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Aristotle and Political ResponsibilityAuthor(s): Delba WinthropSource: Political Theory, Vol. 3, No. 4 (Nov., 1975), pp. 406-422Published by: Sage Publications, Inc.Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/190837 .
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ARISTOTLE AND
POLITICAL
RESPONSIBILITY
DELBA
WINTHROP
University
f
Virginia
HEN
CITIZENS TAKE POLITICS
SERIOUSLY,
their
ctions
and
their
unsophisticatedxplanations
f
them mply
that
politics s
something
n
which
hey,
s
rational nd moral
beings,
an have
some
effect: hey
make
deliberate
hoices,
nd
suchchoices
re
asserted
o
be
essential
n
politics.
When
political
scientists
ake
politics
eriously,
however, heir cience eads themto denythe reasonablenessf the
premise n
which esponsible
itizenship
ests.
hey
find hat
he
ause
of
politics
s not
deliberate
hoice,
but
the
preferences
f
those
with
influence,nd preferences
nd
the
distribution
f
nfluence
re
aid
either
to
be arbitrary
r
to
be
traceable
o certain
ecessary
auses.
Thus
politics
and
political cience
est n different
resuppositions.
et
we
might ish
thatpolitical cience
could
do
justice
to
politics
nd
at
the
same time
satisfy s
that
t
s scientific.
ypurpose
ere
s
to
study
his
roblemnd
Aristotle'sroposed olution o it,as foundnthe first art fthethird
book
of
his
Politics.
At
the
beginning
f Book
II
of
the
olitics,
ristotlesks
what
he
city
is; one reason
orhis
doing o,
he
says,
s
that
isputes
rise
boutwhether
a
deed
was
done
by
the
city
r
rather
y
the
oligarchy
r
the
tyrant.n
mentioning
hiskind f
dispute,
ristotle
ay
emind
omeof hiU
eaders
of
a
speech
n
Thucydides
hat
was made before he
gates
of
beseiged
Plataea.2
n that
peech
heThebans re
nconsistentecause
hey eem o
POLITICAL
THEORY, Vol.
3
No.
4,
November 1975
? 1975
Sage Publications,
Inc.
[406]
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Winthrop
ARISTOTLE
[4071
say that
political esponsibility
roperly
ies
with
many
r
all,
not
a
few,
or
with
he
best,however ew.
They
re
consistent
n
holding
hatnotthe
fact
of
authority,
ut
the
end
for
which
uthority
s
used
obliges
itizens
to obey governmentsnd cities to keep alliances.Although heir
argumentsbout responsibility
re
made withreference
o international
affairs,he standardshey pply ould
as
well
be used with
egard
o
any
responsibilities. hy s
this
typicaldispute
over
political
esponsibility
linked
y Aristotle
o
a
definitionf
what
he
city
s?
The
examinationf the- ity
beginswith ur sking hat
citizen
s,
as
if thecitizen
were
a
partthat
made the nature
f
the whole manifest:
The
city
s
some
multitude
f
citizens, 1274b41)
and t is
'lust
like
some other
whole put together
f
manyparts
1274b39-40).
What s
done
to
explain
the
citizen
s,
in
part,
o make the
reader
rivy
o
a
dispute
etween democraticitizen nd
an
oligarchic
itizen bout
what
a
citizen
s.
A
citizen,
we
are
told,
is
defined
by nothing
o
much as by
participating
n
udgment
nd
n
rule
1275a22-23).
n thefirst
nstance,
the definitionought
s of an
unmade
itizen.
resumably
n
unmade
citizen
musthave
been born citizen.
f
so,we can understandhy he
law excludes
from
itizenship
esident liens nd
slaves,who werenot
bom
of
citizens.
ut then
we cannotunderstand
hy
children nd
old
men,born
of
citizens,
re said
by
the
speaker
o be
incompleteitizens.
Childrennd old men
must
e
excluded
ecause
he
citizen
s
one
who s
fully
man.
Being ully
man
s
manifested
n
doing
he
work
f
a
citizen,
in
ruling
nd
udging.
We then
wonderwhy blemetics
nd slaves eedbe
excluded, specially
f
all
citizen-born
re
presumed
o
be
able
and all
included.Whatdoesbeing ble to rule ndbeing manhaveto do with
being
born
n a
city?
A
citizen
s a
citizen
n
being
citizen, nd the
definitioneither
ustifies
he
emphasis
n
origin
or
clarifieshe
quality
enabling
ne to
be a
citizen. pparently ristotle'sitizen asnot
thought
much bout
what
he
auses
f
being citizen
re.He
begins rom isown
city,
he
onlycity
he
knows,
nd
the
imits
f
hishorizon re
reflectedn
both the form nd substance
f his
argument.3
or
him,
democratic
citizen
s
the same
as
citizen
simply.
He
knows
that
some
men are
excluded rom itizenship,ut he cannot pecify consistentrinciplef
exclusion r
inclusion.
e
does not
argue
r
speakwell;he
says
hathe s
uninterestedn
quibbling
bout
names
nd
definitions.
Others, owever,
o seem
o
require recision
nd
to be
fond f
making
fine
distinctions.ristotle ow
presents
n
objection
rom
omeonewho
says
hat he
definition
oesnot
give
ue
weight
o the
obvious
ifferences
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[4081
POLITICAL
THEORY/
NOVEMBER
1975
among
egimes.n some
regimes
specially,ot ll
menhave
part
n
rule.
The
objector
mmediatelynsists
n
differenceshile he
democrat
eeks
definition
oughly
itting
ost
ases.
t
is the
objector
who dentifies
he
first efmitions peculiar odemocracy. his peaker akes shispoint f
reference
hathe sees,
but he
nevertheless
refaces
isobservation
ith
principleustifying
is
emphasis
n
differing
egimes-the
rinciple
hat
things
differingn
form
re more
differenthansimilar. et
how he
reasons
rom his
principles unclear:
or
xample, e seems o
identify
the
unerring
ith he
prior nd
the
rringnd deviant
ith he atter,
s
if
he
were
prejudicedn
favor f
what
s
old.4 The form
f
his
argument
suggestshathe s
an
oligarch,nd
the
gist
s
that
t
s not
always
ecessary
to allow themany o rule.5Hisargumentonsistsmainlyncontradicting
the
democraticefinition
y
giving
xamplesfmore r
ess
ristocratic
r
oligarchicities.
This
oligarch,
hen,
nsists hat he
democratic
efinitione
revised.
e
says
that citizen s
one
who
has the
possibility
f
sharing
n
the
office
of
deliberatingnd
udging
with
kill, nd
that
city
s
a
multitude
f
suchmen
ufficientor
elf-sufficiency
f ife
1
27b1
-21).
Thus
ll free
born
men are not
full
citizens n
all regimes.
He
also
improves
he
democratic efinitionn
suggesting,
mbiguously,
hat the
origin
f
a
citizen
s in a
right
r a
capacity
nd that
he
quality
f a
citizen
s
doing
the
work
with kill.
Furthermore,e
adds
a final
ause:
citizenship
s for
the
sake
of the
self-sufficiency
f the
city.
He
clarifiesnd modifies he
first
efinition,lthough
e
does so
bymaking
ssertions,
ot
by
giving
reasons.
Whatever
isagreement
here
mightbe between
democrats
nd
ol-
igarchs,
ristotle
ausesus
to
realize rom
hat ollows1275b22-34) hat
theres
more
greed pon
than
not. n
ordinary
ircumstances,ne who s
descended
rom itizen
tock n
both
ides s bom
and
s
now
a
citizen,
and no
question s
everraised.
hat
deliberating
nd
udging e
donewell
rather
han
by most
or all
is of
concern o
some,
but tdoes
not
seem o
be as
essential
o the
itizen
s an
unimpeachable
enealogy ighte.
No
citizen,
owever,
as an
unimpeachableenealogy.
t
this
oint n
the
text,Aristotle
alls
our attention
o
the bon mot
of
Gorgias,
he
rhetorician.he citizens oughtto define n unmade citizen,but
Gorgias,
sking
how the first
itizen
ould have
been
born
of citizen
parents,
rges
hat
Larissaean
itizens
avebeen
made
by
Larissaean
magistrates
called
demiourgoi)
n the
same
waythat ther
Larissaeans
(a
larissa
was
a
kettle) re
made by
other
demiourgoi
the word
for
craftsmen).
he
opinion
heldby
citizens nd
reported y
Aristotles
that
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Winthrop
ARISTOTLE
[4091
tihe
itle f citizen s inherited
rom
ne's
parents.
ut as the
first
itizen
obviously ould
not
have
nherited
is
title,
e musthavebeen made
a
citizen
y himself
r someone lse.Either
e
was
merely
made
citizen
r
he deservedo be a citizen.Weare edtowonderwhy he citizennsists
that
itle o rule sconferred
rimarilyy citizen
irth,
ot
ability.
Aristotle's
orrected
efinition
f
a
citizen
was
political
ecause
t
ambiguouslyeproducedhe
city's haracteristic
oncernwith
raditional
forms nd unconcernwith excellence.
Gorgias
mockinglyxposes
the
citizen's
ifficulty
o
his
own
profit,
orhe
claims
o teach n
art f
rule
to
citizens f
various ities.Hispunmeans hat ll
cities
re
conventional,
or
made, nd
that he trueruler
s
the
artificer.
uling
s
making.
orgias
thus alls ntoquestion heclaim hat ny raditionalrdermight aveon
a
citizen's
llegiance,or
t
seems
hat hecitizen
whowants
o
mitate he
first itizen lso
ought
o
makehimself,
r make
omething
f
himself
y
himself.
Political artisansre closer
o one
another han o
foreignhetoricians
because
hey
akethe ncestral rder
nd
their
wn
capacities
or
ranted,
but
t
is
unclearwhereAristotletands.What e
apparentlypposes
most
is
Gorgias'outspoken
mockery
f citizen
dignity.6
et
if
Gorgias
f
Leontinimocks, he LittleLion perhaps eeks o know s
well.7
What
claim
hould
he
given
olitical
rder aveon a
citizen,
nd
why
hould
t
be
assumed
hat
the
capacity
o
rule comes from
birth,
not from n
acquired rt? Thesemaynotbe
the
citizen's
uestions,
ut
they
re
our
questions,nd they
may
be
Aristotle's.
orgias,
he killed
peaker nd
the
man
who
raises doubt, 8
reveals o us the
city's
ncompleteness,oth
in its
unconcern
orthe arts
withwhichGorgias s
fascinatednd
n its
inabilityo defend
tself
gainst is tellingmockery.
Moreover,t
is only
afterGorgias' hetoricalisplay hatAristotle efersowhat weassert,
that s, to his
ownphilosophic
eaching.9
The text
reads
s if
Aristotle imself ad now
enterednto a
dialogue
with hecitizens
nd
Gorgias1
275b34-1276a6). he
possibilityhat
here
is
some art f
rulings
suggestedy Gorgias nd s not
denied y
Aristotle.
But
Aristotle
tresses is
attachmento
Athens y meansof his
xamples
and rejects
he use
of a
criterion f artful uling or
udging
thenians,
thus
ndicatinghat hebest
ttained y
any ctual
Athenian ulers more
likely o be rule naccordancewith hebestAthenian ustom hanwith
some
transcultural
rt. He
does insist n
the criterionf ustice,
bout
which
Gorgias
was silent.He
thus
nnounces is
ntentionf protecting
kind
of
good
citizenship ossible for
untutored
Athenians.
His first
political
ct is
an
attempt
o
save
the
dignity f the city-perhaps
o that
one
might
e
indignant ith
t
when
t
s not
dignified.
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[4101 POLITICAL
THEORY
/
NOVEMBER
1975
Aristotle ay
have some dditional
urpose
n
makingustice
he
focus
of
the citizens' ispute.
he
citizenswho
seekthe definition
f
a
citizen
simply, s
distinguishedrom made
citizen,
nvoke distinction
f
which heymight ot be fully ognizant.orthe citizen s a citizen,he
city
s
hiswhole, he
world
n
which
e dwells
nd from
which
e takes
his
own definition.
e
gives
o
explanation
f
how
the
whole
of
which
e s
a
part
came to be.
Instead, e attemptso distinguish
t and ts
parts
rom
the thingswhose
genesiswe can
explain:purposive
uman roductions.
What
s made byman's rts smade
because he
rtisan
ntends
t for
ome
end. Whathas not
been made byman's arts
for
his
use
is
difficult
o
define,
ecause he
maker's ntention
ay
notbe obvious
nd
because
we
cannot onfrontim.Weknow goodlarissaa kettle)whenwesee t at
work as
a
larissa.
We
do not know
a
good
Larissaean rom
ooking
At
Larissaeans
t
work s
citizens nless
we knowwhat
Larissaeans
for.A
kettle
s
made
for
ooking, utwhatuse
has
a
citizen?
Upon reflection,owever, e
might onsider hether
olitics ught
o
be contrasted
o
art.
n
implicitly
ontrastingolitics
o
art,
he
citizen
makes
distinctionhatreminds
s
of
a
philosophic
istinction
etween
natural nd artificial,r between
hingswhich re
not and which
re of
human
making.
orgias alls our
ttentiono
this
istinction.
he citizens
seekan unmade itizen, nd the
city,Aristotle as
said,
s a
whole ust
like
some
other
whole.The citizenn his
thinkingubstitutes
he
city
or
the
whole of
nature,
or all
that
s
not man-made.
ut
in
making
distinctionetween
he
political
nd the
artful, aralleling
hedistinction
between atural
nd
artificial,
he
citizen orgetshat tmay
be a
part f
man's
nature o
makewith rt,
ccordingo reason. t
might e possible o
understandature
s devoid f
artful eings, ut s
Gorgias
otcorrectn
suggestinghat a
ruler,who is
human nd therefore potentially
rtful
being,might pply
his skill opolitics? he correct
istinction aynot
be
between olitics
nd art, s the
citizen irst ishes t,forpoliticsmay
be
more rtful
han
natural.
By
natural
s
meantwhat s given, hat s, not
madeby man.What
s
natural,s
distinguishedrom
man-made, ust we ts xistence o
chance
or
necessity.
What
existsby necessitys the
subjectof science,
ot
art.'1 Thissciencemight ry o understandature s if t weremattern
motion,
with
nothing nalogous o human
ntentionnd reason
manifest
in
it.'2 Thus
paralleling r underlyinghe
citizen'sperhaps
ncorrect
distinction
etween
he political
whole and art s a
natural cience hat
makes
problematiceparation
etween henatural
hole nd humanrt
or
purposive
aking.
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Winthrop
ARISTOTLE
[41
1]
Gorgias alls o our ttention othman's
bility
o
make
hings
o
meet
his needs,
ike
kettles,nd
his
ownability
o
speak
nd reason.
He reminds
us of human makingswhich
are
perhaps
not
merely
onventional
r
arbitrary. orgias oes notmakethis rgumentorhimself, owever. e
not
only
fails o
giveduerecognition
o
thenatural
apacity
or rt
found
in
human eings, ut he
seemsunaware
f theconditions
hich
make
rt
possible
n this
world.
These
conditions
most
obviously
nclude
the
material
ecessary
o effect
ne's
object,
uch s metal
n the
casting f
kettles. hey ess obviouslynclude egularities
n
the order f
cause
and
effectwhichmay nstigate urmakings
nd
allow
us
to
replicate
hem.
Theseconditions annot
e understood
o havebeen made
by
the
rtisan
himself;heymust egiven,r natural.
When
he citizen
ttempts
o
connect itizen
irth,
hus
ausation,
o
making
man's
humanity
manifest
hrough oliticalwork,
we
are
led to
expect
hat
itizen
irth
will
be
shown
o be
a
cause
of
human
xcellence
in the same manner s
natural
genesis,
for the
citizen,
o
repeat,
understandshe
city
s
an
unmade
whole,
s nature.To natural
enesis
Gorgias pposes
human
productiony art,
with
onsequences
ubversive
to
the dignity f citizens
nd their
opinions.
Aristotle
llows
us
to
recognize his ntagonism.
s presented
n
Book
III,
his
philosophizing
beginswith
the
reinterpretation
f
nature nd causation
or
he sake of
rescuing easonable olitical
pinion
rom he
critique
f
expertise,hile
at
the same ime
nsuring
hat
olitical pinion
s
reasonable
ycorrecting
it in the lightof Gorgias'
easonable ritique f it. Gorgias'
isplay
f
man's
capacities
or
speech, nquiry,
nd
art
ought
o be
given
olitical
recognition,nd the expert
Gorgias ught o do justiceto the
citizen's
respect or somethingiven,whichboth imits nd stabilizes uman rt.
For
Aristotle proper
nderstandingf politics mbodies ndtherefore
gives s accessto a plausible nderstandingf therelation
etween ature
and human urposiveness.
In
order to
elucidate
this thesis, et us reconsider he
arguments
summarizedhus ar romhis oint f view.
In the first
ttempt
o define
citizen,he itizenssaid o be
one who
participatesn the rchewhich s beyond efinition.rchemeans
otonly
office r ruler, ut beginningnd first r governingrinciple.o the
citizen
who rules
s
meant o
be the
truebeginningnd cause of all
things. hiscitizen imply,
e are told, s not citizen y chancingo be a
citizen;
he is a
citizen ither
lwaysorby someregular nd
explicable
cause.
He is
said to be
responsible
or ll or the
most
overeign
hings.
e
reminds
s not
so much f a Socrates, ho,when ccused f
nquiringnto
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[412] POLITICAL
THEORY
/
NOVEMBER
1975
the heavens nd
under
he
arth, as
compelled
o defend
hilosophy,
ut
rather f what
Socrates nquired fter,
he first
rinciple y
which
he
being f all things
nd
of
their eing
whole
s
known.13
The citizenparticipatesy judging s well as byruling, owever,nd
the judge does suggest man.
To speak of
participatingn the first
principle y udgings to imply,t
wouldseem, hat
he
first
rinciple
s
somethingntelligentr intelligible.14
et
this s not
specified;
he
first
principles
undefined, r
unlimited, nd what s common o
udge
and rulers nameless. ailing o
name his
ommunity ight ause ome
to
questionts
xistence, or he
mind hat udges eems o have
nothingn
common
with
what
has
brought
ll
things
nto
being
f
ll
things
re
body,
neither aused nor governed y intelligence. he Athenian emocrat
cannot
cogentlyink
citizen
irth
o citizen apacity
f
he thinks f an
undefined irst
ause.
In
the
meantime,he
philosophic democrat,
n
failing o articulate
hemanner f
being f thefirst
ause, atisfieseither
our
public-spiritedoncern
or
olitics
orourdesire o
be
wise.
We
can
now
better nderstandhe
objection
ffered
y
the
oligarch,
who
insists
hat
all
things
re
subordinateo
eide,
forms
r
species.
His
argument eginswith
the
obvious nd reasonable riticismo
which
he
first efinitions subject: someoneusinghis senses,not to mention
sensible
man, perceives
hat
a
man,
for
example,
ooks and
acts
and,
therefore, erhaps s
different rom
a
beast.
Visible differences
re
indications
f
different
atures.
The whole
is
composed
of
parts
subordinateo
differentorms,nd differencen
form
s
more mportant
than
he dentity
f
substance.
The
oligarch roceeds
o
explain
hat n the
regimes
hich
we
see,
one
judgesonlypartly
y
the
first
rinciple,
r
one
udges
ome
hings y
one
principlend others y another. urthermore,n characterizinghe first
definition f a
citizenas
democratic,
he
oligarch
ays
that n
some
regimes,
he
non-democraticnes,
participation
s
possible,but not
necessary.
n
particular,
an's
perfection
oes not fall
wholly
within
the
necessary orkingsf nature.
ut
t s
perhaps
nnecessarylso nthe
sense hat
udging
nd
deliberating
n
the basisof certain
pinions
might
be
a
sufficient
ubstitute
or
wisdom.
The
oligarch
peaks
of a
limited
ruling rinciple. en,but
not other
eings,
re
ruled
y human
rudence,
a deliberationnthe ight fanopinion bout hehuman ood.1 Perhaps
thephilosophic
oligarch
oo
could
bespeak judgmentbout hewhole
by
defining
t
withreference
o some
partial
whole
within
t,
the
political
whole.
Such
a
definition,
owever
ecessary
s
a
beginning,
ouldremain
hypothetical
ntil
t
could
be
shown
that
the
whole
s
similar o the
political
hole.
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Winthrop
ARISTOTLE
[413]
The
oligarchic
correction
s
closer
to both reasonable
non-
philosophic ommon ense and
to the
tradition f
political
hilosophy
initiated
y
Plato or the
Platonic
ocrates.
t
begins
with ense
perception
ora teachingboutforms. uman ommonense ndpolitical hilosophy
take the
same side against
democracy
nd
a
certain
kind of natural
philosophy.
Citizens
quate
being
man
with
being
political,
nd
they
ssume
hat
man is
naturally
part
of
a
whole.
It
appears
o us from
Aristotle's
presentation,owever,
hat hey o
notgive n explanationf
what auses
a
whole
nd tsparts o be
as they
re. n
addition,hey
ail o
account
or
purposive uman
making.
he
philosophers
oo have
attempted
o
define
therelation f
rulingitizens
o
their
ity,
hat
s,
the
whole
f
nature,
nd
they too fail to
make
intelligible
o us how
the
citizens, e
they
first
substance
r
forms,
re
responsible
or he
being
f
each and
every art
f
the
whole nd for
he
whole's eing
what
t
s.
Thedifficulty,
s Aristotle
emindss with
he
prompting
f
Gorgias,
s
not
only
that
we ought o
consider hether
olitics
s
more
rtificial
han
natural,
ut
that
the
cause
of
genesis
nd
change,
r
responsibility
or
being, eedstobeclarified.orgiasskshowcities nd citizens ave ome
to
be
as
they re,
nd heasserts hat
hey
avebeenmadebyart.
Aristotle
connects
Gorgias' eflection
n
founders
o
changes
n
regimes,
ence o
changes.
orgias
upposes
hat rt s
prior
o
politics
nd to nature
s the
cause
of
their
eing nd
changes.
e
thinks
hat
n
speaking
f art
he
can
make
genesis nd
change
ntelligible,
hereas n
speaking
f
nature
s
hitherto
efined
we couldnothave
done o.
The democrat ho
postulates
that being s
one in
participating
n one eternal
ubstance
ouldnot
accountfordifference,uch ess change r
generation.16
The oligarch
who
postulates
hatbeing
s form
ouldnot explain
how
somethingan
change
ts
form
nd still e
saidto
be.' Gorgias,he
Little
ion,doesnot
offer
more
satisfactory
ccount
fnature,which
he
understandso be
material
or
human
roductions.
ather, e denigrateshe
mportancef
the
material y
turningis
ttentiono themaker. e
thereby
mplies hat
purposive
making as
no
natural r
necessaryimits;
hemaker r
changer
need
not
respect
natures.Then
both the citizen's
respect for the
traditional holehehasbeen given nd thephilosopher'sxaminationf
the
natural
whole
re
senseless ecause hey
re
unnecessary.
orgiass a
little
lion
in
reminding
s
that
political
and natural
causation
re
problematicnd
that heymight e
comprehendedy using
man's rt
s a
model
of
causation.
But
he is only a
little
ion,
for
although
e
implicitly
ontends hat
the
artisan as no
need to reason
boutwhat
s
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[414] POLITICAL
THEORY
/
NOVEMBER
1975
given,we doubt thatevery eingwe perceive ould
be
cast
nto
a
good
larissa.
Aristotlepparentlyhares urdoubt
s
well
s ourdebt
o
Gorgias,
or
he leads us to reexaminehequestion fwhat he itys. Nowhe asksnot
what the citizen s, but how the city
or the whole can be said to
be
responsible
or ts
deeds and
how
it
can be
said to
maintain
ts
dentity
(1276a8-9, 1276al7-19). In otherwords,he asks how we can say
that
something
s a
cause
of
being r
s responsibleor eing.
As presented,he nquiry riginates
n a
political ispute.
t
begins
with
an
allegation ut forth y some
who choosenotto keep heir ontracts
because he contracts ereundertakenot by the ity, utby the yrant.
These some are more concernedwithdoingwhat s fittinghanwith
obedience o any aw or authority
erely ecause t is in force, or hey
specify he conditions nderwhich
heymight eep their ontracts
y
distinguishingegimes
hat re
for
he akeof thebenefit
n
common
9
from egimes hat re by being
trong. ustice,nternationalr internal,
usually means nothing
o
much
as keepingone's contracts,20nd
a
politicalcommunityeems to
be kept
a
whole by
the
laws,
or the
contracts
willed
by
the
strongest
orce
n
a
community. change
f
regime,
owever,means hatthepowerof law no longer btains, nda
man s
presented ith
n
opportunity
o
pass udgment
n the
aw and to
choosewhether
r not
to
obey
t.
n
effect,
e
must
emake he
whole
or
himself.
n
politicalpractice, heopportunity
or
making
uch
choices
s
accompanied y thenecessity f
appealing o some standard or hoice f
that
making
s
to seemnot arbitrarynd thereby
o
acquiremoral s well
as
physicaluthority.
TheargumenteqWred ythemanwhomustmake political hoice,
that there re regimes hat are
forthe benefitn common, ut arenot
necessarilytrong,
nd
that
by
reference
o
them
one
justifies reaking
contracts,
s said
to be
akin
o another
ifficulty:
hen
o
say
that
he
city
is the
same,
not
the
same,
or other,when,
for
example,
he
human
beings
become unharnessed 2
and make theirhomes n another
place.
This
n turn
s
similar o
the
difficulty
f
when
o
believe hat
he
city
n
which
human
eings
make
heir
omes
own
or
settle
own s
one city. In attemptingo resolve these difficulties,ristotle irst
mentions
superficial pproach
which
egards
he
place,
notthe
human
beings. erhaps
human
beings
ecome
unharnessed
ot
only
from his
or
that
place,
but
from
lace
altogether;
or
search
fthem
onducted
n
a
city spoken
bout wouldbe tamer.
Neither
earch
s
made
at
this
time. hysical ontinuity
annotmake
unity
f
theparts
f
thewhole,
s
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Winthrop
ARISTOTLE
[415]
we are
remindedhat he
Peloponnesusould
not be madeone by
a
wall
surroundingt. As
perceived, ody s particular,
ot unified.
easonable
speech,
or human
being,
s
one's own, but seems to
be common
preciselyn beingperceived.22f there reregimeshat rebyvirtue f
their
enefitingnd
bringingogether
hat
s
common,
hey
re
better
understood
ithreference
o
rational
eings
han
o bodies.
Nevertheless,
our first
oncern
s
with
human
eings
who
settle own
or ive n
cities,
notto
mention
odies.
Aristotle
irst
oses two
alternative
ssertionsbout
wholes:
ither ne
asserts hat the
city
remains he same
f its
race,
or
genus
genos),
of
settlers
s the
same, exactly
s we
are n
the
habit f
saying
hat
river
or stream emains he sameeven s its matters corruptedndborn ;or
one
asserts hat hehuman
eings
re the
same,
but the
city
s other.
Of
course
not all
of
us are n the
habit
of
speaking
bout
riversn this
way.
Heraclituss
renowned
or
having
sserted
hat
ne can never
tep
nto he
same river
wice
because
the river s
its
particles
f
matter nd
these,
always
being corrupted nd
born,
are
not
the
same,
but
different
particles.2
Aristotlemakes
no
explicit
eferenceo
Heracitus,
ut
he
mentions
river
whose
parts
re
always oming
nto
being
nd
being
orrupted,
nd
he contrastshe
consequent roblem
f
affirming
he
dentity
fthe
river
to
what
we
are n thehabit f
saying.
e
thus
uggests
o us
that
he
has
in
mind
philosophy
r
science
as
opposed
to
everyday
speech
nd a
philosophy xemplified
y Heracitus' doctrine
f
flux. n the
Meta-
physics,we
are
told that
Heracitus
aught
hat
ll
sensible
hings
re n
flux
nd
that
he
convictionhat
Heraclitus as
corrected
Platoto posit
thetheory f forms,ternal eings, ecausethere anbe no science f
what
s in
flux.24 lato
taught
hat
being
ies
n
the
separated
ntelligible
forms n
which all sensible
thingsparticipate.Without
mmediately
attempting
o
resolve
he
theoreticalssues
nvolved,
et
us
consider
hat
the
political mplication f
Heracitus' teaching
s
conventionalismr
historicism:
ince
beings
nd the
totality
f
beings
re
radically emporal
and
variable,
ll
assertionsbout the
natural
elations f beings o one
another
must
be
similarlyontingent.he
political
mplicationf Plato's
assertedesponse o Heracitus anperhaps ebest tated yrecallinghat
the
ust
city f the
Republic s madepossible
nlyby an
abstractionrom
body
and
s
therefore
mpossible.2
Plato's political eaching
s paradoxi-
cal.
Aristotle's
ntention, e suggest,s not
only to oppose
Heracitus'
theoretical atural
cience, ut
Plato's
paradoxical ssertionss well.To
both
of
these he
opposes first
common sense
perception, hen a
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Winthrop ARISTOTLE [417]
any
moderate nd
lawful rder.They
do
not sense
any
need
to
defend
their ttachmento
Thebes,
lthough hey nsist hat
olitics,
ot
culture,
determineshe
being
f Thebes.
They
acknowledge
hat here
might
e
a
legitimateange fopinions boutwhich ormsre ust,but
they equire
that
there be some
lawfulorderwhichmakes ts end the
benefilt
n
common.
Let
us
now consider
Aristotle's
we
assert :
if
the
city
is
some
community,
t
is
a
community
f
citizens
n
a
regime,
nd
becoming
ther
in form
nd different
n regime,
t
necessarily
eems
to be not
the
same-exactly
s
we assert hat chorus
s
other
when omic
han
when
tragic
1276bl4).
The
being
of
each chorus
s determined
hiefly y
its
specific
orm,
ven
f
the
dentity
f the
genus, horus,
s
necessary
o
permit
he
comparison.
We
know
that
Greek
omic
and
tragic
horuses
differed
n
the
arrangements
f the ines
nd files f
chorus
members. his
visible ifference as caused
by
the
particular
rder
iven
he
parts,
nd
n
identifying
he
chorus, ts order,or
form,
not
the individual
horus
members,
r
matter,
s
whatwe
must
erceive.
By
analogy, hen,
ne needs o
knowhowAthenians
ave
constituted
their
political order as well as
that they are
Athenians
n
order o
determine
hether thens
s
or is not the
same
city.
The
political
rder,
theway
n which
multitudefhuman eings
rderstself
r
maintainsn
order
s
the
definitiveause of the
city.
Aristotle
rings
he
deliberate
content f
politics
o the fore
without
enying
hat
t
has a
non-rational
matrix,
orhe
says
hat
ameness
nd othernessre
determined
chiefly -
not
only-by
the
regime. itizens
re
rightn
taking
eriously
he
political
order f the
city
n
which hey
havebeen born.The form f the
whole,
which s determinedy the orderof theparts,s the most mportant
political
fact,
and the
parts might
rearrange
hemselves. eason
and
intention re
added
to culture hrough
olitics. his s
how
one
makes
politically esponsible
ssertionbout
citieswhose
parts
re
both race
of
settlers
nd
human
eings.
Aristotle
ells us that
chorus
s similar o
all other
ommunitiesnd
compounds,
he
example
f
which
s
a
harmony
f
sounds.
he
examples
of
harmonies
sed
are
Dorian
and
Phrygian.
lsewheren the
Politics,
these re used to representligarchs, ho areprecise ndmasterful,nd
democrats,
ho
are
open
and
soft.26
Ultimately,hey
re
thymos nd
eros, arts
f the
oul.
That he
being
f a
city
an be known y
ooldng
t
its
regime
s an
analogue f the
teaching hat
ne knows human oul
n
knowing
ts
order.27
Man's
makings
re
circumscribed
y
psychic
harmonies,
s
well
as
by
the
customs f
political eings.
Art
mitates
r
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[418] POLITICAL
THEORY
/
NOVEMBER 1975
perfects
ature.28
What
he
political
rt
makes
s
a beautiful hole
which
resembles human oul,
for this s the nature
hatthe
political
rt
imitatesnd perfects.
We have contendedthat Aristotle's ssertions re meantto be
politically esponsible,orthey llow making
given
egime
s good as
possible eem reasonable hing o do.29 We also contend
hat
Aristotle
wishes
us to learn about
responsibility,
ausation
n general, rom
politics and from citizens' assertions bout political wholes.3
All
communities
nd
compounds
re
compared
o
a
chorus
yAristotle;ny
other rder an be understood y analogy.Reflection pon
the apparent
order fvisible hings,uchas theheavens,eadsone towonderbout
he
cause of its order.Aboutthe efficientause, he citizen ansay nothing
politicallyseful nd thephilosopheran saynothingertain.Whatwe can
ascertain bout perceptible holes s that the
form
onstitutedy
the
parts
n an
order
s
thebeing f thewhole.The cause
s
the form
which
inheres n the matter, nd the matter s
a
cause incidentally,ot
essentially.erception f the order s an ordermight e
said
to
be
a
cause
of ts
order
n
another ay.
We
thought
he
citizens'
efinitions
f
a
citizen nacceptable
ecause
they old us littleor nothing bout how the origin nd the quality
f a
citizen
re
related.
n
fact,however,hey
old us almost
verything,
nd
we failed o
see
this
because we did not
think hatforms
re
causesof
being.
The
citizen old us almost verything
ecause
hey
did
not
tell
us
how partsmight
iffer
nd yetbe related
o
one
another
ndto
purposive
human
making.
ristotle's
onsiderationfwhen
he
city an
be
said
to
be
the same or other s meant o answer hese uestions. hisdifficulty,e
recall, s akinto the difficultyonfrontedy the citizenwhowishes o
disregardegalcontracts,
ence
orms,ecause hey
renotfor he
benefit
in
common.This citizen easons hatall forms
ustly
onstituted ust
intend s
their nd thebenefitn
common. ccording
o his
reasoning,
he
distinctiveness
f
formss transcendedot n seeking he imilarityfthe
matter f
which ll
of formedmatter artakes, ut
n
considering
hat
end the forms hare.Change s ustified ith eferenceo that nd,hence
explained. Change s effected r a new whole generated y human
beingswho ntend hat nd.Artisans,oo, ntendhebeneficial,ndwhat
movesthe artisan
o
make s better
rticulated
y
the
citizen
han
by
Gorgias.Nevertheless,
ristotle's eferences
o
Gorgias
with
his universal
art,
o
true
hings nseen,
o
regimes
hat renot
trong,o human
eings
unharnessednd
iving s
one in
a
city poken bout, nd
to
compounds
likeharmonies
emind s of a human oul and ts speech ndof a nature
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Winthrop ARISTOTLE [419]
with
which
t is in
harmony.
he whole s
completed
ywisdom,
he nd
towardwhich uman peech nd
the
desire
o
perfect
t
point.
Purpose s perceivedwithin
he
whole
when
one asks bout
the
final,
not thematerialrefficient,auseof forms. ponreflection,hecauseby
which
he
chorus,
nd
therefore
ther
wholes,
s
fully ntelligible
s the
intention o have manifest eautybeheld.
Both
politics
nd
nature,
s
formedmatter, re
in
themselves.
et their
being
coincides
with the
purposive umanmakingwhich
s the
making
f wholes n
speech.31
If
the whole of naturehas a
first
ause,
that
s a
cause
which
s
logically
prior,
t
is contemplation,
he final
cause
towardwhich
ntellect
nd
intelligibles ove.
Neither fascination ithnatural ciencewhicheadsus toforgethat
man
s an
exemplary art
of nature or a fascination ith
rt
which eads
us to
forget
hatman s
a
part
of nature
ermits
he
olution
ffered
y
political hilosophy, hich egins y taking olitics
eriously
n
its
own
terms. ausation, ccording o Aristotle,s correctly nderstood y
the
citizen
whose oncern
or
his
city
auseshim
o
wonder
bout
disavowing
responsibilityor ts deeds
f its
laws have
not
been beneficial. ristotle
mustdemonstrate
o
such man, s
he does n
the
Politics nd
the
Ethics,
thatthe truebenefitn commons philosophizingboutpolitical eings
and wholes esemblingoliticalwholes, uthe neednotdemonstrateow
to look at
a
whole, for this the philosopher as himself
earned rom
politics.3
According
o
Aristotle,hen, olitical cience,
n
order
o be
scientific,
need not
refer o causes differentrom hose bout
which responsible
citizen
ends o think.
Aristotle's heoretical
cience
n
its
most
obvious
formulations,
is
assertions, ttempts
o
demonstrate
he
plausibility
f
a political perspective. his argumentbout howthewhole s to be
comprehendedeedsto be made because
heres
always possibilityhat
someone will make
assertions
bout
theoretical cience
which make
common ense
eem enseless.33
For
Aristotle,olitics, roperlynderstood,
s
form
r order onscious-
ly
maintained
nd occasionally eformed
or
he
sake of forminghebest
human
eings.Nature, roperly nderstood,
s
an orderwhosefirst
ause
is
made manifest y the best humanbeing.Both
are
given o man,yet
both
are
gracedby
man
whenhe intends is own excellence.
ristotle's
science an be
a
science f reasonable ommon ense nd he can demand
that
philosophers e politically esponsible ecause
he holds that the
common
ense
f
a
good citizen
s
responsible.
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[420]
POLITICAL THEORY
/
NOVEMBER 1975
NOTES
1. Politics, 274b31-1276bl5.
his
s
the first f six
examinations
n
Book
III. Allreferencesreto theOxford lassical ext fthe olitics,Oxford, 957).
2. Thucydides,
istory f
the
PeloponnesianWar, Cambridge,
ass.,1919),
Book II, Ch. 61-67.
3. As in a
democracy, citizen
s
said o participate ithoutimit
f
time
n
the
jury
nd n
the ssembly.
he
man ffering
he
definition,
resumablyavinglways
lived
n
a democracy,peaks fofficesimited r
unlimited
n
time ecause
e
knows
only
ot or
rotation, ot
election,
s themeans
f filling
ffices. t one
point,
e
substitutes embershipn
the ssembly or he
magistracies,ecause he ssemblys
sovereignna democracy.
f. 1317bl7-1818a3
or list
f
democratic odes.
4.
At
1275a38-b3 t is said thatregimes
iffer,
hat
ome
are ater nd
some
prior, ndthat he rringnddeviant egimesrenecessarilyater. ntheMetaphysics
(Bloomington,nd.,
1966, 1018b9-1019al4),Aristotle xplains
that temporal
priority
s
only
one kind
f
priority,o theusagen the olitics oesnot
necessarily
mean arliern
time.
5.
The
speakers more
worldly,
orhe
has information,
oreor
ess
correct,
about
foreignegimes;e
makes uthoritativetatements;espeaks f
necessitiesnd
self-sufficiencys might
business an.He
distinguishesimselfromther itizens,
revealingdistaste
or
he
emos.
6. The corrected efinition f a citizen was
ambiguous
nsofar
s
the
requirementf skillwas added,butnotemphasized,nd the end was said to be
self-sufficiency,
hich s similar o
utility.
t
1275b31,
Aristotle
efers
o the
previouslyrated
definition, husbidding s to
compare
is
rhetorico thatof
Gorgias.
7. Aristotlentroduces
orgias
s
Gorgias
f
Leontini,
hichs both he
name
f
his
city
nd
Of
theLittle ions. At
1284al5
Aristotle,
n
reporting
n assertionf
Antisthenes',acitly
ompares hilosophers
o lions.The
leonine
uality
s
the
use of
speech
r reason o understand
peech
n contrasto
the
use
of speech
or
political
nds,
s
Gorgiasmay
se
t.
8.
'To raise a
doubt,
or to
be
at a
loss, aporeo)
s
frequently
sed
byAristotleo ndicate hat philosophicnquirysbeing ressed.
9.
Some
hings
re
said
by
Aristotle
lego,
he oot
f
ogos,
eason, peech,
r
reasonable
peech)
n the
way
thatone
mightrgue
with
reasonableman.Other
things
re
asserted,
pheme)
n the
way
that
one
might ope
to
discourage
argument
ith
display
f
self-confidence,
s for
xample,
hen
xpressingolitical
opinions
nd
n
teaching.
10. Aristotle,hysics,
Cambridge, ass.,
929), 192b8-9,
95b30-196b9.
11.
Aristotle,
icomachean
thics,Oxford,
894),1139b22-23,
140al7-18.
12. In the
last
portion
f the
second
book of
the
Physics,
99b33-200b9,
Aristotle istinguishesetweenunderstandingsf naturalnecessitywhich are
mechanisticr
mathematical
nd
his,
which s
purposive.
ne
might peak of
necessity
n
the ense hat
heavy bject
necessarily
alls
o earth
r
n the
ense hat
the
ngles
f
triangleecessarilyqual
two
right
ngles.
utone
might
lso
speak f
necessity
n
the sense
hat ricks re
necessary
n the
building
f
a house, lthough
bricks annot
e
said to
cause
the
houseas does the
purpose f the rchitect;he
bricks re
hypotheticallyecessary
o
effect he
purpose.
Construing atural
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Winthrop
ARISTOTLE
[421]
causation as
analogous
to artful
ausation,
Aristotle
equires
he
physicist
o
consider
not only the
material, but the causes of
motion,
which
can be
understood
as
purposive,
r
intending
n
end.
13. The citizen s
distinguished
rom
metic,
a resident
lien,
of
whom
t is
said
that
he
mayparticipate
n the
city's ustice
so
far s to be involved n lawsuits nd
to
need a
patron to
representhim
in
court.
The reader
may
thus
be
reminded
of
Socrates'
trial and defense of
philosophy
before
the
city.
n that
defense,
ocrates
portrays is activities
s
a vindication
f the oracle or
the
god,
who
may,
of
course,
also be
thought
f
by
many
s the first
ause.
14.
For a
comparison
f the
metaphysician
o
a
judge,
see
Aristotle,
Metaphysics,
translated y
Hippocrates
G.
Apostle,
Bloomington,
nd.,1966),
995b3-4.
15. Ethics,
1097a30-35, 1141a20-29.
16. In both
the
Physics
and
the
Metaphysics
Aristotle
begins by
reviewing
he
teachings f hispredecessors.He insists hatwe mustbegin hestudyofnaturewith
what
is
most
familiar nd
clear to
us,
that
s,
the observation f wholes and
motion,
although
he
himselfbegins
by
refuting
heorieswhich make this
kind of
beginning
seem
not to lead to
correct
onclusions Physics,
184al1-b14,
185al3-14).
Neither
those, ike
Parmenides,who hold
thatnature s
one
nor thosewho hold thatnature s
unlimited
matter can
make these
phenomena
intelligible
Physics,
184bl5ff,
187al2ff;Metaphysics,
88b23-32).
17.
Those
who spoke of
forms are, of
course, Socrates and
Plato. The first
application
of
forms was in the
examination
of the
moral virtues,
lthough
Plato
expanded their
use
(Metaphysics,
987a30-bl4,
1078b9-32).
Cf.
Plato,
Phaedo,
(Cambridge,
Mass., 1914),
97B-102A,
for
the PlatonicSocrates'
account
of
his
study
of
nature.
According to
Aristotle,
he separated
forms
do
not
explainmotion
and
change
Metaphysics,
079b
1
2
ff.).
1i. Cf.
Physics
199al9-20.
The
progression
f Books
I
and II as
a
whole
should
be
considered n
this ight:
fromthetheories riticized
n Book
I,
to the
distinction
between
natural
and artificial
at the
beginning
f Book
II,
to the
increasingly
emphasized
omparison fnatural
ausation
to artful ausation.
19. To
koine
sympheron.
ympheron
means the
bringing ogether
s well
as
benefit. To
koine
symperhon, s
distinguished
rom
o
koinon
ympheron,means
bringing ogetherntowhat s common,whichmustbe a feminine, ingular ounas is
arche,
for
example. Or koine is an
adverbial ative, nd the
meaning s
then
benefit
or
bringing ogether
y
commonefforts. o
koinon
sympheron
uggests
benefit o
or
bringing ogether f
those who
have somethingn
common, s well
as theordinary
in
contrast o the rare.
20.
Cf.
Plato,
Republic, (New York,
1968)
331C, the first
efinition f
ustice;
Thomas
Hobbes, Leviathan
(Harmondsworth,
Eng., 1968),
p.
202, where
the
definition f
justice is the
performance f
covenants. olitics,
1280a25ff:
Aristotle
opposes
the opinion
thatthe city
s no
more than a
mutually
beneficial
ontractual
alliance for
preservation.
21. Cf. Politics, 1262a21-24. Phaedo, 88B (a reference o the soul's
becoming
unharnessedn
death).
22.
Politics,
1253a7-18:
Reason
(logos)
is
unique (idios) to
man
among all
creatures, ut t
is perhapswhat s
most
one's own
(idios)
to each
man.
23.
Heraclitus, r. 12
(Diels):
Upon those who
step nto
the same
rivers ifferent
and
again
different
atersflow. Socrates'
paraphrase s: Heraclitus
..
likens the
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[422]
POLITICAL THEORY
/
NOVEMBER 1975
beings to a river,
aying hat you
cannot
step
into the same
river wice
(Cratylus,
Cambridge,Mass.,
1926: 402A).
24.
Metaphysics, 078bl2-17.
25. Republic, 479A, 472B-E, 462C. Aristotle'scriticism f the Republic, at
1261al0-14, is
that
this
city
is
impossible
and
Socrates
does
not
make clear what
ought o be done instead.
26. Politics,
1290a20-29.
27. Politics,
1253alS-19,
1285b29-33.
28.
Physics,199al5-17.
29. In Book IV, at
1289al-5,
Aristotle gainbids men to assume
responsibility y
reforming given
order,but therehe likens
reforming regime
o
relearning. pon
reflection, hat needsrelearning as not been learned
ightly
r well.
30. At the
end
of Book
II of
the
Physics,
198blO-200bll,
Aristotle
rgues
that
nature s purposeful.Nature is considered as if it mightbe an artifact199a8-21),
except that natural
things ave a principle f motion
within hemselves199bl6-17).
The
end,
or final
cause,
of a natural
being
s
its
form
199a31-33). Cf.Metaphysics,
1075al 1-16: We must lso
inquire
n
which of two
ways
the
nature f thewhole has
the
good and thehighest ood, whether s something
eparate nd by itself, r as the
order of its parts.Or does it have t in both ways, as in
the case of an army? or in an
armygoodness
exists both in the order and in thegeneral, nd rather n the general;
for
t is not because of the
order
hat
he exists,but theorder xistsbecause of him.
31.
Politics,
1278bl-5, 1287al-3, 1287a8-10, 1288a37-1288b2.
32. The reader's attention s called to the topic of the argument mmediately
following
he
present
one:
is the virtueof the good
man
and the serious citizen he
same?
The mostexplicit praise of the philosophic ife
s, of course, hat n whichthe
Ethics culminates
1177al2-1179a32). For the utility fanalyzingpolitical wholes,
cf.
Politics,
1283a3-17 and
context; Ethics,
1155bl-10 with 1167b28-29
and
1170al3-14: Aristotle
offers
more
natural
physical) explanation t theend of
hisanalysisof
friendship,
hich
beginswith n explicit
bstraction rom he opinions
of
men
like
Euripides, Heraclitus, nd Empedocles, who seek a
deeper and more
natural
physical)
explanation
f
human
friendship.
33. Consider the
context of
Aristotle'scriticism
f
Plato's
idea of the
good in
Book I of the Ethics: a considerationof the happy or good life. Cf. Politics,
1252a7-9.
Aristotle
frequently uzzles
over
the
implications
f the
assertions of
some.