs

5.1-4 Crystal Joyee Lee

iv) Location: Little India

Date: 13 January 2011

Description: Interviewing and portraiture

5.2 MEETING THE BUSKERS

i) Name: Low Geok Lan (Xiao Luo)

Location: Bendemeer Market and Food Centre,

Boon Keng

Date: 19 February 2011

Details: Xiao Luo plays the harmonica in its

various forms and has been busking for a living

since 2003. She performed songs taken from the popular Korean serial “Da Chang Jin” and also a

rendition of “Mouse Love Rice”. Her

autobiography entitled “I Have Never Regretted Not Being Beautiful” was published in 2004 [16].

5.2-1 Xiao Luo at Boon Keng

ii) Name: Daniel Ng Ah Hock

Location: NUS Open House and Ang Mo Kio Hub

Date: 13 March and 26 May 2011

Description: Daniel has been singing and playingthe guitar in public since 2000. He was invited to

perform at NUS Open House under a student

project “Busk Like Us” aimed at integrating

young talents with experienced street performers.On a cloudy Thursday afternoon, he entertained

passersby with a lovely acoustic version of Dick

Lee’s “Home”.

iii) Names: Leticia Habon Caya (Catho) andQamaruddin Mohd Amin (Qamal)

Location: In front of ION Orchard and

Takashimaya, Orchard Road

Date: 30 April and 26 May 2011

Description: This husband and wife duo form the

group D’ Highlights with Catho on lead vocalsand percussion, supported by Qamal with backup

singing and keyboard accompaniment. The couple

can really work a crowd with a medley of songs

such as “Blue Suede Shoes, Rock Around The

Clock and Burung Kakak Tua”. Previously, manyFilipino maids took to dancing on the street to

5.1-5

Brisk business

at the multi-

coloured

public toiletopposite

Kerbau Hotel,

complete with

blaring music.

5.2-2

Daniel performing

at the square in between Ang Mo

Kio Hub and S11

Coffeeshop.




their lively music until recent opposition put an

end to their activities [11].

5.2-3 D’ Highlights belting out oldies but goldies

along Orchard Road.

The full commentary and photographs are presented

in a separate book.

6 DISCUSSION

6.1 LOOKING THROUGH THE LENS

As a person with no prior experience to photography,

this project was an opportunity to experiment with and

learn a new skill. The ability to freeze a moment in time

and space allows the eye to re-examine, over and over

again, details that would otherwise escape a passing

glance. The boundaries of a camera’s viewfinder

introduce a focus and a frame, through which a whole

range of different meanings may be conveyed. Hence,

the camera becomes a sharing tool, capturing imagesthat tell the truth without words.

The topic of this project required much interaction with

strangers, forcing me out of my comfort zone in order

to meet different people. The experience yielded many

unexpected encounters and left a lasting impression on

me personally.

6.2 BUSKING AS PUBLIC ART?

Through direct engagement in public spaces and

interviews with the buskers, I observed that busking in

Singapore is much more accepted as a significant art

form than previously thought, even though it has notcompletely shed the stigma of it being a glorified form

of begging, limited to the elderly or the handicapped.This has greatly to do with the form of licensing present

under the NAC Busking Scheme that ensures the

quality of public performances [3]. Over the course of

this study, the disparity between the motivations and

quality of licensed and unlicensed buskers became

apparent, though the latter group may not rightly beconsidered buskers as their efforts do not usually

amount to a noteworthy performance.

All the buskers recorded in this project were licensed.

Two of them (Xiao Luo and Daniel Ng) considered

busking to be a lifestyle choice whereas Catho andQamal saw busking as an extension to their regular

performances at private functions and other events. The

defining factor between a busker and a beggar would be

the desire in a busker to produce and share a valuable

experience, which necessitates constant improvement in

skills and engagement with the audience, as compared

to motivation solely for monetary gain.

The involvement of buskers in collaborations with

youth such as in the project “Busk Like Us”[15]

highlights the fact that Singaporean society has

gradually become more appreciative of busking and

receptive to it as a platform for artistic exposure.

6.3 BUSKING AS A JOB?

The presence of a licence establishes the legitimacy of

busking as an occupation. At street level, most people

respect and perceive licensed buskers as “earning a

living” even though the actual context of the scheme

does not support busking as a source of income. It is

noted that all three buskers selected for interviewsincluding the majority of other buskers approached or

observed on the streets were above 50 years of age.

Hence, while reception towards busking has changedfrom indifference or even outright rejection to

appreciation, it is still far from being taken up as a

career by young working adults in Singapore.

Busking is seen to have commercial value in the case of

“professional buskers” from other countries that were

invited to perform during the recent Sentosa Buskers’Festival 2010. The line-up of performers was comprised

wholly of foreign nationals [2]. When asked to

comment on this fact, Xiao Luo admitted that foreign

buskers had better quality and more diverse performances, whereas Daniel attributed it largely to the

need to create a bigger draw for crowds that favour foreign talent over local shows.

Insufficient information is available to form a

conclusive statement regarding social perception

towards foreign versus local buskers, but the debate is

clearly one that stems from the heart of national policy

that has not left even street performances untouched.

6.4 SOCIAL DIVISIONS

It is interesting to note that even within the same sphere

of activity, namely busking, distinctions were drawn between different buskers – upon hearing that I

interviewed a Mandarin speaking busker in Boon Keng,

Chato commented that she must have been aHeartlander.

Due to its very nature, busking is inherently linked to

individuals who are part of a social structure which in

this context is defined mainly as Cosmopolitan and

Heartlander [6, 7, 17]. Based on the three interviews

conducted, the essence of the buskers’ performancesand opinions were seen to be coloured by their personal

background. Xiao Luo conversed solely in Mandarin

and the songs she performed were extracted fromChinese language media. Daniel, Catho and Qamal

conversed in English and their choice of songs reflected




the cultural influences of their era and medium of

communication. Even the locations chosen for busking

reflected certain preferences, as Xiao Luo and Daniel

frequent hawker centres and markets close to residential

areas whereas D’ Highlights stay exclusively on

Orchard Road.

In reality, other aspects of the buskers interviewed do

not fall into either defined category but somehow the

notion of a divide persists in a form of collective

consciousness. This would exemplify the pervasiveness

of political ideology in urban culture.

7 CONCLUSION

This project has shown that busking in Singapore is

being increasingly accepted as an art form that has

potential to be harnessed as a means to develop young

talent. However, busking as a career option is stillsidelined in the local context. The form of busking is

dictated by class distinctions and government policy both of which are well-entrenched in Singaporean

society.

Further studies may be conducted to examine the socialeffects of busking such as the gathering of people to

dance in public spaces and the benefits of creating an

atmosphere of open engagement. The factors involved

in the opposition towards such gatherings in public

should also be taken into consideration. Another topic

that may be explored is the contribution of busking to

the formation of national identity through the

expression of various art forms with local origins.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

I would like to appreciate Professor Michael Tan for his

guidance throughout this project. Special thanks to

Josephine Tan Siok Im and Tan Zhi Howe for lending

me their cameras, Crystal Joyee Lee for assistance inthe portraiture assignment, and Wilson Kok Ziliang for

transport and contacts.

We wish to acknowledge the funding support for this

project from Nanyang Technological University under

the Undergraduate Research Experience on Campus

(URECA) programme.

REFERENCES

[1] (1999-2011). TIME Photoessays. Available:

http://www.time.com/time/photoessays

[2] (2010). Sentosa Buskers Festival Available:

http://buskers.sentosa.com.sg/

[3] (NAC), National Arts Council. (2005). National Arts Council (NAC) Busking Scheme. Available:

http://www.nac.gov.sg/eve/eve09.asp

[4] Ahmad, Nureza. (2004). Singapore River Buskers'

Festival. Available:http://infopedia.nl.sg/articles/SIP_445_2005-01-

05.html

[5] Cartier-Bresson, Henri, The Mind's Eye: Writings

on Photography and Photographers, 1st ed. New

York: Aperture, 2006.

[6] Chan, Brenda. (2009). Gender and class in the

Singaporean film 881. Jump Cut: A Review of

Contemporary Media. Available:

http://www.ejumpcut.org/archive/jc51.2009/881/i

ndex.html

[7] Goh, Chok Tong, "Prime Minister's National DayRally Speech: First-World Economy, World Class

Home," ed. Singapore: Singapore Government

Press Release, 1999.

[8] Kwon, Sue, Street Level: New York Photographs

1987-2007 . New York: Testify Books, 2009.

[9] Lee, Valerie, "9.30 p.m. Television Corporation of

Singapore English News," in Television

Corporation Of Singapore News And Current

Affairs Series, ed. Singapore, 1999.

[10] Leong, James, "7.00 pm Television Corporation of

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Corporation Of Singapore News And Current Affairs Series, ed. Singapore, 1997.

[11] Lim, Joyce, "Amusement or a nuisance?," in The

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[12] Merrill, Larry, Pedestrian Photographs. New

York: University of Rochester Press, 2008.

[13] Ng, Deanna. Deanna Ng Photography. Available:

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[14] Simmel, Georg, The Metropolis and Mental Life.

New York: Free Press, 1903.

[15] Surendran, Krishanthan and et. al. (2011). Busk

Like Us. Available:http://www.facebook.com/#!/Busk.Like.Us.sg

[16] Tom, Kristina, "Cabbies reading between the

lanes," in The Star Online, ed. Singapore, 2005.

[17] Yeoh, Brenda S. A. and Tan Serene, "Negotiating

cosmopolitanism in Singapore's fictional

landscape," in Cosmopolitan urbanism, J. H. Jon

Binnie, Steve Millington, Craig Young, Ed., ed.

New York: Routledge, 2006.




http://infopedia.nl.sg/articles/SIP_445_2005-01-05.html


http://www.ejumpcut.org/archive/jc51.2009/881/index.html



http://www.facebook.com/#!/Busk.Like.Us.sg

http://www.facebook.com/#!/Busk.Like.Us.sg









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Art and Urban Culture.pdf