EDUCATION IN TOGO: POTENTIALS AND CONSTRAINTS

FOR DEVELOPMENT

An Independent Study Geography Department at Mount Holyoke College

Dr. Girma Kebbede, Adviser

by Ariane Khalfa May 7, 2012

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Preface

My curiosity about alternative educational models grew the summer of 2011, when I

spent three months as an intern with Center for Assistance to the Deprived and Orphaned

(CADO), a local francophone NGO based in the remote, tropical village of Agou-Avedje in

southern Togo. Interested in hearing opinions and suggestions on local development initiatives

from the most vulnerable members of the community, I collaborated with a colleague and

interviewed 250 women in 11 villages and farms, determining their difficulties and solutions

they envisaged for the community. After analyzing principle challenges and conditions facing

women and their families in rural villages, we designed development projects that would be

successful given the community’s circumstances and ideas. Every project we designed was

rooted in the hypothesis that better education would drastically improve the situation of these

underserved populations.

Acknowledgments

I would like to express my sincere thanks to:

• Mount Holyoke College, for providing the opportunity of an expense-paid internship;

• The Miriam C. Camps Fund in collaboration with Mount Holyoke College’s Career Development Center for offering me an internship grant and follow-up guidance;

• The organization "France Volontaires" for coordinating my contact with Togolese NGOs.

• The Center for Assistance to the Deprived and Orphaned (CADO) and its staff, for the logistical organization of the study;

• Koku Evénunyé Degboe for his collaboration in the fieldwork and language interpretation;

• The people in the Togolese villages and farms where I conducted my study for their hospitality and their readiness to answer questions;

• My faculty adviser, Girma Kebbede for providing guidance, patience, and resources.

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Table of Contents

Title Page

Preface

Acknowledgments

Introduction

Statement of Purpose

I. Section I – Overview

a. Personal Note: My Trip to Togo

b. Development Potentials and Constraints in the Agou Prefecture

c. CADO: A Togolese Development Agency

d. Fieldwork Overview

e. Context: History of Togo and Francophone West Africa

II. Section II – Empirical Results from Fieldwork

a. Water Supply and Sanitation

b. Health and Hygiene

c. Education

d. Socio-economics

e. Conclusion

III. Section III – Education & Policy Recommendations

a. Policy Recommendations Addressing the “Triple Crisis”

b. Theories of Development in Literature

c. Complementary Education Models

Conclusion

Annex

Works Cited

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Introduction

On October 6, 2008, Togolese primary school students began the new academic year

free-of-charge under the government’s new policy waiving tuition fees for primary school thanks

to an $80 million investment in their education system. Many parents received the news with

cheers of joy. However, the new finances were not supplemented by a restructuring of the

education sector, making it difficult for teachers to prepare for the influx of new students. Four

years later, Togo is still struggling to manage all public school efforts—especially primary

education in rural areas. Parents are still paying education fees for their primary school children,

and most new educational policies are failing in terms of implementation due to the lack of

equality within the system. Low-quality education, poor learning outcomes, low student

retention, lack of teacher qualification, and high pupil/teacher ratios remain prevailing concerns

in the education sector. Complementary education models may present the best solution to

providing quality access to education in underserved areas of Togo.

Development experts have debated for decades the causes and effects of the crisis of

inequality and poverty facing disproportionate numbers of people in developing countries around

the world; the search continues for effective methods to improve the livelihoods of those residing

in such precarious regions. In the decades following its independence from France in the 1960s,

Togo has remained a fragile state—crippled by underdevelopment, poverty, and inequality. It is

no doubt that a mixture of historical, cultural, geographical, political, and economic factors may

be contributing to the cycle of underdevelopment gripping this country. While the

interdisciplinary nature of the crisis indicates that holistic change is needed, education is perhaps

the most promising long-term solution, in that it not only fuels transformation in all other areas

of development through ripple effects, but it produces new knowledge and provides people with

the key to their own freedom. As William Allin reasoned, "education is not the answer to the

question. Education is the means to the answers to all questions."

In 1990, a broad coalition of national governments, development agencies (like the World

Bank and UNESCO), and civil society groups formed the Education for All (EFA) international

initiative committing “to bring the benefits of education to every citizen in every society.” In the

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year 2000, after a decade of slow progress, 189 countries united to support the Millennium

Development Goals (MDGs), and reaffirmed EFA as a vital stepping-stone to global

development. As the 2015 deadline for achieving human development goals and reducing

poverty and inequality by 2015 approaches, we must reassess the initiatives taken, determine the

role of the different actors, and see how much progress has been made.

Statement of Purpose

This paper argues that by focusing on a holistic transformation and improvement of the

purpose, structure, and methods of education in Togo, its people can more actively collaborate to

ensure that they fuel progressive, long-term development in every sector of the country. This

paper is divided into two sections. First, I will explain how I came to develop a deep personal

and professional connection with Togo. Second, I will provide the relevant background and

history of Togo and other francophone West African nations. Third, I will present the empirical

results of a 2-month survey that I conducted in Togo’s Agou Prefecture in the summer of 2011.

Next, I will present a review of pertinent development literature. The second main section of the

paper focuses on education as the most essential solution to Togo’s development crisis. But first,

my story begins here.

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SECTION I – OVERVIEW

Personal Note: My Trip to Togo

How did I end up in Togo? Togo is, after all, one of the smallest countries of West

Africa—a vertical sliver sandwiched between Ghana and Benin, bordered on the north by

Burkina Faso, and on its southern coast by the Gulf of Guinea. It is a tropical, sub-Saharan

African country but because of its length and orientation, it covers 5 different landscapes and

climates, starting from tropical in the south and ending with a rolling savanna in the north.

Compared to its neighbors, Togo remains one of the most underdeveloped countries in West

Africa, whose economy is highly dependent on agriculture. Over half the population lives below

the poverty line of $1.25 per day. Togo’s national highway is the only paved road, running from

its capital, Lomé in the south, to Burkina Faso in the north. Togo’s official language is French,

but it is only used in formal settings, school, commerce, and when communicating across

different ethnic groups. The population is comprised of approximately 40 different ethnic groups,

each with a different spoken language. The most prominent spoken language in Togo is Ewe,

spoken by over a million people in the south. I ended up working the south, in an Ewe village not

far from Kpalimé at the foot of Mt. Agou.

Since my teenage years, I have been reading journals that Peace Corps volunteers have

written while they were living abroad. My love for the French language coupled with my deep

concern for social problems and poverty led me to become more interested in the region of

French-speaking Africa and the Caribbean. At university, I began taking classes in geography

and francophone studies, where I was able to learn more about francophone African culture. It is

during this time that I decided to specialize my studies in West Africa, and find a way to visit the

region. On many occasions, I had heard Togo referenced as the “hidden gem of Africa,” and as

one of the most hospitable and peaceful countries in West Africa. Togo topped my list in my

search for organizations abroad. I received the Miriam C. Camps fellowship from Mount

Holyoke College to pursue an internship in West Africa the summer of 2011. France Volontaires,

an organization which connects French volunteers to local organizations in francophone

countries, forwarded my message requesting an unpaid internship position at a local

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development agency along to several organizations. I promptly received an email response from

Sena Dzahini, director of the Center for Assistance to the Deprived and Orphaned (CADO),

telling me about his NGO and the wide range of sustainable development projects they pursue.

Not only is CADO officially registered with the Togolese government, Sena Dzahini is president

of the coalition of NGOs representing the Agou Prefecture. I also noticed that CADO had many

regional and international partners, and had collaborated on projects with several Peace Corps

volunteers, Engineers Without Borders of Denver, Colorado, and a Belgian NGO along with

others. Sena sent me the contact information of CADO’s partner organizations and previous

volunteers. After contacting them, I exchanged frequently by email with Sena verifying details

and plans until my departure.

At the time, I was finishing my junior year abroad in Montpellier, France, so I flew

directly to Togo, where Sena and his employees welcomed me to their village, Agou-Avedje,

situated at the foot of Mt. Agou, in the tropical, Plateau region of southern Togo. The village

does not have electricity or running water, but thanks to local development initiatives, the village

owns 6 wells, ecosanitary latrines, solar panels, a health center, and a nursery, primary, and

middle school, and a mutual fund for health and agriculture, all installed and built by CADO and

its partner organizations.

After a few weeks of living in the village and learning about CADO’s projects, I realized

that I was only meeting men and young men my age who seemed to actively participate in the

community development process. I noticed that the women kept to themselves, and were always

busy at the market, in the fields, fetching wood, or in their houses doing domestic work and

taking care of the children. They did not communicate much with me, and I only heard them

speaking in their local language. Unlike most of the men in the village, the women did not speak

French, and the younger women spoke French much more poorly than their male counterparts.

I met Claire through her father Basile, one of CADO’s solar panel engineers. Claire is 16

years old but because of malnutrition she appears only 13-years-old and is 5 years behind in her

education compared to western standards, which is typical of most children in the village. What

struck me most was that her level of French was much lower than that of boys her age; she talked

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less in the presence of men, and kept to herself when French was spoken. It became clear to me

that either girls were not going to school as often as boys, or they were not being treated the

same in school or while being raised by their parents. Boys spoke French with much greater ease

and confidence, and seemed more propelled to express their opinions to me.

I decided to create a girl’s group to address and increase awareness of the educational

gender disparities present in the village. The group met once a week and was open to girls who

were old enough to understand French, but who did not already have children. This ranged from

ages 12 to 22. My efforts to stimulate discussion were often met with resistance to and

embarrassment about engaging in a dialogue. Nevertheless, to the best of my ability I tried to get

them to discuss their problems in a male-free environment. The girls brought up topics such as

how domestic work interferes with schoolwork, how education coupled with their traditional

lifestyle burden them as they are expected to cook, take care of the children, and do chores

before they were allowed to study. We discussed the girls’ ambitions for the future, and their

academic and career goals. With these goals in mind, we talked about the disadvantages of early

pregnancy and marriage, the risks of HIV and STDs and discussed opinions on polygamy, which

defines much of the Togolese family structure. It was a struggle to get the girls to participate in

the discussion, 1. Because of the language barrier, and 2. I could tell they were not often asked to

express their opinions.

When the girl’s group was meeting weekly, I expressed interest to my supervisor that I

would like to interview some women in the village. It had become apparent to me that women

had so many challenges to overcome: trying to raise a family, often in the absence of their

husbands, cultivating their crops, transforming and selling agricultural products, going to the

market, and doing household chores all without the background of a formal education. Women

do not have the time to participate in the development of their community, yet they would be

most affected by the changes implemented. The survey I designed turned into a big research

project. My colleague, Kokou and I, interviewed 250 women in the entire township, which

includes 11 villages and farms. Our survey was comprised of four sections. The first section

related to their identity and family/marriage situation. The second section was about their

principal activities and sources of income. The third section was about family expenses,

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including rent, healthcare, food, education, transport, and whether they were able to save money.

In the last section, we asked the women to identify their family difficulties, and to propose

solutions, and then we asked about the needs of the community and what solutions they

proposed. Our method was to go into each village unannounced and asked women whether we

could talk with them. We interviewed only women who had children, anywhere from ages 18

until much older, we targeted the female heads of households.

A typical survey day included leaving the office no later than 6am to walk down the dirt

roads to neighboring villages, or up the mountain. To access villages not within walking

distance, we would take a taxi motorcycle. We spent the morning interviewing approximately

15-20 women, and then usually someone in the village would invite us to their house to eat

lunch—typically a plate of foufou. We would interview approximately 10-15 women in the

afternoon, then head back to the office before sunset to record our data on an excel spreadsheet,

using the remaining sunlight to power my computer with solar panels. We should not have saved

the most remote farms for the end of our survey. By late July it was the height of the rainy

season and all pathways had turned into swamps. We were forced to ride through the swamp to

reach some farms, which were located 3 to 4 kilometers off the main road. Most children in the

most remote farms cannot go to school until they are 10 years old because walking the long

distance under such severe conditions leaves them too tired to participate in their daily chores,

such as fetching water from a distant river and taking care of younger children.

Development Potentials and Constraints in the Agou Prefecture

Sustainable development is a large-scale issue that has concerned all governments, non-

governmental organizations (NGOs), and citizens around the world. To this end, governments

including that of Togo have formally committed themselves to helping implement sustainable

development through various activities aiming at reducing extreme poverty and other issues in

the Millenium Development Goals (MDGs) or Poverty Reduction Strategies (PRS). Like other

NGOs, the Center for Assistance to the Deprived and Orphaned (CADO) continues to search for

approaches and solutions to the various problems affecting the communities living in

disadvantaged areas that can contribute to achieving the MDGs. Our study was conducted in the

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Township of Agou-Yiboé at the household level through women to identify problems and

approaches to solutions proposed by them for both the family and the community. The

participatory assessment is a precursor to the preparation of sustainable community development

projects through the strengthening of vulnerable families and the promotion of human rights. The

first section of this document, reports on the activities of our study supplemented with

background research from academic articles on development topics. It includes a background of

the geography of the region in which the study was conducted, a description of the objectives

and methodology of the study, and finally our results, analysis, and suggestions backed by

research.

The Agou prefecture is located in the west of Togo in the plateau region. It covers an area

of 1026km2. Its topography is characterized by a mountainous area, which features the highest

peak in Togo, Mount Agou (986 meters) in the northeast, where the vegetation is tropical with

damaged forests, and plains covered with grass savannas and forests in the south and northwest.

Several physical constraints linked to the environment are hindering development in the

prefecture, including: environmental degradation due to increased deforestation in recent years;

small farm sizes resulting in low incomes for farmers; reduced purchasing power of the farmer

due to poor yields, the fluctuation of food prices and the fall of world cash crop prices; and the

isolation of production areas. Despite these restraints, development is still possible due to various

suitable environmental conditions including: abundant rainfall for agricultural production

(average rainfall 1500mm/year); extensive pastureland good for farming of small and large

livestock and for the production of agricultural by-products special farming; soil which is both

fertile and adaptable to food crops and cash crops; availability of low-lying flood-prone crops

(e.g. rice, market gardening, etc); and significant scenic attractions for tourism development.

According to the Togolese National Statistics Office 2010 Census, the population of the

prefecture is estimated at 79,247 inhabitants, with 39,491 men and 39,756 women and an annual

growth rate of 2.33% (National Statistics Office, 2010 Census). Like the rest of Togo, the

population is young; its density is 77 inhabitants per square kilometer (77 inhabitants/km2). 90%

of the population lives in rural settlements, 114 of which have difficulty meeting their basic

social, health and sanitation needs. The average household size is between 5.5 and 12 people.

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Illiteracy rates are 50% for women and 20% for men. This factor hinders the ability of

beneficiaries to get involved in sustainable development projects. The ethnic majorities are Ewe,

Kabyé, Tem, Losso, Moba, and others. Administratively, the prefecture has 13 townships and an

autonomous village, where the Township of Agou-Yiboé has been the subject of our study. The

administrative center is Agou-Gadzépé. The Township of Agou-Yiboé has 10 villages and farms

and its administrative center is Fiagbomé. We can only estimate that the population of these 10

villages is anywhere between 4,000-6,000.

Several constraints hinder progressive development in the prefecture. These include:

inadequate health, school, telecommunications equipment and electricity facilities; vulnerability

to health conditions, and 78% of the population is affected by parasitic diseases, in particular

malaria; poor organization of local development structures including the Village Development

Committees (VDCs), District Development Committees (DDCs), and agricultural production

groups; absence of Village Action Plans (VAPs); persistence of child trafficking; lack of

logistical planning; and lack of legal framework for the operation of VDCs and DDCs. Despite

these constraints, the prefecture has vast potential for development given the following

conditions: abundant rainfall for agricultural production (average rainfall 1500mm/year);

significant scenic attractions; extensive pastureland good for farming of small and large livestock

and for the production of agricultural by-products special farming; soil which is both fertile and

adaptable to food crops and cash crops; availability of low-lying flood-prone crops (e.g. rice,

market gardening, etc); and most importantly the existence of local development structures, a

parliament, community development and leadership skills in the area.

Though the township possesses substantial infrastructure in comparison to similar rural

areas, it lacks upkeep and maintenance and requires significant investments to be further

improved and better serve the community’s needs. Most existing infrastructure is located in

Agou-Avedjé, which is, not coincidentally where the CADO headquarters lie. In the sector of

education, Agou-Yiboé has one middle school with four classrooms, six primary schools (four

public, one “school for local initiatives” and one evangelical), three nursery schools (two built by

CADO and Belgian partner organization Asbl BISZ). The middle school has six professors, three

are paid and three are volunteers supported logistically by CADO and financially by BISZ. Many

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of the remaining schools lack teachers and school buildings, and therefore classes are combined

and held under sheds, which do not adequately shelter the students from irregular weather

conditions. It is noteworthy, however, to mention that the public primary school of Avédjé has

installed a photovoltaic (solar panel) system in partnership with CADO BISZ-SSF (Solar

Without Borders) to provide light for the children to study at night. Health and hygiene structures

are largely inadequate, with the township possessing a single health clinic (in Avedjé) with an

average attendance of 80 people per month. Attendance rates do not reflect sickness rates, as

much of the population does not visit the clinic for various reasons including financial inability,

traditional medicine, ignorance, etc. The clinic has a lighting system and accessories

(refrigerator) powered by solar energy thanks to CADO and the support of Asbl BISZ. Hygienic

facilities in the township are virtually nonexistent, with only four schools possessing latrines.

The majority of villages use unprotected traditional latrines, which become particularly rough

and unpleasant during the rainy season. In the village of Avédjé, Engineers Without Borders in

collaboration with CADO built and financed 25 individual household ecological latrines, of

which 15 are under construction. The township does possess passable water and sanitation

infrastructure, yet access and degradation are two principal concerns. The township has a supply

of 24 wells of which only two are covered and benefit from a drainage system to prevent water

stagnation. There is a water pipeline system, which supplies drinking water to one mountain

village, Blakpa, and a mechanical pump in Fiagbomé. The Zio river and several smaller streams

run through the township; these serve as sources of water supply for the most remotely-located

local residents, and pose the most risk in terms of pollution, contamination and water-borne

illnesses. The township does not have electricity because it is not connected to Togo’s electric

power distribution grid. However, some wealthier households have solar panels for lighting and

recharging cell phones. Other families have generators. The most widely used communication

system is the global system for mobile communication (GSM). The township lacks transport

infrastructure; the roads are not paved and are in poor condition (full of potholes and bumps),

and during the rainy season many paths are impassable. Access to villages on the slopes of the

mountain is very difficult, and the lack of efficient mobility affects the socio-economic life of the

township’s inhabitants.

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CADO: A Togolese Development Agency

Created on December 10, 1998 in Agou-Avédjé, a village at the foot of Mount Agou

(Agou prefecture in Togo, West Africa), the Center for Assistance to the Deprived and Orphaned

(CADO) is a non-governmental organization (NGO) recognized by the Togolese authorities

through the Ministry of Economy, Finance and Privatization in the approval No.

300/MEFP/2004 dated January 27, 2004. It has been operating predominantly in the Agou

Prefecture since 1999.

CADO is a humanitarian organization whose mission is to contribute to the

empowerment of the rural population of the Agou prefecture by enhancing their income-

generating activities (AGR). It focuses on improving social welfare through various sustainable

development programs. To date, CADO has many achievements to its credit including the

construction of two nursery schools in Avédjé and Blakpa-Petsi, the establishment of birth

certificates to 200 children in the townships of Agou-Yiboé, Akplolo and Kébo, equipment for

two schools and two clinics with solar energy, support and assistance to hundreds of women

unified in Professional Agricultural Organizations (OPA), the creation of a regional unit for the

manufacturing and installation of solar panels, the rehabilitation of the Agou-Avédjé clinic, the

construction of ecological latrines in Agou-Avédjé, offering grants for the tuition fees of sixty

students at CEG-Avédjé, and the drilling of wells for inhabitants living on the outskirts of

Wessido. It is important to note that CADO, with support from the Government of Togo, has

close ties with organizations in both the Global North and South, such as BISZ-Solar Without

Borders Belgium, the United States Friends of Togo (FOT), Engineers Without Borders of the

United States (ISF/EWB-US) Initiative Togo-Germany, Farmers Without Borders (ESF) Togo,

France Volontaires, etc. It should also be noted that CADO is a member of several coalitions of

NGOs, including COADEP, PLaFOA, UONGTO, FIT-CADO-ARBES, etc.

For 12 years, the NGO Center for Assistance to the Deprived and Orphaned (CADO) has

been working toward the social well-being and empowerment of the region’s rural population

through development projects. However it is clear that many people in the intervention area of

CADO still live in poverty and in unfavorable (socio-economic) living conditions. Their lack of

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involvement in development projects is partly due to this, and partly due to their ignorance of the

situation in which they live, further expanding their vulnerability. Three contributing factors to

this vulnerability may include the marital status and family burden of these populations and the

related low family incomes. Given the potential that abounds the Agou prefecture and more

specifically the Township of Agou-Yiboé, it would prove beneficial to establish a sustainable

community development program that strengthens vulnerable families and supports the

construction of necessary basic infrastructures. The previous construction of such infrastructures

as schools and clinics indicates that the population benefits from these types of projects.

Fieldwork Overview

This overview highlights the purpose, concepts, and methodology of the fieldwork upon

which I will elaborate in Section II. The purpose of Section II is two-fold. First, it presents the

empirical results of a field study of household surveys administered in the township of Agou-

Yiboé in the Agou Prefecture of Togo during a two-month period between June and August of

2011. Second, it proposes a plan for the sustainable development of the township—focusing on

education.

Due to various constraints faced within the community and in their respective

households, rural families in poverty remain exceptionally vulnerable today. Several large-scale

projects that aim to reduce this vulnerability are underway, in line with the United Nation's

Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). This study conducted in six villages and five farms of

the township of Agou Yiboé, one of the townships where the Center for Assistance to the

Deprived and Orphaned (CADO) operates, aims to assess local conditions. It reveals the

difficulties the population faces, and recommends suitable projects to match the solutions

proposed by members of the community in order to strengthen the resources of vulnerable

families and establish a long-term sustainable community development. Women were the

subjects of the study because they are the primary caretakers of the family and household, and

thus are more prone to vulnerability.

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Our study aims to advocate for the establishment of a sustainable community

development by strengthening vulnerable families and their empowerment. In order to achieve

these objectives, we identified a sample size of 10-60 different households per village (respective

of each village’s size), familiarized ourselves with their socio-economic situations, learned their

family responsibilities, determined the causes for the difficulties the families and communities

are faced with, and asked for the subject’s opinions on the best approaches to development

solutions. Our diagnostic, carried out by way of social survey, was conducted in several phases.

Initially, it was necessary to consult the literature on past projects, the likely difficulties,

strengths and potential of the Prefecture, specifically the township of Agou-Yiboé. It was also

essential to become familiar with the demographic information on the various villages to

relativize how large our sample sizes should be per village. We developed a set of survey forms,

which aim to provide information on the family’s identity and status, their socio-economic

position, responsibilities, educational level, and their opinions on their difficulties as well as their

suggested solutions (see sample survey form in Annex). Women were the subjects of our study

because they are more exposed to vulnerabilities; most are heads of the household and

understand better the difficulties of the family, especially regarding children. The data collection

phase lasted two months, between June and August in 2011. During this time period, Degboe and

I interviewed 250 women from the 11 villages and farms of the township. A hardcopy of each

interview form remains in the CADO headquarters for reference. Next, we entered the data from

all 250 forms in Excel, allowing us to understand the difficulties on both the household and

community level by analyzing and tracking trends. Subsequently, we were able to transcribe

corresponding solutions in the form of sustainable development projects in the various

communities studied. Further analysis has been conducted between September 2011 and April

2012 in the United States with other software to gather statistics and define the correlations

between the parameters studied.

The study has allowed us to collect data on the difficulties of families from the township,

and analyze the options available for the community to overcome these difficulties. Analysis of

the results reveals that the problems are divided into the following four priority areas where

intervention remains critical, including: water and sanitation, health and hygiene; education; and

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socio-economics. For each of these areas, several sustainable development projects have been

identified, and serve as essential elements for the township’s development plan.

Context: History of Togo and Francophone West Africa

It must be noted that any generalization about a continent as large and diverse as Africa

poses a problem. However, I aim to place my study within the historical context of the region. In

two main sections I seek to address the common characteristics and challenges present in the

field of education in many West African countries, with a focused lens on Togo. The first section

provides a historical overview of official education systems in Togo and West Africa, identifying

the characteristics and challenges of education first in a pre-colonial, then in a post-colonial

context. The second section analyzes the characteristics of alternative education systems, and

highlights the complexities underlying the development of these new initiatives. Finally, I

propose that the movement towards transformative community schools is the most appealing

system for rural areas, but its widespread adoption in Togo is unlikely given five major

challenges it would face.

Togo and other West African nations saw a dramatic shift from pre-colonial to a post-

colonial education system; today, all levels of formal education in Togo face challenges such as

massification, unequal access, and poor quality of schooling—problems which are much

different than the problems of education in pre-colonial times. For the purpose of this paper, the

term “indigenous education” will be used to characterize pre-colonial Togo’s education system.

The Republic of Togo as a nation did not exist before colonization; instead, the region was split

into small pockets of ethnic groups each sharing a common language. Today, Togo is still host to

over 40 ethnic groups each with their own language (among the most notable groups are the Ewe

and Kabiye), but their institutions have been drastically transformed. These types of communities

in pre-Colonial West Africa were responsible for administering indigenous education to the next

generation at a local level. Indigenous education focused primarily on teaching individuals

economic skills for self-sustenance. Community members with special skills would pass on their

expertise to their children; this education was comprehensive and holistic in that it “provided

training in physical, character, intellectual, social, and vocational development” (Mkpa 2005).

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Colonialism in Africa destroyed the image of indigenous education as an accepted

standard system of education. Today, the European model governs academic institutions wrought

by colonialism. As is the case in the developing world, higher education in Africa is an artifact of

colonial policies (Lulat 2003). “The most important of the colonial powers in Africa, Britain and

France, have left by far the greatest lasting impact, not only in terms of the organization of

academe and the continuing links to the metropole but in the language of instruction and

communication” (Teferra and Altbach 2004, 23). International higher education specialists

Treferra and Altbach cite several common elements to colonial higher education policy, which

can be applied to colonial education policy in general; these include limited access (mostly to

elites), instruction in the language of the colonizer, limited academic freedom, and a limited

curriculum to benefit the colonial administration. These constraints still proposed major

challenges for West African nations around the time of independence in the 1960s. These

challenges are still present today, and were exacerbated in some cases by the foreign debt crisis

of the 1970s, and structural adjustment programs of the 1980s, in which many African countries

had to privatize institutions in order to limit government spending. “The overall reality of

inadequate financial resources combined with unprecedented demand for access, the legacy of

colonialism, longstanding economic and social crises in many countries, the challenges of

HIV/AIDS in parts of the continent, and other significant issues present a particular difficult

reality” for West African governments to take full responsibility for the education of their

citizens (Teferra and Altbach 2004, 23). The system’s financial problems can be attributed to the

expansion and massification of education, the misallocation and poor prioritization of financial

resources, and the aforementioned fiscal policies imposed by the World Bank and International

Monetary Fund. Despite recent efforts to integrate girls into the education system, substantial

gender disparities persist, with extensive gaps at the secondary and postsecondary levels

(Treferra and Altbach 2004). A disproportionate number of non-academic staff as well as

undertrained teachers and professors propose a huge problem. This is largely due to bureaucratic

governance issues as well as lack of funding for school materials and teacher salaries, and lack of

investment in teacher training. Because of financial issues and structural adjustment, Togo has

aimed to privatize its higher education in order reduce spending and boost income by, for

example, creating eighteen additional postsecondary institutions in the span of three years,

between 1998 and 2000, evoking all sorts of controversy (Edee 2003). Academic freedom is a

  18  

constant struggle among university students, with tight government crackdowns and temporary

university shutdowns, like those experienced in reaction to student body protests at University of

Lomé in the summer of 2011 (Degboe and Khalfa 2011). Aman Attieh notes the detrimental

effects of repressive governments on civil society in respect to tolerance and freedom of

expression, citing that these are all factors, which not only erode the quality of academic

institutions, but can also spur violence (Aman Attieh 2003). Lack of access to simple and/or

advanced technology and proper infrastructure radically slows down the efficiency of learning

compared to that of industrialized institutions. The “brain drain” (movement of highly educated

citizens to industrialized countries) remains a constant challenge for governments in terms of

keeping valuable faculty and students in the country to contribute to building state capacity

(Teferra and Altbach 2004). The culture of the brain drain also raises the issues of students’

goals and visions for success, which is more often to leave the country in search of better

economic prospects, and less to improve things at home. Recently, the Togolese government,

like others in West Africa has created policies to standardize apprenticeships through

certification programs (Velenchik 1995). What may be good intentions has led to larger financial

and logistical obstacles for students to climb in order to be deemed official graduates of

apprenticeships, which in Togo are almost exclusively informal arrangements, thus reinforcing

the dichotomy between formal and informal (Lave 1977; Kail 2003; Degboe and Khalfa 2011).

These are just several of the many challenges that Togo and other West African countries face in

their formal education system. As cited in previous examples, many of these issues are

exacerbated by the Togolese government’s choice of policies and actions. It comes as no surprise

that alternative education systems have been developing at a rapid pace.

  19  

SECTION II – EMPIRICAL RESULTS FROM FIELDWORK

Water Supply and Sanitation

The results in Table (1) show that the availability and quality of water in Agou-Yiboé is

unreliable. The existing sources of water are wells with water levels that drop to levels less than

15cm in the middle of the day during the dry season (November to March). Sometimes in the

afternoon, the wells are completely empty. It must also be mentioned that most wells remain

uncovered and do not have any drainage system, which can produce stagnation, increasing the

spread of waterborne diseases, and providing breeding grounds for mosquitoes. Rivers are

constantly being polluted by garbage, both animal and human waste, and pesticides used in

farming.

Table (1): Need for drinking water

Village No. people who expressed need

No. people surveyed

% of those who expressed need

Fiagbomé 5 20 25% Wessido 16 32 50% Petsi 15 43 35% Makavo 16 16 100% Ananivikondji 9 12 75% Zionou 14 16 88% Makoumavo 12 13 92% Total 87 152 66%

These water sources available are far from the populations and some villagers must travel

3km to reach them. This causes a delay in their daily work and especially prevents middle school

students, who must help their parents, from being on time and paying attention in school. These

sources of water affect people's health as they are full of parasites and microbes. Some of the

diseases encountered are schistosomiasis and onchocerciasis.

Recommendations: There are several possible solutions to this problem. The first is to renovate

the existing wells by increasing their depth thus increasing the quantity of water available,

especially in the dry season, as evidenced by the increase in specific productivity of a well that

  20  

has been deepened in Agou-Avédjé (Engineers without Borders, 2007). These wells will also be

equipped with lids and a drainage system.

For those whose source of water is a river, a ceramic water filter system initiated by Brett

Daily, a former Peace Corps volunteer in the area, would be a good approach to improve the

quality of water in the short term. This system would also work well in the villages where people

use uncovered wells, as even the transportation of water can be a source of contamination. Figure

(4) shows the filtering system. People were made aware of this system during the study, and an

overwhelming majority of the population interviewed views this option as viable. To maintain

sustainability, a system of communicating pipelines or drilling with a mechanical pumping

system could help solve the problems of distance.

Health and Hygiene

Table (2) summarizes the needs expressed for health facilities and Table (3) the need for

latrines. From these results, we can determine that the majority of the population has poor access

to the only existing health clinic in the township. Apart from reasons of financial difficulties, low

attendance at the clinic is due to its far location from some of the villages. Some patients, even

pregnant women or those in labor must travel up to 6km on foot to the clinic. In our study, 60%

of women complained of this distance, which when sick or pregnant can often causes

complications and sometimes lead to loss of lives. Occasionally some women give birth along

the way, endangering their own lives and those of the newborns. The terrain is also a problematic

factor in terms of access to health clinics, especially for many people living on Mount Agou,

who must descend the mountain despite the lack of roads or appropriate paths.

As an alternative, it would be useful to build a community health center in the mountainous

and/or remote areas, as well as an ambulance to transport sick and pregnant women.

Table (2): Need for a health center

Village No. people who expressed need No. people surveyed

% of those who expressed need

Agohoé 3 17 18% Fiagbomé 5 20 25%

  21  

Wessido 16 32 50% Petsi 15 43 35% Makavo 16 16 100% Ananivikondji 9 12 75% Zionou 14 16 88% Makoumavo 12 13 92% Total 90 169 60%

Table (3): Need for latrines

Village No. people who expressed need No. people surveyed

% of those who expressed need

Agohoé 8 17 47% Fiagbomé 12 20 60% Wessido 17 32 53% Petsi 20 43 47% Blakpa 13 35 37% Ananivikondji 4 12 33% Zionou 14 16 88% Makoumavo 7 13 54% Donomadé 4 9 44% Total 99 197 51%

Apart from Avédjé where Engineers Without Borders has begun the construction of 110

ecological latrines, the other villages in the township expressed the need for latrines. These

people continue to defecate in hidden areas around the village, and as a result their water sources

are becoming increasingly polluted. This creates an unbearable environment, especially during

the rainy season as there are feces dotting every corner and a nauseating smell of sewage

particularly along the roads and tracks. In some villages, there are traditional latrines; these are

unsustainable and either collapse during the rainy season or become very unpleasant. They are

neither protected nor well-kept, allowing for the proliferation of flies and beetles, which cause of

several types of diseases. Recently, nearly 45% of the population suffered from diarrhea caused

by a type of cholera vibrio (DPS-Agou, 2011).

Recommendations: There are several alternative approaches to improve current conditions.

Among the options, the women surveyed were most focused on public latrines and ecological

sanitation systems (Ecosan).

  22  

Public latrines have already been tested in various areas of Togo and are successful if the

beneficiaries involved in the decision-making ultimately guarantee their quality and durability.

These are platforms that have a sanitary septic system with a smooth, solid and slightly sloped

slab for easy maintenance. The pit is shaped like a keyhole and is large enough to be used by

adults, but too small for children to risk falling. Sometimes it is possible to put a pot fitted with a

lid on the slab to make it more comfortable. The lid prevents flies from entering the pit. The

cover also reduces the smell inside the latrine. The WC is another good approach for villages

who desire public latrines. This is a system of connected containers, such as the one in use in

Blakpa. Note that these are sustainable infrastructures that can serve several people at once,

however they require a much larger investment, and utilize more water, which is a scarce

resource in this region, especially during the dry season.

The ecological latrine (EcoSan sanding for “Ecological Sanitation”) reuses feces and

urine to increase agricultural productivity by improving the structure and holding capacity of

soil. It provides a hygienic solution that successfully aids in the prevention of disease and helps

rid the surrounding environment of fecal microbes. It is environmentally sound because it does

not dirty the groundwater and does not utilize scarce water sources. It also creates a valuable

source of fertilizer, which can be productively reused in the environment through agricultural

production (EWB-US, 2007). In 2003, this option was implemented in Vogan and Boko-

Totsoanyi in Togo by the Regional Center for Drinking Water (CREPA), with support from the

Swedish International Development Cooperation Agency (SIDA). In 2010, this option became

available in Avédjé (Agou Prefecture) thanks to EWB-US through the NGO CADO. In Avédjé,

there are currently ten families using ten ecological latrines, and 15 more are under construction.

As Agou-Yiboé is a farming community, people are more interested in having a family latrine

for reasons of maintenance and sustainability. This would be the best alternative to hygienic

problems, and would simultaneously contribute to solving problems of soil fertility degradation

as well as to the community’s health and hygiene at a reasonable cost.

Education

As it is stated in the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), by 2015 all children of age

must have completed a full course of primary school; because of this, the Togolese government

  23  

has made primary education free. As aforementioned, in the township there are primary and

secondary schools, yet these schools do not have sufficient materials or staff, no library and no

electricity. In addition, there are continued cases of children who should be in school, but are

instead at home for one of two reasons: they would have to travel more than 5km to school,

which would be too much for them; there are no pre-schools nearby to keep the smaller children,

and mothers as a result would have to keep their children with them while they work. To relieve

mothers of this task, older children must sometimes stay home and look after the younger ones.

Recommendations: The likely projects to improve education will be new pre-schools, renovation

of existing school buildings, construction of libraries, recruitment teachers and staff and

provision of educational materials. The installation of photovoltaic systems for lighting in

schools will offer students improved learning conditions, and will be particularly positive as

many parents cannot afford to provide lighting in their homes and most children in the township

go to bed without being able to revise or go over their class material. In fact, the lack of lighting

systems is a significant variable causing the high rate of failure in primary and secondary

schools.

For schools employing volunteer teachers, it is suggested that income-generating

activities (IGAs) be created to provide income for teachers but without exploiting student labor.

For financing, these schools can build connections with schools located in the Global North.

Section III of this document will elaborate on other possibilities for education solutions.

Socio-economics

Table (5) presents the IGAs practiced by the female population of Agou-Yiboé. An

analysis of the results shows that the majority of the population works in agriculture. The main

crops produced are maize, cassava, and yams. There are some smaller plots of vegetables and

fruits. Cash crops such as avocadoes, coffee and cacao are mostly found on Mount Agou.

  24  

Table (5): Income generating activities (IGA)

Village Agriculture Business Handicraft No. people surveyed % Agriculture

Avédjé 25 8 4 37 68% Agohoé 17 0 0 17 100% Fiagbomé 17 3 0 20 85% Wessido 30 2 0 32 94% Petsi 25 8 10 43 58% Blakpa 31 3 1 35 89% Makavo 14 1 1 16 88% Ananivikondji 11 1 0 12 92% Zionou 11 4 1 16 69% Makoumavo 9 4 0 13 69% Donomadé 9 0 0 9 100% Total 199 34 17 250 83%

In the township there are animal breeding groups including of goats, sheep, poultry, bush

rats (a wild rodent), pigs, and ducks. This animal breeding is supported financially in four

villages by CADO and ESF-Togo, an organization which builds pens and loans animals to be

passed on after breeding. However, these products fail to meet the needs of a constantly growing

population, and as a result the population remains undernourished and has little food security, as

seen during the dry season. Agriculture is the sole source of income for many people, yet the

farm plot sizes are very small, with an average of 250m2 per person, therefore income remains

low, leading to financial difficulties. 100% of women surveyed said they had financial

difficulties.

These low-income families are generally large, creating a heavy financial burden, and

this as a result prevents them from leading healthy lives with a varied and balanced diet. The

children lack appropriate clothing, education, and youth training. The result is a large number of

half-educated youth who do not attend school, who are unemployed and have no basic training

that could enable them to earn a living. Crime rates and urban migration are on the rise. Others

engage in sexual practices, exposing themselves to STIs/STDs, HIV/AIDS, and unwanted

pregnancies, which are precursors to an increase in family size and a source of impoverishment

of rural populations. Taken from the sample size, Table (6) shows the average number of

  25  

children per family by village. Table (7) shows the number of women who stopped their studies

due to an unwanted pregnancy.

Table (6): Average number of children per family

Village No. children Avédjé 3.59 Agohoé 3.84 Fiagbomé 3.65 Wessido 3.41 Petsi 4.09 Blakpa 4.26 Makavo 4.38 Ananivikondji 5.17 Zionou 4.63 Makoumavo 4 Donomadé 5.44 Total Average 4.22

Table (7): Number of women who stopped their studies due to an unwanted pregnancy

Village Unwanted pregnancy No. people surveyed % women Avédjé 6 37 16% Agohoé 3 17 18% Fiagbomé 1 20 5% Wessido 4 32 13% Petsi 14 43 33% Blakpa 5 35 14% Makavo 2 16 13% Ananivikondji 1 12 8% Zionou 1 16 6% Makoumavo 4 13 31% Donomadé 2 9 22% Total 43 250 17%

As shown in Table (8), nearly half of the households surveyed are supported partially or

entirely by one woman. It is important to note also that these families are for the most part

supported by women without substantial resources, because they cannot regain their IGAs for

several reasons. Table (9) shows that 76 out of 250 women surveyed, or 30%, are illiterate

meaning they have had no access to a formal education. Not only does the lack of formal

education result in less ability to speak the language of commerce (French), but also often

  26  

reduces a woman’s credibility to be given responsibility beyond that of the family. This can in

turn cause women to have less confidence and be less open to taking initiative. These women

cannot save money (190 out of 250 women, or 76%) primarily because their income does not

surpass their expenses. Furthermore, even when there is the possibility to save, the lack of

awareness of or confidence in microfinance institutions to secure their savings, is a major

constraint. Table (10) shows the number and percentage of women in the township who are

currently saving. The women have no birth certificate (in our sample, 11 women did not have

birth certificates), and no collateral to obtain loans in the conventional banks to strengthen their

IGAs.

Table (8): Amount of female heads of household who live alone or without their husbands for

reasons of polygamy

Village Divorced/ Single

Married (alone) Polygamous Widowed

Total heads of household

No. people surveyed

% Heads of household

Avédjé 7 3 1 10 21 37 57% Agohoé 0 2 6 2 10 17 59% Fiagbomé 2 1 1 1 5 20 25% Wessido 9 2 1 1 13 32 41% Petsi 6 4 7 4 21 43 49% Blakpa 5 2 4 3 14 35 40% Makavo 0 0 10 0 10 16 63% Ananivikondji 0 0 2 1 3 12 25% Zionou 0 0 3 0 3 16 19% Makoumavo 2 1 3 2 8 13 62% Donomadé 0 0 1 0 1 9 11% Total 31 15 39 24 109 250 41%

Table (9): Number of illiterate women

Village Illiterate People surveyed % Illiterates Avédjé 9 37 24% Agohoé 3 17 18% Fiagbomé 9 20 45% Wessido 9 32 28% Petsi 6 43 14% Blakpa 6 35 17% Makavo 7 16 44% Ananivikondji 6 12 50% Zionou 11 16 69%

  27  

Makoumavo 5 13 38% Donomadé 5 9 56% Total/Average 76 250 30%

Table (10): Number of women who save money

Village Women who save money People surveyed

% of women who save money

Avédjé 12 37 32% Agohoé 2 17 12% Fiagbomé 3 20 15% Wessido 10 32 31% Petsi 14 43 33% Blakpa 6 35 17% Makavo 4 16 25% Ananivikondji 2 12 17% Zionou 4 16 25% Makoumavo 1 13 8% Donomadé 2 9 22% Total 60 250 22%

Recommendations: To enable the population of Agou-Yiboé meet basic social needs and to

ensure the positive upbringing of their offspring, several options are available. I will elaborate on

two possibilities, including adult empowerment and finance projects, and youth employment and

empowerment.

When discussing their needs, the women spoke out most about the lack of credible

microfinance institutions which would help them to save money or obtain loans to strengthen

their IGAs. We observed that some of these women were saving, but mostly informally, and not

in a reliable or viable way. For this, CADO already has a mutual agricultural fund which into

which additional resources should be placed to meet growing demand. CADO is currently

seeking funding through this project to increase mutual funds for women.

Other types of projects are also worth looking into. One would be to create a Village

Savings and Loan Association (VSLA). These projects complement the microfinance

institutions, and are already in place in some areas of Togo, such as Sokode, as well in as other

African countries, e.g. Mozambique. THE VSLA works with 25 members per village, and it is

  28  

based on a self-management system containing a bookkeeper, self-selected members and features

a kit consisting of a box with three padlocks and keys held by three different members, plus other

items (books, card, stamp, ink, ruler, pens, calculators, 30 cm x 15 cm plastic bowls, three fabric

drawstring bags for money, and some painted metal washers).

One solution to the problems of unemployment and lack of jobs among the youth would

be to create a farming business featuring irrigation farming or a unit for the preservation and

processing of agricultural products. A business like this would employ the more active

population and bring in more income. This farming project is being tested by the independent

organization Coeur Monde at the National Institution of Agricultural Training (INFA) in Tové,

Togo, which employs 6 permanent, and around 20 temporary staff. A similar project would

allow the township to meet its need for vegetables and consequently reduce malnutrition rates,

especially during the dry season. Another option is to have a production unit with sewing

machines and equipment for hairdressing, carpentry, and masonry, where those who reach the

end of their training and do not have the means to open their own workshop, can practice their

profession and at the same time train others who need to learn a trade. This project was

introduced by the Germany-Togo Association (AGERTO) in Kpalimé and has proven to be very

successful.

Conclusion

The study conducted in 11 villages and farms in the township of Agou-Yiboé to establish

a sustainable community development has allowed us to understand the difficulties the families

and the community face, and possible solutions. The outlined development projects fall into four

priority areas for population monitoring: water supply and sanitation, health and hygiene,

education, and socio-economics. All these projects are part of the axes of the MDGs and, when

they are funded, will improve the living conditions of the population of Agou-Yiboé. The

projects include water filters, wells, latrines, health centers, schools and accessories,

microfinance institutions or Village Savings and Loan Associations (VSLA), and agriculture or

trade businesses employing youth and adults. Given the potential of the township and the

existence of the Centre for Assistance to the Deprived and Orphaned (CADO) with its dynamic

  29  

team, these projects will undoubtedly prove to be a success. The study was designed to provide

context for any person interested in assisting in the development of this area.

It appears that nearly all families in the township have financial difficulties in terms of

meeting their basic social needs. Considerable financial difficulties remain at the community

level due to a lack of adequate income-generating activities (IGA), exacerbating vulnerability.

The need for education, health, hygiene, communication, water and sanitation infrastructures

differs from one village to another. To improve the situation, depending on the needs, it is

important to develop a strategic plan to build key infrastructure such as schools, recreation

centers, health centers, wells, latrines, systems of communication. It is equally important to build

capacity institutionally through empowerment initiatives. Particularly in education, a

restructuring of institutions to make them more relevant to village life can have long-lasting

effects on the community. Associations and groups of people should be strengthened to increase

peer-to-peer learning and the spread of beneficial ideas.

  30  

SECTION III – EDUCATION & POLICY RECOMMENDATIONS

Policy Recommendations Addressing the “Triple Crisis”

The three problems of the “triple crisis” facing global development today can be defined

as 1) inequality and poverty, 2) lack of environmental sustainability, and 3) lack of structural

transformation. Because these complications are so vast and interwoven, a purely economic

solution will not address all aspects and will not lead to long-term progress. The global

development crisis runs so deep, that an all-inclusive analysis of its complexities must be

performed. This includes studying historical, cultural, geographical, political, and economic

factors that may be contributing to the cycle of underdevelopment. These considerations must be

examined through both time and space. The general pattern is more interaction with the outside

world.

Throwing money at a problem will not solve it. Instead, we need a holistic transformation

of the global world order. In the following paragraphs, I recommend three top-down policy

changes that can help improve the global crisis; however, these policies must be coupled with

support for grassroots movements and micro-solutions. Unleashing human creativity instead of

inhibiting it is the key to producing innovative ideas on how to tackle humanity’s most persistent

difficulties. While holistic change is needed, education is perhaps the most promising long-term

solution, in that it not only fuels transformation in all other areas of development, but it produces

new knowledge and provides people with the key to their own freedom. It will have ripple

effects. As William Allin put it, "education is not the answer to the question. Education is the

means to the answer to all questions."

World Bank economist Francisco Ferreira highlights the challenge of inequality of

opportunity around the world, and how this inequality is negatively associated with economic

growth. Much in-tune with Amartya Sen’s vision of real “development,” I agree that it is only

through equality and human values that we can achieve true development and egalitarian justice.

So how do we create equal opportunity for every individual on this planet?

  31  

In order to promote global equality and create jobs while supporting the environment and

changing social perspectives, we must level the international playing field. This three-pronged

process includes: 1) loosening restrictions on lower-income countries, 2) tightening regulations

on damaging, capitalist monopolies, and 3) investing in human capital to promote well-being.

The first part involves policy changes that would loosen restrictions imposed by Western

agencies like the IMF, World Bank, and the WTO on low-income, developing countries. As

Harvard economist Dani Rodrick points out, these Western institutions still tend to promote

orthodox policies in line with the Washington Consensus such as deregulation, privatization,

property rights, and budget deficits. Time and time again we have seen with the failure of

structural adjustment and conditional aid, which goes to show that these policies are simply not

universally applicable. Ferreira argues that the economy has become so globalized that Western

countries are now hostile to the very policies that benefitted them historically. By undermining

lower-income countries’ sovereignty, multilateral Western agencies are not allowing them

allowing the independence necessary to make economic decisions benefiting their own countries.

Just as markets are not inherently development-friendly when left to operate unregulated,

developed countries must ensure that international economic rules do not inhibit the development

of low-income countries.

The second policy change would tighten regulations on multinational corporations as

well as hypocritical practices that exacerbate inequality. Several examples of such policies would

include removing United States agricultural subsidies to large corporations practicing

monoculture and genetic modification, and re-allocating the money to benefit small, bio-diverse,

organic farms and to fund the development of additional community and urban garden initiatives.

Not only would this level the international playing field by allowing small farmers from other

countries to compete with US farmers, but it would promote the health of disadvantaged

communities which do not have adequate access to nutritious, fresh food. Food insecurity is on

the rise in the US, and the majority of current health crises like obesity, cancer, and diabetes are

linked to our investment in highly processed, inorganic food subsidized by the government.

Another necessary policy measure would be to integrate the true cost to the environment into all

products we consume. Though the green movement has really taken off in the past 10 years,

Western society’s consumption habits in terms of quantity have not changed. Going “green” is

  32  

often abused as a marketing strategy for companies to make profits, and for consumers to feel

less guilt about products that are not actually helping the environment. As Ed Barbier suggested,

we should institute an international tax on financial transactions in order to fund environmental

research, advocacy, and rehabilitation. But we should not stop there. We should use Barbier’s

philosophy that policies can be used to transform the consumption habits of the rich. Global

environmental leaders should create an organization similar to the UN that calculates the true

cost of consumable products. This international organization will then dictate the true prices of

oil and regulate them on a global level. Large corporations that have lobbied for political support

for years (despite damage done to human and environmental health) will be stripped of their

subsidies and policies in their favor, and replaced by environmentally friendly, organic, fair trade

companies which value social well-being before profit. The international organization, financed

by heavy taxes on damaging products will in-turn reward these new, human- and Earth-friendly

companies with subsidies. With their new subsidies, equitable companies will be able to hire

more employees, and prices of their friendlier products will be more affordable than the prices of

goods that negatively affect human and environmental health. By making policies like these

international, not only are we helping human and environmental health, we are allowing the poor

to choose between healthy and non-healthy options. We are no longer forcing people to choose

between paying less or helping promote longer equality, health, and happiness for the planet.

Therefore, these policies help level the global playing field by giving the people fair choices—

equal opportunities. In this way, our environmental initiatives are enhancing human well-being

without shortchanging development for the poor or limiting productivity.

The final policy change would urge international investment in human capital and social

well-being. When we get tied up in the economics of our global crisis, we tend to forget that the

goal of development is to enhance human well-being. If it is not doing this (like in the example

of jobless growth), society is actually hurting rather than healing. As Banjerjee and Duflo

indicated in their article “More than 1 Billion People Are Hungry in the World: But what if the

experts are wrong?” poor people often do not believe that their meager situation can change in a

respectable amount of time, so they make short-term decisions. But education allows people to

think about the future and to think about the long-term impacts of decisions. Once the two

aforementioned policy changes are in place, the international community should invest in

  33  

universal education to supplement the new, more equitable global structure. Because education is

the key to equality of opportunity, this is the last step needed to make sure all individuals can

take advantage of the new international policies. A well-educated population is wiser, more

tolerant, and more creative than an ignorant one—meaning that communities will lead in

grassroots advocacy for better policies and micro-solutions that enhance human well-being and

development. In this way, equality of opportunity can lead to true global equality, development,

health, and happiness.

“A mind once stretched by a new idea never regains its original dimensions.” This is the

natural process of the mind as we learn through life. However, the formal education system,

rooted in a post-colonial French system, does not do much to help stimulate positive learning

among Togolese student. It in facts hinders their ability to learn because of the system’s direct

contradiction with most aspects of Togolese society and culture.

Investing in human capital to promote well being, and unleashing human creativity

instead of inhibiting it is the key to producing innovative ideas on how to tackle humanity’s most

persistent difficulties. Because education is fundamental in ensuring equality of opportunity, this

is both the first and last step a society must take to ensure that all individuals can take advantage

of the global system. A well-educated population is wiser, more tolerant, and more creative than

an ignorant one—meaning that communities will lead in grassroots advocacy for better policies

and micro-solutions that will in-turn enhance human well being and development. In this way,

equality of opportunity can lead to many more community-led initiatives to improve ones own

development, health, and happiness.

Despite steady progress towards achieving some EFA goals, 77 million school-age

children in developing countries do not have the opportunity to attend school because of

financial, social, or physical challenges. A disproportionate number of these children reside in

sub-Saharan Africa. Field research in Togo will help me gain insight into how other forms of

education can reduce high costs and increase effectiveness to better suit the needs of the

Togolese population, and contribute more positively to the country’s development.

  34  

But right now, international domination and cultural hegemony by Western governments

and their support for large, multinational corporations are preventing social entrepreneurship and

low-income countries to come up with their own solutions to the crisis, which happens to affect

them more. As long as the rules are dictated by a wealthier elite who controls access to

resources, developing countries will be at a disadvantage.

Theories of Development in Literature

The Agou prefecture is mostly rural and most people live below the poverty line. When

we question which development solutions would best bring them out of the situation of poverty,

we must first assess the region’s potentials, and likelihood that a development solution will be

efficiently endorsed and will provide sufficient returns for the investment to have been

worthwhile. When inquiring about whether a certain population is likely to adopt a certain

solution, it is important to differentiate between cultural motivations, and situational motivations.

Duflo, a development economics theorist, explains that the poor are just as rational as the rich.

However, when a market does not produce an efficient outcome, this situation may change the

way the poor rationalize. Duflo (2006) uses the example of insurance and risk to highlight the

way in which poor people think when they are faced with precarious, risky situations. Poverty

does influence decision-making by providing constraints on the opportunities and possibilities of

actions to ensure a less precarious livelihood. Trade-offs are distorted, and much of the decision-

making is influenced by stress—worst, stress from the threat of starvation

The traditional economic measurement of development has been quantified as a sustained

annual increase in gross national income (GNI) at rates of 5-7%. A rise in income per capita

demonstrates that output is expanding faster than population growth; theoretically speaking, a

rise in output implies a rise in development (p. 14).i My analysis has brought me to share the

views of those who have developed alternative indices, such as the Human Development Index

by Amartya Sen, now adopted by the UN. The obsession with economic growth as a

measurement of development, or even as playing a critical role in the development debate is

outdated and inappropriate. Nevertheless, despite a more complex understanding of the causes,

interpretations, and objectives of development, many intellectuals and academics routinely

  35  

tumble into redundant dialogues and measurements of GDP, economic growth, capital,

productivity, efficiency, privatization, and technology—leaving the true human objectives of

development all but forgotten. Those who claim that a globalized world will allow for the trickle-

down of wealth from rich nations to the poor in developing countries are not painting an accurate

picture. Many sub-Saharan African countries now have high GDP growth rates, and some

African academics believe this is the force lifting people out of poverty. But that is only one side

of the equation. Foreign policies such as privatization, cuts for social programs, and structural

adjustment imposed by developed nations to alleviate foreign-debt problems have worsened

conditions for many developing countries. In the 1990s, high-income countries experienced a

surge of economic growth while incomes in sub-Saharan Africa declined as the number of

people on the continent living in extreme poverty rose by 50 million. This epidemic of

underdevelopment affects over 3 billion people in the world (Todaro & Smith 2009, 15). The

extent of its severity can neither be measured quantitatively nor ignored. Therefore, we must ask

ourselves what the true concerns are in our discussion of development. Dudley Seers points out:

“The questions to ask about a country’s development are… What has been

happening to poverty? What has been happening to unemployment? What has

been happening to inequality? If all three of these have declined from high levels,

then beyond doubt this has been a period of development for the country

concerned. If one or two of these central problems have been growing worse,

especially if all three have, it would be strange to call the result “development”

even if per capita income doubled” (Seers 1969).

Amartya Sen, Nobel laureate in economics and perhaps the world’s leading development

thinker rationalizes the importance of human goals, which are often forgotten, as both the ends

and means of economic development. He reminds us “economic growth cannot be sensibly

treated as an end in itself. Development has to be more concerned with enhancing the lives we

lead and the freedoms we enjoy” (Sen 1999,14). Development is a multidimensional process,

which involves abstract transformations in social and institutions, attitudes, political perceptions,

as well as the concrete acceleration of economic growth while simultaneously reducing

inequality and poverty (Todaro & Smith 2009, 16).

  36  

Complementary Education Models

In response to the shortcomings of Togo’s education system, the late 1990s saw

remarkable growth of alternative education initiatives in response to various shortcomings, many

of them community-led and funded by international development organizations (Kpeglo and

Gbogbotchi 1999; Hoppers 2005). Togo’s low school enrollment rates indicate that these

initiatives may have been fueled by attempts to meet demand for better access and/or quality at

the primary and secondary school levels. In 2005, 9% of all students in Togo were educated

through a system other than formal, public schooling; the percentage since then has most likely

increased. This paper utilizes Wim Hoppers’ term “community schools” to refer to the majority

of alternative education initiatives (Hoppers 2005). Research shows that community schools are

most often established to provide services to groups with insufficient access to formal or public

education. As a result, community schools have increasingly become associated with the

“periphery,” or poorer communities in rural or peri-urban areas (Cummings 1997). Though lack

of access is the primary reason for alternative initiatives, we must also consider factors including

“insufficient household resources and high opportunity costs for conventional education” as well

as the consequences of many of these children—extreme poverty, domestic responsibilities, and

rampant illnesses—which make attending formal school impossible for some and difficult for

many (Hoppers 2005, 120). In a statement addressing the drastic drop in gender equality of

enrollment in Senegal by the time students reach the secondary school level, despite 10 years of

initiatives to improve girls’ access to education in Senegal, Pape Sow, former director of

Planning and Reform in the Senegalese Ministry of Education argued, “Girls leave schools to

work as domestic workers, for example. We cannot control demand for education” (IRIN 2008).

Advocates of alternative systems of education might argue with Sow that the type or quality of

formal education is one possible reason for low demand; it may also be feeding into the dilemma

of post-graduation unemployment. Furthermore, Bennell cites that parental decisions to send

their children to school are linked to their perception of diminishing household and individual

returns to schooling (Bennell 1999). Bergmann’s research takes this a step further and indicates

that not only are the perceptions of education influencing demand, but actual poor quality is

(Bergmann 1996). If type or quality is the issue, this will inevitably lead to different educational

initiatives depending on perceptions of which methodology is best.

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Hoppers simplifies the diversities among alternative education systems in Sub-Saharan

Africa by dividing them into four categories: (1) alternative schools which use different modes of

delivery to achieve the same goals in learning outcomes as public schools; (2) alternatives which

provide an adaptation, not just in delivery, but also in “curriculum and pedagogical practices, and

thus of anticipated learning outcomes”; (3) alternatives focusing on transformation—targeting

personal and community empowerment as goals, with much more contrast to the public school

system; and (4) alternative forms of “enculturation” or systems—such as religious or indigenous

education and Islamic schools (Hoppers 2005, 118-119; Daun 1992). Later on, I will highlight

aspects of the two most common community schools in Togo (categories 2 and 3). Research

indicates that retention, completion, and success in learning achievement in are linked more

strongly to a positive learning environment (ie. teacher support for pupils, community

supervision, instruction and communication in national languages) than to quantity of resources

(Hyde et al. 1996). Compared to its neighbors, Togo has high repetition rates and low retention

rates, suggesting’s educational environment is quite poor (Kpeglo and Gbogbotchi 1999).

Results from empirical studies done on community schools in several West African countries,

including Togo, indicate: (1) community schools retain higher percentages of students than

public schools, especially among girls; (2) community school pupils perform the same or better

in the same tests for mathematics, reading, and writing; and (3) community schools tend to do

better than public schools in reading and comprehension in both national and foreign languages;

and (4) community school girls score better than public school girls, but lower than boys from

both types (Muskin 1996; Hoppers 2005).

These results from a sample of sub-Saharan African countries must now be applied to

Togo’s particular conditions in order to properly assess the characteristics of Togo’s alternative

education systems. The most common forms of alternative education in Togo are similar to the

general categories 2 and 3. Community schools from the second category are the most common

in Togo, and have diverse degrees to which public school curriculum is adapted. Research

illustrates that this alternative education is most likely to differ from public school pedagogy

when external actors are involved in shaping the decisions, but hold the similar pedagogy in

community-initiated situations. Most initiatives in Togo are community-based, and alternative

  38  

schools follow essentially the same curriculum as public schools. However, because the

Togolese government only exceptionally recognizes community-initiated schools, management

is left to rural authority figures, local associations, and international NGOs. Quality of the

schools varies depending on the type of management and resources. Remote communities have

the least organizational capacity and lowest levels of resources; therefore, they are usually

supported, or intend to be supported, by local NGOs in partnership with international donors.

Establishing a community school means determining its rules and policies, and instituting a local

management committee to enforce adequate supervision and give special attention to children in

need (ie. girls, orphans, and those with illnesses). Community schools that use the local language

in early grades enhanced comprehension and active communication in class, producing a more

congenial learning environment. Limited teaching of life skills may be incorporated into the

curriculum (Hoppers 2005).

The third category of alternative education focuses on transforming the educational

process, usually in the name of “empowerment” by directly addressing issues of poverty and

marginality. It aims to use education as a mechanism for social change, where the learners can

actively empower themselves through economic and/or political initiatives to improve their

livelihood (Moulton 1997). To different degrees, there is an effort to localize education by

incorporating life skills learning, most notably through the development of critical thinking skills

like decision-making, problem-solving, and coping skills. The other aspect incorporates practical

economic initiatives, some of which include micro-finance, health, agriculture, and craft

development (Fall and Mara 1999). These initiatives usually focus on youth (girls in particular),

due to such a large percentage of the population (over 50%) below adult age, the shortcomings of

the current public education system, and the increasing social implications for the future if the

next generation is unable to gain the expertise to tackle the issues they face. In Togo, these types

of community schools survive only by strong external support, most often from international

NGOs. Nevertheless, large social movements in more radical transformative education are

sweeping through other parts of West Africa and are bound to reach Togo thanks to the success

of new community-led development initiatives, one in particular started by the organization

Tostan in Senegal. Most of these developments are heavily funded by international NGOs

(Khalfa et al. 2011). They have spread so successfully that the governments of these countries

  39  

are slowly becoming involved in promoting new curriculums in both the formal and non-formal

types of education. These new community schools seek to provide a form of rudimentary

education that is much more localized and relevant to rural life (often exclusively taught in local

languages) and can address issues of poverty by promoting self-sufficiency, empowerment, often

times focusing on how improving women’s status can improve the development of an entire

community. Many aspects of this new approach echo the system of pre-colonial indigenous

education, but with modern elements added.

Based on evidence of the colossal constraints that the post-colonial Togolese education

system has on social well-being and development—including its inability to include the rural

sector in a positive way—radically transformative community schools seem to be the best form

of education for rural communities because of their localized strategies and impacts. However,

there are five main obstacles holding back this type of alternative education from proliferating in

Togo: (1) transformative community schools possess a perception of education dramatically

different from that of current post-colonial education system in terms of curriculum, approaches

to pedagogy, and goals; (2) as the media diffuses Western culture more rapidly to villages via

technology, rural exodus among the Togolese youth is prospering because of the “appeal” of

city-life; (3) the likelihood of strong receptiveness by the Togolese government to welcome these

new initiatives is bleak at best—mostly because of foreign economic interests and the adoption

of the neo-liberal economic framework; (4) a rapidly globalizing world might mean the eventual

integration of the most remote areas into the global economy—meaning that Togolese educated

under this system may not be able to compete economically with global individuals, and if they

do not speak an international language, communication difficulties may inhibit their progress;

and (5) post-colonial Togolese culture, like in every post-colonial state, struggles with the duality

of modern vs. traditional that may never disappear, making the dichotomy between formal and

alternative forms education an inevitable reality, and the shift towards modern still has an

incredible force that defeats many community-led development efforts. However, I believe that

we will see at least some expansion of alternative approaches to education in rural areas (due to

sheer corruption and mismanagement within the Togolese public education system) and that

these new educational developments will improve rural well-being.

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Conclusion

Film director George Lucas once proclaimed, “traditional education can be extremely

isolating - the curriculum is often abstract and not relevant to real life, teachers and students don't

connect with resources and experts outside of the classroom, and schools operate as if they were

separate from their communities… Students connecting with passionate experts, and broader

forms of assessment can dramatically improve student learning.”

With his words in mind, I have developed a simple breakdown of the transformations

within the education system that would be necessary to generate an egalitarian, long-lasting,

cost-effective, and more engaging learning environment for Togolese citizens. Because of the

country’s youth buldge, education is the most pressing current issue because it will be affecting

Togo’s future for generations to come. Over 50% of the population is under the age of 18.

Presently, unemployment is so high that sunny economic prospects for the Togolese youth

simply do not exist. A sweeping educational reform is needed. I divide it into three sections:

purpose, structure, and methods.

Purpose:

First, we must define Togo’s purpose for educating its citizens. Government officials,

NGOs, and donors must ask themselves why they think education is a beneficial investment.

Most countries invest in education because it provides long-term returns and important spillover

benefits. “An educated person provides benefits to people around him or her, such as reading for

them or coming up with innovations that benefit the community… in many ways that a sick

person cannot” (Todaro & Smith 2009, 375). Studies show that substantial investments in

education and health can provide much larger returns to economic development than investing in

just one or the other. They fuel a cycle, which becomes more and more efficient with time.

Greater health means a longer life, thus improving the return to investments on education. Health

is important for school attendance and the formal learning process of a child. Better health

lowers the rate of depreciation of education capital. Greater education capital improves returns to

investments in health because health programs rely on basic skills learned in school, such as

  41  

personal hygiene and sanitation, basic literacy and numeracy, which are in-turn used to make

better informed decisions regarding health. What we observe in present-day Togo is that the

country is stuck in a vicious, negative cycle of poor education and health. In attempts to reverse

the cycle, significant financial and structural investments in education should be made. (Todaro

& Smith 2009, 369-430).

The perception of “universal education” needs to be transformed from a chore for the

government to a necessary part of Togolese culture. Education must be rooted in practicality and

real-life applications. To do this, we must assess the local needs of each community by asking

questions. What is the purpose of educating a child living in a rural area? What will this child

contribute to the community? What resources do we have to guarantee this child a long and

successful life growing up in his or her place of birth? How do we limit rural exodus? What type

of jobs do we want to see 30 years from now? We must also assess the predicted global

transformations and outside factors that may present themselves as educative challenges. There

is no escape from an increasingly globalized world. We must make sure that our educational

institutions are sufficient to absorb modern technology and develop capacity for efficiency.

Structure:

Universal primary education connotes that all regions must conform to one system.

However, in order for schooling to be effective, it must be properly adapted to the region where

it is administered. Therefore, the education sector in Togo should be localized and decentralized

just as much as it should be universal. It should provide universal, quality education to all areas

of Togo. However, because the lives of populations living in urban areas are so different from

those living in rural areas, education should be adapted to better suit the population’s needs.

We must address the financial flow of money to invest in education with utmost equality.

Local authorities should judge whether distribution methods are fair and effective. By holding

multiple actors accountable at different levels of administration, local leaders can have more

control over which resources are allocated to their district, and whether resources are fairly

distributed.

  42  

Methods:

What methods will teachers use to educate their students? First we must determine which

models of education are most beneficial to the area’s conditions and circumstances. Not only will

the area have to adapt to global changes, it will have to adapt to a growing population of youth

and limited resources. I suggest several themes for education that may make learning more

effective for students living in remote areas. Education should be interactive—using forms of

media and social media to connect students to a global world and broaden the scope of their

education; activities should be recreational—students learn just as much outside the classroom

than inside. Variety and fun makes students more open and willing to learn; students should be

challenged, pushed beyond their comfort zones and motivated to pursue their dreams; it is crucial

that students develop leadership capacity—each student should be required to lead a project and

mentor younger students. This will give them a sense of responsibility for something they are

passionate for, and provide them with the confidence to become an early professional. As they

run into roadblocks, they will develop critical thinking skills for real-world problems. Similarly,

education should involve community engagement at every level and should be relatable to the

students’ lives.

If these themes are treated during the educational process, students should develop many

theoretical skills such as critical thinking and questioning, leadership, innovative ideas, and a

guided, rational thinking process allowing them to turn ideas into final products. The curriculum

should include basic vocational training of the practical skills that will be needed in life, such as

agriculture, nutrition, basic health care, and other professions and skills needed to live in a rural

area. Educators will foster a better relationship with their students if they demonstrate mutual

respect. Studies show that learning is more effective when conducted in the student’s local

language rather than a foreign language they do not understand.

Educators should be creative with their methods of teaching. The bottom line is that

teaching should include variety to stimulate student engagement. Film screenings, plays,

projects, and the use of social media and other beneficial technologies will help localize

education and bring the learning back to Africa. The postcolonial French education system can

  43  

be detrimental to a Togolese student’s education because it has no direct applications to everyday

Togolese life. Education is soon seem as separate from anything a Togolese student might go on

to do, therefore leaving the student with little incentive to continue studying, and the parent with

little incentive to continue paying fees. By localizing and contextualizing education through

African film, students will learn how to think critically about the situation of their communities

and become open to the possibilities of innovating and developing their own projects rather than

feeling as though they must escape.

It is within this framework that a transformation of Togo’s education sector could prove

beneficial for the majority of its citizens. With a more effective education, they will have much

more incentive to stay in their regions and contribute positively to the development and well-

being of their communities.

  44  

Annex The following two pages contains the sample form which was used during the study to conduct 250 interviews. Fiche d’enquête des familles villageoises Objectif: Etablir un développement communautaire durable par le renforcement des familles vulnérables et leur autopromotion. I. Identité et situation familiale de l’interviewé Question Réponse Village Nom et prénoms Sexe F ⃝ M ⃝ Age Niveau d'étude Niveau: _______ Age d'arrêt: ____ Raison: _________________ Situation matrimoniale Célibataire ⃝ Marié(e) ⃝ Divorcé(e) ⃝ Veuf(ve) ⃝ Situation de vie conjugale Seul(e) ⃝ Avec époux(se) ⃝ | Monogamie ⃝ Polygamie ⃝ Personnes prises en charge Enfants propres: ____ Autres personnes: ____ Nombre total: ____ Situation de logement Propriétaire ⃝ Locataire ⃝ Hébergé(e) ⃝ II. Situation socio-économique Question Réponse Activités principales

____________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________ *Agriculture: superficie et rendement *Commerce: chiffres d'affaires

Activités secondaires

____________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________ *Agriculture: superficie et rendement *Commerce: chiffres d'affaires

Autres sources de revenue

Profession d'époux(se)

  45  

III. Charges familiales Question Réponse Loyer ________ F/mois Payé par: _______________ Santé Oui ⃝ Non ⃝ Payé par: _______________ Alimentation 1 ⃝ 2 ⃝ 3 ⃝ fois/jour, __________ F/semaine Scolarité Nombre d'enfants: ______, __________ F/an Payé par: _______________ Electricité Oui ⃝ Non ⃝ Transport ________ F/mois Commentaires: ___________________________________ Epargne ________ F/mois Institution: _______________ Raison: ______________ IV. Opinions Question Réponse

Difficultés de la famille (problèmes familiaux)

Causes

Effets

Approches de solutions

Besoins de la communauté (problèmes communautaires)

Causes

Effets

Approches de solutions V. Autres commentaires ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________ ____________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________________

  46  

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