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st ruggl ing to s tave of f dec l ine
in membership and
pol i t ica l
in f luence. f f my d iagnos is o f
t he
jo in t
c r i s is o f
o rgan i zed
labor and Communist
regimes
underestimated anything,
it was
the
speed
at
which
the
cr is is
was unfold ing
and the
extent
to which
it I{OULd
fesult
in
the
extinct ion
rather
than
transformation
of
ex is t ing
work ing-c l -ass organizat ions.
But
the very
pace
and
dest ruct iveness
of
the cr is is conf i rm
wi th
a vengeance
the
val id i ty of the content ion that the work ing-c lass organizat ions
that had been
"made"
in the early
twentieth centuly
were
in the
process
of
being
"unmade"
at
the
end
of
the century .
This does
not
mean that
the world labor
movement
has no
future. What
i t does
mean is that ,
in
order
to
be
at
al l
ef fect ive,
the wor ld
labor movement
in
the twent ieth- f i rs t
century
wi l l have
to develop
st rategies
and
st ructures
as
different
from those
of
the twentieth century
as
the latter
were
f rom
those of
the n ineteenth.
Wor ld
capi ta l ism
evol -ves
cont inual ly ,
and
so do
the condi t ions
under
which
the
work ing
c lasses
of
the wor ld
make
thei r own
his tory .
In order
to
grasp
how
these condi t ions are evolv ing, w€ must
f i rs t of
a l l d ispel
two misconcept ions
concerning
the
present
cr is is
of
wor ld l -abor .
The f i rs t
misconcept ion
is
that
the
cr is is
is due
pr imar i ly
ei ther
to
a
decl - ine
in
the dispos i t ion
of
workers
to
struggle
to
protect
or
improve
their
working
and
l iv ing
condi t ions,
or
to
the ef fects
of
the re locat ion
of
indust r ia l
act iv i t ies
f rom
high
income
to lower
income
count r ies .
The
second
misconcept ion
is that
the cr is is
demonst rates
the
fai lure of
the
wor ld
labor
movement
as inst i tuted
in
the
f i rs t
hal f of
the
twent ieth century
to at ta in
i ts
object ives,
as
wel1
as
the capaci ty
of
wor ld capi ta l ism
to overcome
indef in i te ly
i ts
l imi ts
and cont radic t ions.
The
f irst
misconcept ion
is based
on
a nal row
focus on
the
labor
movement
in core count r ies ,
and a
lack of
at tent ion
to
the
wider
and longer- term
ef fects
of
the re locat ion
of
indust r ia l
ac t i v i t ies .
Cap i t a l ,
US cap i ta l
i n
par t i cu lar ,
has
been
relocat ing
i ts act j -v i t ies
to lower
income
count r ies
throughout
the twent ieth
century .
US corporat ions
became
transnat ional
a lmost
as
soon as they
had completed
thei r
cont inent -wide
domestic
integration
at the turn of
the century;
and by
1944 US
direct
investment
abroad amounted
to 7
percent
of
US GNP,
the
same
percentage
as in the late
1960s
and a s1i9ht1y
higher
percentage
than today
(2) .
These
relocat ions
dj -d contain,
and
at
t imes ro l led back,
the bargain ing
power
and dispos i t ion
to
st ruggle of the US work ing c lass. But these domest ic ef fects
were more
than counterbalanced
on
a wor ld
scale by
the
st rengthening
of
the bargain ing
power
and dispos i t ion
to
st ruggle
of
the work ing c lasses
of
the count r ies
to which
indust r ia l
ac t i v i t ies were
re loca ted
(3 ) .
More
general ly ,
new wor ldwide data on
labor
unrest based
on
2
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of capi ta l ism' r
- -began
announcing
i ts own
matur i ty by
turning
into
the f i nanc ia l expans ion
o f
t he 1970s and 1980s .
I n t he
l97Qs ,
the
expansion of f inanc ia l act iv i t ies was
assoc iated wi th,
and in
many ways contributed tor €rrr
expansion of capital
f lows
from high
ta lower ineome
count r ies .
fn
the L980s/
cross-border
borrowing
and lending
cont j -nued
to
grow
exponent ia l ly -
- the
stock
of
internat ional
bank
lending
r is ing f rom
4
per
cent of
the
tota l
GDP qf al - l OECD count r ies in l -980 to 44 per cent in L99I . But
capi ta l f lows f rom high to lower income count r ies ,
af ter
cont ract ing
sharply in the
ear ly
1-980s, began to
recover only
towards the
end of
the
decade
(8) .
The ul t imate and
pr iv i leged*
destination of the capital withdrawn
from trade and
production
in
core
locat ions, in
other
words, has not
been
lower
income
count r ies but the
"hidden
abodes" of
f inanc ia l speculat ion
that
connect h igh income count r ies
to
one
another . I t was th is
wi thdrawal , rather than re locat ion, that in
the 1980s
prec ip i tated
the
cr is is
of wor ld labor .
As
prev i -ous ly
ment ioned, th is
cr is is
should not be
misconst rued as ev idence in support of the v iew that the wor ld
labor movement as ins t i tuted in
the f i rs t hal f of
the twent ieth
century fa i led to
at ta in i ts
object ives,
or of
the v iew that
wor ld
capi ta l ism can
overcome
indef in i te ly i ts
l imi ts and
cont radic t ions.
Let us begin by
not ic ing that
powerfu l
work ing-
alass organizat ions of
the Trade Unionis t , Soc ia l
Democrat ic
and
Communis t
var iet i -es establ ished
themselves in
the f i rs t
hal f
of
the twent ieth century
as key inst i tut ions of wor ld
soc iety
under
condi t ions of
a lmost
uninterrupted warfare or
preparat ion
for war
among
capi ta l is t
s tates. The establ ishment
of Communis t
revolut ion as a force
in
wor ld
pol i t ics ,
f i rst
in Russ ia
and then
in
China,
was of course
a
di rect
resul t of
the ravages of
the two
Wor ld Wars.
But
even
in core capi ta l is t
count r ies ,
the
greatest
waves of class struggle occurred towards the end and immediately
a f t e r
t he two
Wor ld Wars
(9 ) .
The US Cold War wor ld order ,
and the
great
expansion of
world
trade and
production
that
occurred
under
the auspices of
that order/ were
thoroughly shaped
by
this
joint
advance of
organized
labor in
core eount r ies
and of Communis t
revolut ion in
semiper ipheral and
per j -pheral
count r ies .
By the end of
the
Second Wor ld War
th is
jo int
advance was widely
perceived
as
const i tut ing
a
fundamental
threat for the very surv ival of wor ld
capi ta l ism. I f the advance was not
contained
and eventual ly
reversed, the
only
quest ion
that seemed to remain
open
was not
whether world capital ism would survive
but by
what
combination of
reforms and revolut ions i t would die. The US " invent ion" of the
CoId War was
pr imar i ly
a response to th is s i tuat ion
of emergency
fo r wor l d cap i t a l i sm.
Under the CoId War worl-d order the advances of the world
labor movement
of
the
first half of the twentieth century were
indeed
contained and, eventual ly / reversed but only through a
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rou t j - n i zed ;
and a f t e r a b r i e f
rev iva l
in
t he l a t e
l -960s ,
i t
s tar ted
to
dec l - ine
prec ip i tuous ly .
By no
st retch of
the imiginat ion,
howeverr
cdr l
th is
miraeulous
reeovery
of
wor ld
capi ta l ism
be
const rued
as
a fa i lure
;?- t [e- ;o i ro
rabor-movement ,
and even
]ess
as
a rast ing
resolut ion
of
the
cont radic t ions
of
capi ta l ism.
On
the
cont rary ,
the recovery of wor ld capi ta l ism was based pr imar i ly , not on the
negat ion,
but
on
the
part ia l
real izat ion
by
wor ld
capi ta l ism
i tsel f of
the object ives
of
the wor ld
labor
movement
of
the
preceding half century.
This
accomodation
does
demonstrate
the
ext raordinary
adaptabi l i ty
of
wor ld
capi ta l ism
as
his tor ical
soc ia l
system.
gut
the onset
of
a new
f inanc ia l
expansion
around
1-g7O
shows
that
th is
adaptabi l i ty
has
l imi ts ,
and
that
the
approaching
of
these
l imi ts
br ings
back
to
the
fore
the
cr is is
tendencies
of
capi ta l ism
in o ld
and
new forms.
I I
F inanc ia l
expansions
are
moments
of cr is is
and
fundamental
reorganizat ion
of
the capi ta l is t
wor ld-economy.
As in
al l
the
f inanc ia l
expansions
of
prev ious
centur ies,
the dr iv ing
force
behind
the
piesent
divers ion
of
capi ta l
f rom
the
purchase and
sale
of commodi t ies
( inc luding
wage
labor ,
p lant
and
equipment)
to borrowing,
lending
and
speculat ion
has been
a
major
intens i f icat ion
of
intercapi ta l is t
compet i t ion,
i tsel f
a
consequence
of
the
preceding
expansion
of wor ld
t rade
and
product ion ( l -2) .
As o ld
and new enterpr ises
invested
a
growing
mass of
capi ta l
in the
purchase
and sale
of commodi t ies ,
they
brought
down
prof i t
margins
in
thei r
respect ive
l ines
of
bus iness.
And
as
an increas ing
number of
enterpr ises
sought
to
counter diminishing returns by divers i fy ing thei r act iv i t ies
across
locat ions
and
l ines of bus iness/
they
invaded one
another 's
market
niches
and thereby
fur ther
intens i f ied
compet i t ive
pressures
and
uncer ta inty
in
a1l branches
of
t rade
and
product ion.
Under
these
c i rcumstances,
i t
is only
natural
that
a
growing
mass of
capital
should
be
withdrawn
from
trade
and
production
and
held l iquid
to
avoj -d
the r isks
and t roubles
of
investment
in an
increas ingly
compet i t ive
and
uncer ta in
bus iness
envi ronment .
Th is
l a rge and
grow ing
mass o f
surp lus cap i ta l - -cap i - ta l ,
t ha t
i s ,
that cannot
be
reinvested
prof i tably
in
the
purchase
and sale of
commodi t ies - - in
i t se l f
c rea tes
a l l
k i nds o f
p ro f i t ab le
opportuni t ies for f inanc ia l intermediar ies to borrow, 1end, and
specu la te .
H is tor ica l l y ,
however ,
t he f u11
f l ou r i sh ing
o f
f inanc i -a l
expansions,
has always been
assoc iated
wi th
an
intens i f icat ion
of
inters tate
compet i t ion
for the capi ta l
that
was being
withdrawn
from trade
and
production. As competit ion
in
commodity
markets
escalated,
governments
tended
to step
into the
struggle
and to compete
with
one another
for the capital
needed
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to overpower
r ivals ,
most ly ,
though
not
exc lus ively ,
through
an
escalat ion
in
the
armament
race.
This
compet i t ion,
in
turn,
mul t ip l ied
opportuni t ies
to
prof i t
f rom
the mobi l izat ion
of
surplus
capi ta l
in borrowing,
lending
and
speculat ion.
This
pat tern
can
be
clear ly
recognized
in
the
present
as
in
past
f inan-c ia l
expansions.
Throughout
the
1-970s,
surplus
capi ta l
ias channeled
in
di rect ions-- lending
to semiper ipheral and
per ipheral count r ies
and
speculat ion
in currency
markets-- that
fur ther
increased
compet i t ive
pressures and
uncer ta inty
in
wor ld
t rade
and
product ion wi thout
increas ing
returns
in
f inanc ia l
markets .
ALundant
and cheap
credi t
encouraged
semiper ipheral
and
per ipheral - count r ies
to
step
up
thei r
indust r ia l izat ion
and
i rodein izat ion
ef for ts
and,
Lherefore,
to compete
over
markets
and
resources
(most
notably ,
o j - I )
that
had
prev ious ly been
the
pr iv i leged
preserve
of
core
count r ies .
Speculat ion
in
currency
i rarkets- ,
for
i ts
par t ,
f i rs t
undermined,
and
then
dest royed
the
system
of
f ixed
exchange
rates
that
had contributed
to
the
s lab i l i t y
o f
wor ld
economic
cond i t i ons
in
the
1950s
and
l -960s .
This fur lher increase in compet i t ive
pressures and
uncer ta inty
strengthened
the
overall
tendency
of
capital
to
withdraw
from
trade
and
product ion;
i t w idened
the disequi l ibr ium
between
a
rapid ly
expanding
suppty
and
a s tagnant
demand
for
surplus
c .p i t t f ;
ana
i t depressed
re turns
in
f i nanc ia l
markets
(13 ) .
I t was
only
af ter
1-979
hat
the US
government ,
f i rs t
under
Carter ,
and
then
wi th
much
greater
determinat ion
under
Reagan,
took
steps
that created
highly
favorabLe
demand
condit ions
for
the
ongoing
f inanc ia l
expansion.
These
steps
were
taken
in
the
contex i
of
a major
escalat ion
of
the
ideological
s t ruggle
and
armament
race
wit t r
the USSR--what
Fred
Hal l iday
has
cal led
the
Second
Cold
War.
Responding
to the
ser ious
deter iorat ion
of
US
power and prest ige thet ensued f rom mi l i tary defeat in Indochina
ind dip loml t ic
defeat
in
l ran,
the
US
government came
to the
rescue
of
a bat tered
dol1ar
by
aggress ively
bidding
up real
interest
rates
in wor ld
f inanc ia l
markets .
I t
then
used
the
seemingly
unl imi ted
credi t
that
i t
gained
through
these
measures
to escil l te
the armament
race
weII
beyond
what
the
the
USSR
could
af ford
and,
s imul taneously ,
to cut
taxes
to win
electoral
support
for
the
new
ant i -Communis t
crusade.
The
resul t
was
an increase
of
his tor ic
propor t ions
in the
US
nat ional
debt ,
which
prov ided
domest ic
and-
foreign
surplus
capi ta l
wi th
a
far more
secure
and
remunerat ive
out let
than
i t had
been
able
to
f ind
s ince
the
ou t se t
o f
t he
f i nanc ia l
expans ion
(14 ) .
An escalat ion in the inters tate power st ruggle thus played
as cr i t ica l
a ro le
in
sustain ing
the current
f inanc ia l
expansion
as
i t had
in
the
past .
To be
sure,
in
th is
as in
other
respects
the dynamic
of
the
present
f inanc ia l
expansion
diverges
s ign i i i can t l y
f rom
pas t
exper ience,
as we
sha l l
see.
B u t be fo re
we turn
to these di f ferences/
we
must
deal
wi th
two
more
analogies
that bear
di rect ly
on our
at tempt
to
understand
the
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main thrust
of
the
present
rest ructur ing
of
wor ld capi ta l ism.
Both analogies re late to the
fact that
a l l
past
f inanc ia l
expans ions
have not
j us t
been
the
"c los ing
season" o f
a ma jo r
material
expansion
of
the capital ist
worrd-econony'
rhe
in tens i f icat ion of
intercapi ta l is t compet i t ion
that under lay
the
f inanc ia l expansions brought
about a lso epochal
changes
in
the
spat ia l conf igurat ion and in the organizat ional s t ructure of
processes
of capi ta l
accumulat ion on
a wor ld
scale--changes
which
prepared
the
ground
for , and in
due
course
t rans lated
into, a new
phase
of expansion
of wor ld
t rade and
product ion.
Epochal
changes of
this kind
have always
taken long
periods
of
t ime
to
complete--as
a ru le/ more
than hal f a century
f rom the beginning
of
the f inanc ia l expansions.
In i t ia l ly ,
the
prev ious ly
dominant
center
always had the
means to turn to its
advantage the
in tens i f i ca t ion o f
in tercap i ta l i s t compet i t ion .
As Hal ford
MacK inder
pu t
i t i n 1899 / comment i ng on
Br i ta in ' s
re la t i ve
dec l i ne
in i ndus t r i a l
compet i t i veness ,
"we ' I the
Br i t i sh ]
are
essent ia l ly
the
people
wi th
capi ta l ,
and those who have capi ta l
a lways share
in the act iv i ty of bra ins
and muscles of
other
coun t r i es "
(15 ) .
Over
t ime, however, even
" the
greatest
ownership of
capi ta l "
did
not
help
the
previously
dominant
centers
in
meeting
the costs
and in compensat ing
for the d isrupt ions
of
the escalat ing
compet i t ive
st ruggle,
the benef i ts of
which accrued
dispropor t ionately
to newly
emerging
centers .
Thus,
Br i ta in 's
heavy borrowing
from
the
United
States during
the
First World
War
init iated
that
change
of
guard
between
the two countries
at the
commanding
heights of
the capi ta l is t
wor ld-economy
that
was
completed
by
more borrowing during
the Second World
War.
A l though
the
paral le l
should not be
pushed
too
far , something
s imi lar seems to have happened in the 1980s. For a l l i ts
spectacular
resul ts in ref lat ing
the US eeonomy
and in
bankrupt ing
the
USSR,
the his tor ic
inf lat ion of
the US nat ional
debt
during
the
Second Cold
War may well
have sent
the
United
States down
a
path
of dec l ine
analogrous
to Br i ta in 's .
As Kevin
Phi l l i ps notes ,
"Former ly
t he wor ld ' s
l ead ing
cred i to r ,
t he
Uni ted States
had
borrowed
enough money overseas--shades
of
191-4-
45 B r i t a i n - - t o become
the wor ld ' s l ead ing
deb to r '
( 16 ) .
Equal ly
important , the
dec l ine of US
f inanc ia l
supremacy has
been accompanied by
the spectacular r ise of the East
As ian
reg ion , no t
j us t
as t he ma in
"con ta ine r
o f wor ld
l iqu id i t y " ,
bu t
as the
"workshop
o f t he wor ld " as we l l .
B r i ta in ' s v ic tory in
both Wor1d Wars, far f rom s lowing down, accelerated the ongoing
shi f t of the
geopol i t ica l
center of wor ld-sca1e
processes
of
capital
accumulation from
Northwestern
Europe to North America.
So, we should not be surpr ised Lf , in ret rospect ,
the
US v ic tory
in the
Second Cold War turned out to have sealed a s imi lar shi f t
f rom
North Amer ica
to
East As ia.
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A f i rs t
answer
to these
quest ions
is that i t
is s t i l1 too
ear ly
to te1I .
The
f i rs t
twenty- f ive
years
of the late-
nineteenth
century f inanc ia l
expansion were
character ized
by
an
ext reme instabi l i ty
in work ing-c1ass
organizat ion
and
by
many
nofe defeatS
than
victories
for
the
workinq
classes
of
most
countr ies. I t took
another twenty-f ive
years
before
the
ideological and
organizat ional
contours of
the
wor ld labor
movement beqan to crysta l l ize and be discernib le, and yet another
twenty-f ive
before that movement became
powerful
enough
to impose
some
of
i ts
object ives
on
wor ld capi ta l ism
(22) .
There is no
reason,
of course, for supposing that the
wor ld
labor movement of
the twent ieth- f i rs t
century wi l l develop
at the same
pace
and
along
the same t ra jectory as i ts
predecessor .
But
whether i t
is
actual ly
emerging, what form i t is
going
to take, and how
ef fect ive i t is
going
to
be-
- these
are
issues that cannot be
decided on the
basis of
the tendencies
of
the 1ast ,
or even of
the nex t
,
0 -20
years .
I t is nonetheless not too ear ly to te l l that the condi t ions
under which the workers
of
the world wil l make
their
own
history
in the twenty- f i rs t century wi l l d i f fer radical ly f rom the
condi t ions of
the
past
century .
To
be
sure, the
present
f inanc ia l
expansion,
l ike the
preceding
one/ marks
the
beginning
of
a t rans i t ion of wor ld capi ta l ism
from
one
kind
of
spat ia l
conf igurat ion
and
organizat ional
s t ructure to another .
But
each
t rans i t ion has
pecul iar i t ies
of
i ts
own,
which make
the
condi t ions of
work ing-c lass s t ruggles d i f ferent
f rom what
they
had been dur ing the
preceding
t rans i t ion.
A f i rs t d i f ference is
that the
changing
spat ia l
conf igurat ion of
the
capi ta l is t
wor ld-economy can be expected
to
shi f t
the
epicenter of
work ing-c lass s t ruggles
towards
per ipheral
and semiper ipheral count r ies in general and towards East Asia in
par t icular .
As
prev ious ly
noted, the not ion
that the wor ld labor
movement has
been
weakened
by
a massive re locat ion of industr ia l
act iv i t ies f rom high to 1ow and middle income count r ies
is a
myth. Had such a mass ive re locat ion actual ly
occurred,
the
chances
are that the world labor movement would have already been
rev i ta l ized.
The main reason why i t has not is
that in the 1980s
the
pr imary
dest inat ion of the f l ight of capi ta l have not been
low and middle
income count r ies but ext raterr i tor ia l f inanc ia l
markets .
The main except ion to th is
general
tendency has
been
East
As ia, where the f inanc ia l
expansion has been accompanied
by
a
rapid growth of t rade and product ion. Should th is tendency
cont inue, there
can be l i t t Ie
doubt
that th is region,
China
inc luded,
wi l l w i tness the format ion
of
a
v igorous
labor
movement.
And to the
extent
that the material
expansion
of
the
East
As ian regional
economy wi l l
develop
suf f ic ient
momentum to
t rans late into
a new mater ia l
expansion of the
ent i re wor ld-
economy, the
chances
are that
this vigorous labor movement
wil l
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disentangled
f rom
the
inters tate
power
st ruggle. There is
of
course
no
guarantee
that
th is
dj -sentanglement
wi l l t rans late into
a
more
internat ional is t
rather
than
" t r ibal is t "
d ispos i t ion
among
the
workers
of the
wor ld.
The
invent ion
of new/
or
the
COnSOlidat iOn
Of OId,
ninaqined
communit ies"
aTons
ethnic
or
re l ig ious l ines
is no
doubt an
easier response to the
intens j - f icat ion
of wor ld market
compet i t i ton
and
state
breakdowns
than the format ion of c lass sol idar i ty across borders or cul tura l
d iv ides. As the
exper ience
of
the former
Yugoslav ia
i l lus t rates
t ragical ly ,
however,
the
eas ier response may wel l be a cure much
worse than
the
disease.
The
Croat ian
and
Serb mi l i t ias
may wel l
pref igure
the
predominant
form
of
proleta: : ian
organizat ion
of
the twent ieth-
f i rs t
century . But there
is at least
an
equal chance
that the
predominant
form wi l l
be
pref igured
by the k ind
of
work ing-c Iass
cooperat ion that is
being organized
s lowly and loosely f rom
below
across the
US-Mexican border .
Whether the now
weaker
wind
of
internat ional ism
wi l l eventual ly
prevai l
over
the wind
of
" t r ibal ism"
is a
quest ion
ul t imately
in the
hands of
the
workers
of the wor ld themselves.
ENDNOTES
(1)
Giovanni Arr ighi ,
"Marx is t
Century ,
Amer ican
Century :
The
Making and Remaking
of
the
World Labor Movement.
"
New Left
Rev iew , L79 , l - 990 ,
p .55 .
(2)
Stephen Hymer,
"The
Mul t inat ional
Corporat ion
and the Law of
Uneven Deve lopment .
"
In J .N. Bha gwat i ,
€d . ,
Economic and Wor ld
Order
(New
York : Macmi l lan ,
7972)
p .
L2L; Mi ra Wi lk ins , The
Emerqence of Mul t inat ional Enterpr ise (Cambr idge: Cambr idge
Univers i t y P ress , 1970)
pp.
201" -2 ; E than Kaps te in ,
"We
Are
Us :
The Myth
of
t he Mu l t i na t i ona l . "
The Nat iona l In teres t , Win ter
1 ,991 , / 92 ,
p .57 .
(3 )
G iovann i A r r i gh i and
Capi ta l Migrat ion: The
Un
Histor ical
Perspect ive.
"
Capi ta l is t Wor ld
-
Economv
Bever ly
S i lver ,
"Labor
Movements and
i ted
States and
Western
Europe in
Wor ld
In
C .
B ergqu i s t ,
ed . , Labor i n t he
(Bever ly
H i l l s :
S age L984) .
(4 )
Bever ly
J . S i l ver ,
"Wor ld-Sca le
Pat terns
of
Labor -Cap i t a l
Conf l ic t : Labor
Unrest , Long
Waves,
and
Cycles of Hegemony.
Rev iew
(Fernand
B raude l
Cen te r ) , 18 , I ,
1995 ,
pp .L77-9 .
(5 )
"Wor1d-S ca1e
Pat terns
o f Labor -Cap i t a l
Conf l i c t ,
"
p .
1 -82 .
(5)
Giovanni Arr ighi , The Lonq
Twent ieth
Centurv . Monev, Power,
and t he
Or ig ins
of Our T imes
(London :
V erso , 1 -994) .
(7 )
Fernand
Braude l , The Perspec t ive
of
the
Wor ld
(New
Y ork :
L4
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15/16
8/9/2019 Arrighi Workers
16/16
(20 )
A r r i gh i , T h e L o n o T w e n t i e t h C e n t r r r v -
pp .
127
7
4 , 239-300 .
(2 I )
Cf . Gary Hami l ton ,
"C iv i l i za t ions
and t he
Organ i za t i on o f
Economies . "
In
N. Smelser and
R. Swedberg/
eds . / The Handbook o f
Eeonomie
Socio loqv
(Pr inceton,
NJ:
Pr j -nceton
univers i tv
Press,
: - .994)
pp . l - 98 -9 ;
A r r i gh i , The Lonq Twen t i e t h
Centurv ,
E p i l ogue .
(22 ) C f . A r r i gh i ,
"Marx i s t
Cen tu ry , A mer i can Cen tu ry , " pp .24 -47 .
(23 )
On
the
" i n t e rna l i
and Michae l J .
P iore ,
zat ion"
of
markets
see
Peter
B. Doer inger
Internal
Labor
Markets
and
Manpower
A n a l v s i s
( L e x i n g t o n , M A :
D . C .
H e a t h
a n d C o m p a n f ,
L 9 7 L )
a n d
Arr igh i ,
The
Lonq Twen t i e t h
Century ,
PP.
239-42 ,
287-9