Arendt - Between Past and Future

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    :PR,E~F,ACE~THla G'AP ,BETW'EE,N':PAST A,'N'D F'U'T'U'RE

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    , P n / r J M : 1 . ;K ! I l I h J ; ~ ':I . l i( . ii 'kjnlo 'd ie,~ ~ ,~ttii~, ,ilq ~ ~,Ilb,m,~ _ ~, bII b~ c'hIjp~m U'I I i , :1 IlO N, ~I i l : o . - ~ . . . i1 TI:.~_ ;..... Io.::"'-.;JI: .....'1;... ,. ....".. ,ii;~n;, f i e"Yl!!llil, ~.~" illiIllI 9 1 i 1 1 1 1 1 '1!IlII)I; ~ '!:!I 'I l!I !" '~ ~!!i ~ :~ ~~~'.JI "-_-!i:~ t li m . ~ ~p,~~ d~ri~~ iP tk~licIl '~o m , {Jj' 1 1 M : pal i i i , : B I l l m~~llll.k"li w'~,Of f i i t i~1t.f : il ic , ~. 1D 'Lll~'~ : r c a ! , i l ! ! n p l i i . of 'I.t~1Ii! ~~Ia m 1Oi&t '10 dimlJi (I'cmthem ! I I I I i , \ I i ! ! " ihtii" o.fiI'giul, ,q'l~L ,~~Iru ~ iKii i1it1t~ e}~\I,po:!iIl._,11'-_, '...._I ~ I I> .~ ".,~....z., :~iII i'!IIlJ'il"~,~.~ "i1ilH;iM~i!i-""'~'-'" ,~.,,iI\'_~o:II_,IJr '...... IUI1IO O~ ' " ,iii",;;!' __ ~ F~.IlI!1- '..... ~ .. _ l!~1 """ 1_, i l l i l . ' i i l l ~~jo ~arlt)! m~, "~J: Ih I l l " !N ' u.iJ, ~~. ,~I .nd,~=te.i~ bM' lDd ; ! i :mply ~d[s 'wifb'whkb '(g :~ Ilmn,11];~. ;~&.~ of,dldr.'W!ldalJ40j.'~ ~;It~cu w ' ~ !lind I ' hop !: ! ' ~ ,~du w]:ll~ ~ 'tb!! ~y

    I!, :1,: t J l t : r u y f or m , lia s, 'ii, iP:llllluai ,dlllty _0 ~ e e xcK ii.1 eI . '[ : b ~~ ' I n !,~iDdi. uh : d li , oo ' [ l~ , i i r l ' ,CS&i i~ t lI is 'DoiJi: of i t:U:m. iSeS '~te~ ' @ I 1 I II ,' k I ~ ~ mo~ ~' : r~~r 1 1 : . ' m 1 i !l ~ wimg!i i i i : :r~ ~t~. ~~,g :i~ cli~J". "l'k:~r'i.i~h ~ ~ ~ ' U t e -~~Ia'~ft,~,:~.~ ~ In book,Imm-=i1l : r I . 1 ; i o t I~ m.ly of:I jjt~ I t ; J i i l gf a ,f!eq~ Q 'f ,~filii!:l:tg w 1 ! k : A " u m a m llU cd~~~ ~t '!.Dltt.iI! in i b i : : ~ (il'~n:l l iCd, 't. 1lJc; ~iK~ i I h : e ' l liI, d9.tnnL~ ~' C!tDtc.nt'. In . ifm g.~ ,tM ~ :3 ~ In torJlJa:: pelS. Dc :6tn p a n . . . . . . . tlb 'lM~, b-.k : iI ! J ' ~iDd, 'W i t l : J , i t l i ! C , 0 C J I ] ; t . of :hincty Withl wbkb ~: ~, 'iii$! ~;i;.n, _'ii;;.....'Ii. _.. ~ =1 ........IIi]... ~=.~! ~iiiI'Ii.'If":"" '-'~, ~~.:il 'AllliI"t~I ,.~!; tlirJ~ ~-~i'"''''' U). tt.J.l._1iWUJLU_~1 U:"~~~iH1i

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    4\VHAT IS FREEDOM?

    i:

    1To raise the question, whatis freedom? seems to be a hoenterprise. I t, is as, though age-old contradict ions and anrnies were lyinginwait to force.the mind into' dilemmas ofical impossibility so,that, depending which horn of the .....,~

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    l 44 BETWEEN PAST AND FUTURE

    whose logical consistency is in no way inferior to natural laws.But it does lit tle to eliminate thegreatest and .most dangerous

    \\ difficulty.,namely, tQ_atthought itself, in itstheoretical as well ~s\1 its pre-theoretical form,makes freedomdisappear-quite apartfrom the fact that it must appea'rStrange maeea-that the facultyof the will whose essential.activity consists in dictate and com- .mand should be the harborer of freedom..To-the question of politics, the problem of freedom is crucial,and no polit ical theory can afford to remain unconcerned withthe .fact that this problem has led into "the obscure woodwherein .philosophy .has lost- i ts way."2 It is the contention ofthe following considerations that the reason for this obscurity isthat-the phenomenonoffreedorn does not appear in the realmof thought 'at all, that neither freedomnor i ts opposite isexperi- .enced in the dialogue between meandmyself inthe course of .which-the. great philosophic and metaphysical questions arise;I and thar-thephilosophical tradit ion,whoseot' igin in this ;re~( spect we.shall consider late.r, 'has ~i_s_t_orted,instead of clarifying,the very idea of freedom such as it isgiven in human experience

    \

    br.sragQQsing it_ from it.Soriginal fi~ld, ~hereal~ of .POlit~Cs.'\ and h~tp.an--arrarrs m g~ t~ an lUward domain, tlie ~l~,i) where It would be .0 en t _ e l f - IQ_~ ectlOn.Asatlrst, preTum-11'atYlustl cation of this appr:oach, i t may be pointed out thathistorically the- problem of fr:edom'l :!as, been theJg_st of .the .time-honored great metaphysical queshOris=S'UcI1 .as-being,.nothingness, the soul; nature, t imer.eternity, etc.- to become a .topic of philosophic inquiry at all-There is no preoccupationwith freedom in the whole history of great philosophy from thepre-Socratics up to Plotinus, the last ancient philosopher. Andwhen freedom made its first appearaD.J:;u_(LollLp_h~osophical .

    Ktradition, it was the experience 0 religious conversion) o~> first and then .of AU'gustine,-which gave ' 1. --,-. : - fhe . field where. freedom has aLwayS-been known, not as a

    problem; to-he sure, but, as a factofeveryday life, is the poli ti- .~caLrealm. And:eventoday,'whetherwe'know it or not, the quesO:don o f" politics and the fact that man is a being endowed: with.- the gift of action must always be present to om mind when-we speak of the problem of freedom; for action and politics,

    I45all the capabili ties and potential it ies of human life arc

    the only things of which we could not even conceive without atl :ast assur.n~ng~hatfreedom exists, and we can hardly touch asmgle pohtlcallssue - plicitly or explicitly, touching'--l--,;::,c=--=::;_:;::::::::'_:::;:-~~~LU.~c!-L:J Freedom, moreover, is not onlyone among many problems and phenomena of the politicalrealm prope~ly speaking, such as justice, or power, or equality;freedom, which only seldom-in times of crisis or revolution-becomes tl:e direct aim.of political action, isactually the reasonthat men live together in polit ical organization at all . Withoutit, pol~t~cal.1ifeas such wo~ld bemeaningle~.s, ~.!:er ai ~9n d ' h re _11of POlltlCSI~Jreedom, and itsfield of experience is action. 1 1.' This ~reeCiomwhich we take forgranteam-an-pOlifi"cal theoryand which eventhose who praise tyranny must sti ll take into ac-~ount iS,the ~X__PE?_~i_~~~C}___l1l1erfreedom," the inward spacemto which men may escape from external coercion and feel free.This inner feeling remains without outer manifestat ions andhence is by definition politically irrelevant. Whatever its legiti-macy may be, and however eloquently it may have been de-scribed in late antiquity, it ishistorically a late phenomenon anditwas originally the result of an estrangement from the world inw?ic.h wor,ldly experiences were, trailsfor~ed into experiences \I iwithin one s own self. The experiences of inner freedom afe de-rivative in that they always presuppose a retreat from the world,where freedom was denied, into an inwardness to which noother has access. The inward space where the self is shelteredagainst the world must f!_otbe mis taken.fce.r lae.hearz.cc.rhe~_bQth of w~_~~~nd function only in interreJationsh ip_WIth the world. Not the heart and not the mind, but inwardnessas a place of absolute freedom within one's own selfwas discov- 'Iered inl!1__t~_~~~9.t:~~~yjJLthose who had no place 'of their__9__Fnin ithe world and hence laCIZeaa--,,'orTdly"co-ndlilo-il-;];ich from iearly anti~uity to almost the middle of the nineteenth century,was unanimously held to be a prerequisite for freedom.The c!erivativecharacter .of this inner freedom, or of the the-ory that "the appropriate region of human liberty" is the "in-

    ward domain of consciousness,"! appears more clearly ifwe goback to its origins. Not the modem individual with his desire to

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    unfold', to develop and-to expand, with his justified fear lest SOcciety get.the-better of his.individuality, with his emphatic insis-tence ,"on the importance of genius" and originality; but the,popular and popularizing sectarians of late antiquity; who havehardlymore in common with philosophy than the n~me, arerepresentative in this respect. Thus the most persuasIve ~rgu~meritsfor the absolute superiori ty of inner freedom can stil l b,ef ound- i n an essay of 1?:~tf-t.b1s,who begins by statin~ free 1She who lives,as he wishes." a' definition which oddly echoes asentence from Aristotle's Politics in which the statement "Free-dom means the doing what ..a man likes" is put in the mouths ofthose who do.not know what freedom is.s Epicretus then goeson to show that a man ,is f ree. i f he limits himself to what is inhis power, if he does.notreach into a realm where he can behindered.6The '!science"oHiving"7consists in knowing how todistinguish between the- alien ,world, over which m~, h:s r l , ?power-and the self of which he may dispose as,he see_s_e' ':Historically itisinteresting to note that the appearance of theproblem of _freedom in'.Augustine's philosophy _w~sthus pre-', ,--":r:":r-"6-'-"''-_,""_-'-L-~temp-t to dl'VO~, t l,enotl,on of free-ceceo. y tue conscIOUS,aL '._' ~.",,,.,,,__..~.,~.-; __~- .dom frompolitics, to arrive at a formulation through ~!::~~~?nemai"be-:::a-:~ave-in the world ,and still b:_fr:e, ~onceptualry, :however;.EP1ctet~~wtlic~_~ons1sts 10 bemg free fromone's own desires, isno more than a,reversal of the current ,an- .clent :pol1tkaLnotions; and the pqHtical background againstwhich this whole,body 'O f popular philosophy was for.mulated,the obvious decline of freedom, in the late Roman Empire, , . . ' .ifests i tself sti ll quite clearly in the role which such notionsaspower, domination,and propert~ play in. it . According to ~n-dent understanding, man could liberate himself from necessityonly through power over other men, and he ~ould be free~lYif he owned a place, a.hofn.~in the ",:orld..Eplc~et~s tran~posedthesewoddly velatioriships into relationships within man sown ,self, whereby he discovered that no power i~so absolute as that ;.which mail yields over himself) and that the lllwa~dspac7 w~ereman struggles and subdues himself is tn?re .ent1rely his own ",namely, more securely sl~"f0?"~_o.,~sld~terferenc~, than ,:anyworfdIfliomeCOUfc[ever be.

    WHAT IS FREEDOM} J :47Hence, in spite of the great influence the concept of an inner,nonpolitical freedom has exerted upon the tradition of thought,it seems safe to say that man would know nothing of inner free-

    dom ifhe had not first experienced a condition of bei_!2S,Jreeasa~orldl tangibJc;:,reality._Wefirst become aware of freedom or 7i ts opposite . ~r intercours~vith others, not inthe intercourse Iwith ourselves. ~ame an attribute of thought or aquality of the will, freedom was understood to be the free man'sstatus, which enabled him to move, to get away from home, togo out into the world and meet other people in deed and word.This freedom clearly was preceded by liberation: in order to befree; man must have liberated himself from the necessities oflife. B u t the status of freedom did not follow automaticallyupon the act of liberation, Freedom needed; in addition to mereliberation, the company of other men who were in the samestate, and itneeded a common public space to meet them-:~-JiticallY,prganized 'Y~, in other words, into which each of the, f ree men could insert himself by word and deed. 'Obviously not every form of human intercourse and notevery kind of community is characterized by freedom. Wheremen live together but do not form a body politic-as, for ex-ample, in tr ibal societies or in the privacy of the household-the factors ruling their actions and conduct are not freedom butthe ~cessit ies.Qf life and concern for i ts preservation. More-over, wllereve;-the man-made world does not become the scenefor action and speech-as in despotically ruled communitieswhich banish their subjects into the narrowness of the homeand thusprevenrthe'ris'e'Ofa-pii5liC reilri1=reedom has noworldly reality. With,S)U~!itical_ly g~ara~..!.~~dp~rrc real~:-freeoom1icks the worldly space to make its appearance, To besure it may still dwell il l men's hearts as desire or will or hopeor yearning; but the human hearL.1!S-YYe....a1Lknpw..Js_a..:v.er-rlarJcplace1_and whatever goes on in its obscurity can hardly becalled a demonstrable fact. Freedom as a demonstrable fact andpolit ics coincide and are related to each other l ike two sides oftIie same matter. .Yet it is precisely-this coincidence of olitics andJ!:~~~. __which we cannot take for grante in the light of our present

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    political experience. The rise of totalitarianism; its claim tohaving' subordinated all spheres of l ife to. the demands of poli-t ics and its consistent .nonrecognition of civil rights, above allthe rights of privacy and the right to freedom from politics, .makes us doubt not only tne.coincidence af.palit ics and free-dom.but their very compatibility. Wyre inclined t6belieE,_thatfreedoinbegins where polit ics ends, because we have seen thatfreedom lias aisappeared when. sa-called political cansidera"'tions overruled everything else. Was not the 'liberal credo, "Theless politics the more freedom," right after all? Is it not truethat the smaller the space occupied by the polit ical, the largerthe domain left to freedom? Indeed, do we not rightly measurethe extent of freedom in any given community by the free scopeit grants to apparently nonpolitical activities, free economic en-terprise or freedom of teaching" of rel igion, of cultural and in-tellectual activities? Is 'itnot true, as.we all.somehow believe,'that p~litics.is compa.t.ible.with freed.om only be~~usertan inso-far .as it guarantees a possible fr:~7dqrp.from 2 2 . l .! ! ! . s : 2 ? . ''. This definition of political Hbertyas a potential reedornfrom politics. is not urged upon us merely by our most recentexperiences; i thas played a large part in the history of polir lca!theory. We-need go no farther than the polit ical thinkers of theseventeenth and eighteenth centuries, who more often than not ' .1(shnpty identified political-freedom with~urity . .The highest 'purpaseofpali tics, ' " theend ofgovernment, ,rwasthe guaranty' '.of security; securi ty; in.niro.made freedornpossible, and thiFword "freedom" designated a quintessence of activities whichoccurred outside the political realm. Even Montesquieu, though:he.h ad nat only a different but a much higher opinion of theessence of politics than Hobbes ar Spinoza, could still occa-sionally e~1itical freedow with secuci.ty.9The ri~e of thepolitical and social sciences inthe nineteenth and twentieth cen-turies.has even widened the breach between freedom and poli-t ies; for government, which since the beginning of the modernage had been identif ied with the total domain of the polit ical,was now considered to. be the appointed protector nat so much'~{ of freedom as of the life process, the interests ofsociety and its' .individuals. Security remained the decisive criterion, but not the

    WHAT IS FREEDOM?

    individual's security against "violent death," as in Hobbes(whe~e the ~onditian of all liberty is fre~.domrom.ie.ar.}.,but asecu~lty which should permit an undistut:hed.....d.eY.elopmen_Lillt~ 11feprocess af society as a whole, This life process is notbou~d up with freedom but fal lows its own inherent necessi ty;and It can. be called free only in the sense that we speak of af~eelyflow~~gstream. Here freedom is not even the nonpoliticalarm ofpoht_lCS, but a marginal phenomenon-which somehow~orms the.ba~lndary government should flat overstep unless lifeItself and Its immediate interests and necessities are at stake.Thus nat only we, who. have reasons of our awn to distrust

    politics for the sake of freedom, but the en!it~.JTI.9~Ss~~rated freedom and_Q~)ltis;s.I could descend even deeper intothe past and evoke older memories and traditions. The pre-~~dern secular concept of freedom certainly was emphatic in itstnSlste~ce an separating the subjects' freedom from any directs?are .m go,:,ernment>\the -people's "liberty and freedom con-sisted in having the government of those laws by which their life~nd their goods may bedtost their awn: 't is not for having shareIIIgovernment, that isnothing pertaining to thetrt"-as Charles Isummed it up in his speech from the scaffold. It was not out of adesire for freedom that people eventually demanded their share 'Iin government or admission to the political realm but out of Imis~ru~t in those who held power over their l ife and goods. The jChrist ian concept of poli tical freedom, moreover, arose out ofthe early Christians' suspicion of and hostility against the publicrealm ~s such, from whose concerns they demanded to be ab-ilsolved m order to be free. And this Christ ian freedom for the sake .of salvation had been preceded, as we saw before, by the philoso-phers ' abstention from poli tics as a prerequisi te for the highestand freest way of life, the vita contemplativa. .Despite the enormous weight of this tradit ion and despite the

    perhaps evenmore telling urgency of our own experiences bothpressing into. the same direction of a divorce of freedom' frompolitics, I think the reader may believe he has read only an oldtruism when I said that the raison d'etre of politics is freedomand that this freedom is primarily experienced in action. In thefollowing I shall do.no mare than reflect on this old truism.

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    IIFreedom as related to politics is not a phenomenon of the will .W e deal here not with the liberum arbitrium, a freedom ofchoice, that arbitrates and decides between .two given things,one, good and one evil, and whose choice is predetermined by .motive which has only to' be argued to start its operation="And therefore, since I cannot prove a i9ver,i To entertain thesefair well-spoken days,!I am determined ro.prove a villain,' Andhate the idle .pleasures of these days." Rather it is; to remain with Shakespeare, the freedom of Brutus: "That this shall be orwe will fall for it," that is, the freedom to call something intobeing which did not exist before, which was not given, not evenas an object of cognit ion or imagination, and which therefore,

    [strict ty.speakin ..g,.could not be known. Action, to be free, must'befree from motive on one side, from its intended goal asa pre-dict~ble effect on the other. This is not to say that motives and ~ aims are not important factors in every single act, but they areits determining factors, and action is free to the extent that i t is- , , ' 1 ' " able to transcend them. Action insofar as it is determined isguided by a future aim whose desirability the intellect has,grasped before the will wills it,whereby the intellect calls upon .the w i l l, since only the will can dictate action-to paraphrase. a.characteristic description of this process by Duns .Scotus . l ' ' The,aim of action varies!and depends, upon the changing circum-]stances of the world; to: recognize the aim is not a matter-offfreedom, but of right . or wrong judgment. Will,seen as atinct and separate human, faculty, followsjudgment, i.e, cogni-tion of. the right aim, and then commands its execution. Thepower to command, to dictate action, is not a matter of free-dom.,but a question of strength or weakness.Action insofar as it is free is neither under the guidance of.

    the intellect nor under the dictate of the will-ealthough-ij:needs.both for the execution of any particular goal-s-but springsfrom.something altogether different which (following Mon-ttesquieu's famous analysis of forms of government) I shall . ..1 a principle. Principles, do not operate from within the self as

    WHAT IS FREEDOM)

    motives do-"mine own deformity" or my "fair proport ion"-but inspire, as it were, from without; and they are much toogeneral to prescribe particular goals, although every particularaim can be judged in the light of its principle once the act hasbeen started. For, unlike the judgment of the intellect whichprecedes action, and unlike the command of the will which ini-t iates i t, the inspiring principle becomes fully manifest only inthe performing act i tself; yet while the merits of judgment losetheir validity, and the strength of the commanding will exhaustsi tself, in the COurseof the act which they execute in coopera-t ion, the principle which inspired it loses nothing in strength orvalidity through execution. In distinction from its goal, theprinciple of an action can be repeated time and again, i t is inex-haustible, and in distinction from its motive, the validity of aprinciple is universal , i t is not bound to any particular person orto any particular group. However, the manifestat ion of princi-ples comes about only through action, they are manifest in theworld as long as the action lasts , but no longer. Such principlesare honor or glory, love of equality, which Montesquieu calledvir tue, or distinction or excellence-the Greek dddprcrreVlv("always strive to do your best and to be the best of all"), butalso fear or distrust or h~tred. Freedom or its opposite appearsin the world whenever such principles are actualized; the ap-pearance of freedom, like the manifestation of principles, coin-.cides. with the performing act . Men are free-as distinguishedfrom their possessing the .gif t for freedom-as long as they act ,neither before nor after; lor . ! 9 . . f ? g _ i t ~ _ ~. .and,tQ_

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    metaphors as flute-playing, dancing, healing, and seafaring todistinguish political from other activities, that is, that they drew

    .\ their analogies from those arts in which virtuosity of perfor-II mance is decisive,Since all acting contains an element of virtuosity, and be-cause virtuosity is the excellence we ascribe to the performingarts, poli tics has often been defined as an art . This, of course, isnot a, definition but a metaphor, and the metaphor becomescompletely false ifonefalkinto the common error of regardingthe state or government as a work ofart, as a kind of collectivemasterpiece, ItJ.the sense of the creative arts; which bring forthsomething tangible and ~y human thought to such an extentthat the produced thing possesses an existence of i ts own, poli-r tics is the-exact opposite of an art-s-which incidentally does not

    L_ , mean that it is a science, Polit ical insti tutions, no matter howwell or how badlydesigued.vdepend for continuedexistenceupon acting men; their conservation is achieved by the samemeans that brought them into .being. ' Independent existencemarks the work .of art as' a product of making; utter depend-

    \' enceupon further acts to keep it in existence marks the stateit as a product of action,The point here is not whether the creative artist is free in theprocess of creation, but that the creative process is not displayedin public and not destined to appear in the world. Hence the ele-ment of freedom, certainly present in the creative arts , remainshidden; i t is not the free creative process which finally appearsand matters for the world, but the work of art itself" the endproduct :0 the process. The performing arts) on the contrary,have indeed a strong affinity with politics, Performing artists-dancers, play-actors,IDusicians, and the like~need an audienceto show their vir tuosity, just as acting men need the presence ofothers before whom they can appear; both need a publicly orga-nizedspace for their "work," and-both depend upon others for . 'the performance itself. Such a space of appearances isnot to betaken' for granted wherever men live together in a community.The, Greek polis once was precisely that "form of government"which provided men with, a space-of appearances where theycould act; with a kind of theater where freedom could appear,

    WHAT IS FREEDOM? 15 3: 0 use t~e word "political" in the sense of the Greek polis isneither arbitrary nor far-fetched, Not only etymologically andnot only for the learned does the very word, which in all Euro-pe~n languages still derives from the historically unique organi-zation o~ the Greek city-state, echo the experiences of thecomrnunrty which first discovered the essence and the realm ofthe political. It is indeed difficult and even misleading to talkabout polit ics and its innermost principles without drawing tosome extent upon the experiences of Greek and Roman antiq-uity, and this for no other reason than that men have never ei-ther before or after, thought so highly of polit ical activi ty and~estowed so much dignity upon its realm. As regards the rela-non of freedom to politics, there is the additional reason thatonly ancient political communities were founded for the ex-press purpose of serving. the free-those who were neitherslaves, subject to coercion by others, nor laborers, driven andurged on by the necessi ties of l ife, If, then, we understand the'polit ical in the sense of the polis, its end or ra is on d ' e tr e wouldbe to establish and keep in existence a space where freedom asvirtuosity can appear. This is the realm where freedom is aworldly reality, tangible in words which can be heard in deedswhich can be seen, and in events which are talked about re-inember~d, and turned into stories before they are finally incor-porated into the great storybook of human history. Whateveroccurs in this space of appearances is political by definitioneven when it is not a direct product of action. What remains?utside ~t,such as the great feats of barbarian empires, may beimpressive and noteworthy, but it is not political strictlyspeaking, ' 'Eve:y attemp,t .to derive the concept of freedom from experi-ences 10 the political realm sounds strange and startling becauseall our theories in these matters are dominated by the notion

    that freedom is an attribute of will and thought much ratherthan of action. And this priority is not merely derived from thenotion that every act must psychologically be preceded by acognit ive act of the intel lect and a.command of the will to carry?ut its decision, but also, and perhaps even primarily, because itIS held that "perfect liberty is incompatible with the existence of

    \

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    society," .that itcan be toleratedinits perfection only outsidethe realm of human affairs. This current argument does nothold-what perhaps is true-that it is in the nature of thoughtto need more freedom than does any other activi ty of men, butrather that thinking in itself is not dangerous, so that only ac-tionrieeds. to be restrained: "No .one pretends that actionsshould be asfree as,opinions." 11 This, of course, belongs amongthe fundamental tenets of liberalism, which, its .name notwith-standing, has done its share to banish the notionof liberty fromthe political realm. For politics, according to the same philoso-phy, must be concerned almost exclusively with the mainte-nanceof l ife and the safeguarding of i ts interests . Now, wherelife is at stake all action is by definition under the sway of ne-cessity; and the proper realm to take. care of l~fe's necessi ties ~s ."'"~the gigantic and still increasing sphere .of SOCIalan~ ,economIc .life whose administration has overshadowed the political realmever .since ~he beginning .o f .the modern age. Only foreign af-fairs , because the relationships between nations sti ll harbor' .hostilities and sympathies. which cannot be reduced to eco- .nomic factors seem to be left asa purely polit ical domain. Andeven here the.prevailing tendency is to consider internationalpower problems and rivalries as ultimately springing from eco-nomic factors and interests,Yetjust as we, despite all theories and isms, sti ll believe thatto say "Freedom is the r a is o n d ' e tr e of polit ics" is n~ more thana truism, so do we, in spite of our apparently exclUSIve,concernwith life , sti ll hold as.a matter of course that courage IS one ofthe cardinal polit ical vir tues, although-if all this were a matterof consistency, which it obviously isnot-we sho~ld be the firstto condemn courage as the foolish and even VicIOUScontemptfor l ife and its interests; t l~at is, for the allegedly highest ,of allgoods, Courage IS.a big word, and I do not mean t~e daring ofadventure which gladly risks life for the sake of being as thor-.ough1yand intensely alive as:one can be only in t~e f~ce of da~.ger and death. Temerityis no less con~erned Wlt~lh,fe than IScowardice ..Courage; .which we' still believe to be indispensable .for-political action, .and.whichChurchill once called "the firstof.human qualities, because itis the quality. which guarantees

    WHAT IS FREEDOM? 15 5all others," does not gratify our individual sense of vitali ty butis demanded of us by the very nature of the public realm. Forthis world of ours, because it existed before us and is meant tooutlast our l ivesin it , s imply cannot afford to give primary con-,cern to individual lives and the'lnterests connected with them; -J>,as'such the public realm stands in the sharpest possible contrast!g,:Q!!~.priyat~.,domain,where, in the protection aHa-milyaridhome, everything serves and must serve the securi ty of the life_process. It requires courage even to leave the protectIve'securityOTOUrfour walls and enter the public realm, not because of par-ticular dangers which may lie in wait for us, but because wehave arrived in a realm where the concern for l ifehas lost i ts va-lif!.ity.Courage liberates men frorii-thelr-wor~y about life for the ifreedom of the world. Courage is indispensable because in pol-itics not life but the world is at stake .

    IIIObviously this notion of an interdependence of freedom andpolitics stands in contradiction to the social theories of themodern age, Unfortunately it does not follow that we need onlyto revert to older, pre-modern traditions and theories. Indeed,the greatest difficulty in reaching an understanding of whatfreedom is arises from the fact that a simple return to tradit ion,and especially to what we are wont to call the great tradition,does not help us. Neither the philosophical concept of freedomas it first arose in late antiquity, when freedom became a phe-nomenon of thought by which roan 'could, as it were, reason nhimself out of the world, nor the Christ ian and modern notion 'i :of free will has any ground in polit ical experience, Our philo- -'jsophical traditio.n is almost Unani11l0USin holding that freedom j lbegins where men have left the realm of political life inhabitedby the many, and that it is not experienced in association withothers but in intercourse with one's self-whether in the form \of an inner dialogue which, since Socrates, we call thinking; orin ,a conflict within myself, the inner strife between what Iwould and what Ldo.whose murderous dialectics disclosed first

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    to Paul and then to Augustine the equivocalities and impotence.of the human heart .For the history of the problem of freedom, Christian tradi-tion has indeed become the decisive factor. We almost automat-

    ieally ~quat~..:,Jt'~~4~_'#lth__fre.Lwill, that is, with a faculty[~ virtually unknown to classical.antiquity. For will, as Christian-i ty discovered it, had so Iit tle in common with the well-knowncapacities to .desire, to intend, and to aim at, that i t claimed at-tention only after it had come into conflict with them. If free-dom -were actually nothing but aphenomenon of .the will, wewould have to conclude: that the ancients did not know free-dom. This, of course, is absurd, but if one wished to assert i t hecould argue what I have mentioned before, namely, that theidea of freedom played no role in philosophy prior to Augus-t ine. The reason for this str iking fact isthat,ih Creek as well asRoman antiquity, freedom was an exclusively political concept,indeed the quintessence of the city-state and of citizenship. Ourf philosophical tradition of polgical thought, beginning with~I ..Pa.rmenipes an~ Pla:~, was .foun.'ded explicit1~ in opposition to. this polis-and Its citizenship.r'Ihe way oflife chosen. by the'philosopher was understood 'in opposition to the {3 toq 7ro . - tmK6 ;~the polit ical way of life . Freedom, therefore, the very center ofpolitics as the Greeks understood it, was an idea which almost

    () by definition could not enter the framework of Greek philoso-phy. Only when the early Christians, and especially Paul, dis-covered a kind of freedom which.had no relation to politics,could the co~ept o!"~~~dq~' ente.J;__~ _ ~ < i !.~.is~?rY'0f philosophy:Freedom becameone of the chief problems of philosophy whenit was experienced as something occurring in the intercoursebetwe~n me and myself, andoutside of the intercourse betweenmen. Freewill and.freedom became synonymous notions, 12 andthe presence of freedom was experienced in complete solitude,

    1 ;1 "where no man might hinder the hot contention wherein I hadengaged with myself," the deadly confl ict which took place inthe "inner dwelling" of the soul and the dark "chamber of theheart!'13

    Classical antiquity was by no means inexperienced in thephenomena of solitude; itknew well enough that soli tary man

    WHAT IS FREEDOM? IS?, is no. longer one but two-in-one, that an intercourse betweenme and myself begins the moment the intercourse between meand my fellow men has been interrupted for no matter whatreason. In addition to this dualism which isthe existential con-dition of thought, classical philosophy since Plato had insistedon a dualism between soul and body whereby the human fac-ulty of motion had been assigned to the soul, which was sup-posed to move the body as well as itself, and it was still withinthe range of Platonic thought to interpret this faculty as a ruler-ship of the soul over the body. Yet the Augustinian solitude of"hot contention" within the soul i tself was utterly unknownfor the fight in which he had become engaged was not between~eason and passion, between understanding and BVJ l6q ,14 thatIS, between two different human faculties, hut i t was a conflictwithin the will i tself . And this duality within the self-same fac-ulty had been known as the characterist ic of thought, as the di-alogue which I hold with myself. In other words, the two-in-oneof solitude which sets the thought process into motion has theexactly opposite .~#ect on the ~will :. i_tparalvzes and locks it. h i , ~_ _ ._ _._.. ..,_._..-~_-1:: ..:::. ._.:: ::.:: :J~---. --.. __..__WIt 1ll itsel{;.willing in solitude is always velleand nolle; to willand not towill at the same time.The paralyzing effect the will seems to have upon itselfcomes all the more surprisingly as its very essence obviously is

    to command and be obeyed. Hence it appears to be a "mon-strosity" ~hatman may command himself and not be obeyed) amonstrosi ty which. can be explained only by the simultaneouspresence of an I-will and an Lwill-not.P This, however, is al-ready an interpretat ion by Augustine; the historical fact is thatthe phenomenon of the will originallymanifested itself in theexperience that what I would, I do not; that there issuch a thingas l-wil l-and-cannor. What was unknown to antiquity was notthat there is a possible. .l-know-but-Lwill-not , hut that I-wil land f-can are not the same-non hoc est uelle, quod posse . t ' :For the l-will-and-f-can was of course very familiar to the an-cients. We need only remember how much Plato insisted thatonly those who knew how to rule themselves had the right torule others and be freed from the obligation of obedience. Andit is true that self-control has remained one of the specif ically

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    became aware of the. will as a distinct faculty, separate fromother human capacities. Historically..men first discovered the

    ~wi1l when they experienced its-impotence and not its power,when they said with Paul: "For to will is present with me; buthow to perform that which is good I find not." It is the samewill of which Augustine complained that it seemed "no mon-strousness [for i t} partly to will-partly tonil l"; and although hepoints out that this is "a disease of the mind," he also admitsthat.this disease is,as i twere, natural for a mind possessed of awill: "For the will-commands that there be a 'wil l, i t commandsnot something else but itself . . ; .Were the will entire, it wouldnot even command itself to be, because it would already be. '!l9I t ! ' other wordsyif man has a will at all , i t must always appear asthough there were two wills present in the same man, fightingwith each other for power-over his mind. Hence, the will isbothpowerful and impotent, free and unfree .When we speak of impotence and the limits set to will-power,. we usually think of man's powerlessness with respect tothe surrounding world. It is, therefore, of some importance tonotice that in these early testimonies the will was not defeatedby someoverwhelming force of nature or circumstances; thecontention.which its appearance raised was neither the conflictbetween the one against the many nor the strife between bodyand mind. On theoontrary, the relation of mind to body wasfor Augustine-even the outstanding example for the enormouspower inherent in the will: "The mind commands the body, andthe body obeys instantly; the mind commands itself, and is re-sisted."tp .The body represents in this context the exteriorworldand.is by no: means identical with one'sself; I t is withinone's self, in the "interior dwelling" (interior domusi, whereEpictetus still believed manto be an absolute master, that theconflict between manand'himselfbroke out and that the wiHwas defeated. Christian will-power was discovered as an organof self-liberation and immediately found wanting. It is as thoughthe .l-will immediately paralyzed the l-ean, as though the mo-

    ~-mentinen ivilledfreedom, they lost their capacity to be free. Inthe deadly conflict with worldly desires and intentions fromwhichwill~powerwas.supposed.toliberate the. self, the most

    ..,,~., ':..

    WHAT IS FREEDOM?

    willing seemed able to achieve was oppression. Because of thewill' s impotence, i ts incapacity to generate genuine power itsconstant defeat in the struggle with the self, in which the po~er?f the I-~an exhauste? itself , the will- to-power turned at once iImto a will-to-oppression. I can only hint here at the fatal con- I!sequences for polit ical theory of this equation of freedom withthe human capacity to will; it was one of the causes why eventoday we almost automatically equate power with oppressionor, at least , with rule over others.Ho~ever .that may be, what we usually understand by willand will-power has grown out of this confl ict between a willing

    and aperforrning self, out of the experience of an l-wil l-and-cannot , which means that the I-will, no matter what is willedremains subject to the self , s trikes back at i t, spurs i t on incitesi t further, or isruined by,it . However far the will-to-power mayreach out, and even if somebody possessed by it begins to con-quer the whole world, the l-will can never rid itself of the self i talways remains bound to it and, indeed, under i ts bondage. Thisbondage to the self distinguishes the l-will from the f-thinkwhich also is carried. on between me and myself but in whosedialogue the self isnot the object of the activity of thought. Thefa~t that the l-will has become so power-thirsty, that will andwill-to-power have become practically identical, is perhaps dueto its having been first experienced in its impotence. Tyranny atany rate, the only form of government which arises directly outof the l-will, owes its greedy cruelty to an egotism utterly ab-sent from the utopian tyrannies of reason with which thephilosophers wished to coerce men and which they conceivedon the model of the I-think.. .. I have said that the philosophers first began to show an inter-est i11the problem of freedom when freedom ';"as no longer ex-perienced in acting and in associating with others but in willingand in the intercourse with one's self, when, briefly, freedomhad become free will. Since then, freedom has been a philo-sophical problem of the first order; assuch it was applied to the 1".\/poli tical realm and thus has become a poli tical problem as well . f'Because of the philosophic shift from action to will-power,from freedom as a state of being manifest in action to the

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    liberum.atbitriurn, the.ideal. of freedom ceased to he virtuosityin the sense we mentioned.beforeand became.~pvereig_~y~eideal of a freewill; independendrom others and eventually-pre-vailing against them. The philosophic ancestry of our currentpolitical notion o f - f r e edom is still quite manifest in eight~en~h-century political writers, when, for instance, Thomas P~lOe,l~:sisted that "to be free it is sufficient [for man] that he wills it,a word which Lafayette applied to the nation-state: "Pourqu'une nation.solt f ib r e, i l s u ff i. t q u 'e l l. e , v eu i ll e , l 'e t re . ".. Obviously such words echo. the political.philosophy ofJean-Ja~quesJ;i_Q~'{:,~u,who: has remained, the.most cons,istent :-epr~.sentative of the theory oC~~reignty, which he denveddl~ect1yfrom the will 'so that he could conceive of political power .mthe~td~t~ i "~~~f individual. will-power. He.arg~e~ ag,ai?-~t;Mon-tesquieu that powermust be sovereign.r that is, mdl: lslble, be-cause"a divided wi1lwouldbeinconceivable.~' He did not shunthe' consequences of. this extreme individualism, ='.he heldthat in-an ideal state.ffthe citizens .had no commumcat1on~ ,onewith another," that in order to avoid' factions "each-citizenshould think only his own.thoughts,' In reality Rousseau's the-ory stands refuted fqf'the.simpie reason that "it is absurd forthe will to. bind itself for the future" ;21 a community. actuallyfounded on this sovereign will would be built not on sand, buton quicksand. All political business is, and al~ays has been,transacted within an elaborate framework of ties and bondsfor the future-such as laws and constitutions, treaties andalliances-all of which derive in the last instance from the ~c-ulty to promise andto keep promises in the fac~.of t~e essent1~l.uncertainties of the future. A state,mor.eover, 11 1 which there ISno communication: between the -citizens and where each manthinks only his own thoughts is by definition a tyranny. That, the.facultyof will and.will-power in ,and by itsel~"unconnectedwith-any other faculties.Js-an essentially nonpoiltlcal. and ev~nanticpolitical capacity. is perhaps nowhere ,~lseso m~ntfest as 1~1. rheabsurdities to which Rousseau was drivenandin the cun-ous cheerfulness with whkhhe accepted them. ..Politically, this identification of freedom .with sovereignty ISperhaps the most perniciousand dangerous consequence of- the

    WHAT IS FREEDOM?

    philosophical equation of freedom and free will. For it leads ei-ther to a denial of human freedom-namely, if it isrealized thatwhatever men may be, they are never sovereign-or to the in-sight that the freedom of one man, or a group, or a body politiccan bepurchased only at the price of the freedom, i .e ., the sov-ereignty, of all others. Within the conceptual framework of tra-ditional philosophy, i t is indeed very diff icult to understandhow freedom and non-sovereignty can exist together or, to putit another way, how freedom could have been given to men un-der the condition of non-sovereignty. Actually it is as unrealistic .'/.to deny freedom because,of the fact of human non-sovereigntyas it is dangerous to believethat Me can befree-s-as an individ-uaior as a group-s-only if he is sovereign. The famous sover-eignty of polit ical bodies has always been a11il lusion, which,moreover, can be maintained only by the instruments of vio-lence, that is, with essentially nonpolitical means. Under humancondit ions, which are determined by the fact that not man butmen live on the earth, freedom and sovereignty are so littleidentical that they cannot even exist simultaneously. Where menwish to be sovereign, as individuals or as organized groups,.they must' submit to the oppression of the will , be this the indi-vidual will with which Lforce myself, or the "general will" ofan organized group. Ifmen wish to be free, i t is precisely sover-eignty they must renounce.

    IVSince the whole problem of freedom arises for us in the horizonof Christ ian traditions on Onehand, and of an originally anti-polit ical philosophic tradition on the other, we find it difficultto realize that there may exist a freedotn which isnot an attrib-ute of the will but an accessory of doing and acting. Let ustherefore go back once more to antiquity, i.e., to its politicaland pre-philosophical tradit ions, certainly not for the sake oferudition and not even because of the continuity of our tradi-tion; but merely because a freedom experienced in the processof acting and nothing else-though, of course, mankind never

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    lost this "experience alrogether=-has never again been, articu-:lated with the,same classical clarity.: ' .However, for-reasons we mentioned before' and which wecannot .discuss here,' this articularion.is nowhere more difficult. to grasp than in the writings of the philosophers. It would ofcourse-lead us too far to try to distill, as it were, adequateconcepts from the body of non-philosophical l iterature, frompoetic, dramatic, historical, and polit ical writings, whose ar-ticulationlifts experiences into a realm of splendor which isnotthe realm of conceptual. thought. And for our purposes this isnot necessaryFor whatever ancient l iterature, Greek as well asLatin, .has to tel l us about these .matters is ult imately rooted inthe curious' fact that both the' Greek and the Latin languagepossess two' verbs to designate what we uniformly call "to act."The two Greekwords are apxelv : to begin, to lead, and, finally,toru1e;and l tpo:r"reLv:to carrysomething through, The corre-sponding.Latin.verbsare agere:to'set'something in motion; andgerere, which is hard to translate-and somehow means the en-during-and supporting continuation of past acts whose resultsare the res gestae, the:tdeeds.and events we call historical. Inboth instances '! action occurs in two -di f ferent stages; its firststage is .a beginning by which something newcdmes .into theworld ..The Greek word apxew, which' covers'beginning, lead-ing, ruling, that is, the outstanding qualities of the free man)bears witness to an experience in which being free and the ca-pacity to begin something new coincided. Freedom, as we

    fI would say today, was experienced in spontaneity. The manifold~meaning of aPXELv indicates the following: only those could be-gin something new who werew.h:eady rulers (i.e. , 'householdheads who ruled overslaves.and family) and had thus Iiberatedthemselves 'from the necessities of life.for enterprises in distantlands or citizenship in the polis; in either case, they no longerruled, but were rulers among rulers,moving among their peers,whose, help they enlisted as leaders in or.der to begin somethingnew, to start a new enterprise; for only with the help of otherscould the apxOJv , the" ruler , beginner and leader, really act ,1Tpait'stV,'carry through whatever he had started to do..Tn: Latinv.to be free and.i to begin are .also interconnected,

    WHAT IS FRl :' .l i.D.OM? 1 6 5though in a different way. Roman freedom was a legacy be-queathed by the founders of Rome to the Roman people; theirfreedom was tied to the beginning their forefathers had estab-l ished by founding the city, whose affairs the descendants hadto lnan~ge, whose consequences they had to bear, and whosefoundations they had to "augment." All these together are theres gestae of the Roman republic. Roman historiography there-fore, esse~tially as political as Greek historiography, never wascontent WIth the mere narration of great deeds and events ' un-like Thucydides Or Herodotus, the Roman historians alwaysfelt bound to the beginning of Roman history, because this be-ginning contained the authentic element of Roman freedom andthus made their history polit ical ; whatever they had to relate,they started ab urbe condita, with the foundation of the city,the guaranty of Roman freedom.I have already mentioned that the ancient.concept of freedomplayed no role in Greek philosophy precisely because of i ts ex-clusivelypolitical origin. Roman writers, it is true.irebelled oc-casionally against the anti-political tendencies of the Socraticschool but their strange lack of, philosophic talent apparentlypreventedtheir finding atheoretical concept of freedom whichcould have been adequate to their own experiences and to thegreat institutions of liberty present in the Roman res publica. Ifthe history of ideas were as consistent as its historians some-times imagine, we should have even less hope of finding a validpolitical idea of freedom in Augustine, the great Christianthinker who in fact introduced Paul's free will, along with itsperplexit ies, into the history of philosophy. Yetwe find in Au-gustine not only the discussion of freedom as liberum arbi-trium, though this discussion became decisive for the traditionbut also an entirely differently conceived nouon which charac~teristically appears in his only political treatise, in De CivitateDei . In the City o f God Augustine, as is only natural, speaksmore from the background of specif ically Roman experiencesthan in any of his other writings, and freedom is conceivedthere not as ail innerhuman disposition but as a character ofhuman existence in the world. Man does not possess freedomso much as he, or better his coming into the world, is equated

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    166 BETWEEN PAST AND FUTUREwith the.appearance of.freedom in the universe.man is free' be-cause. he isa beginning and-was so created after the universehadalreadycome into existence: [Initium] ut esset, creatus estf;omo,an'te.quemnemo.fuitA In.the birth of each man-this ini-tial beginning is reaffirmed, because in each instance somethingnew comes' into an. already existing world which will continueto exist after each individual's. death ..Because he is a beginning,man 'can begin; .to behumanand to be free are one and thesame. God created man in order to introduce into.the world thel faculty .0 beg inn ings . freedom.' .~rhestrong-anti-political. tendencies of early Christianity are sofamiliar. that. the notion of a Christian thinker's having been thefirst toormulate:the;philosophicaf.implications of the ancientpolit ical idea of.freedom strikes us as almost paradoxical . Theonly explanation that comes to.mind.is that Augustine was a Ro-man as wellasa Christian, and that in this part of his work heformulated the central political experience of Roman antiquity,which was .that freedom qua beginning became manifest in theact of foundation; YetI am convinced that this impression wouldconsiderably ..change; if the sayings of Jesus of Nazareth weretaken-more seriously in their.philosophic implications; We find inthese.partsef the New Testamentan.extraordioary understand-ing of freedom, and.particularly.of the power inherent in humanfreedom; but the human-capacity which corresponds to thispower, which, inthe words of the.Gospel, iscapable of removing

    \mountains, is .not wil l but fai th. The work .of fai th, .actually itsproduct, is what the gospels called.i''miracles," a word withmany. meanings-in the iNew Testament and difficult-to under-stand.Wecan neglect-the difficulties here and refer only to thosepassages where miracles are clearly not supernatural events butonly what all miracles, thoseper.formedbymen no less th,anthose performed by a divineagentcalways must be, namely, m-terruptions of some.natural-series.of events, of some automaticprocess, in whose context theyconstitute the wholly unexpected,No.doubt human life, placed 011 the earth, is surrounded byautomatic processes-by the natural processes of the earth,which, in turn, are surroundedby cosmic processes, and weourselves aredrivenby similar forces insofar as we too are a

    WHAT IS FREEDOM?

    part of organic nature. Our poli tical l ife, moreover, despite i tsbeing the realm of action, also takes place in the midst of pro-cesses which we call historical and which tend to become as au-tomatic as natural or cosmic processes, although they werestarted by men, The truth is that automatism is inherent in allprocesses, no matter what their origin may be-which is whyno single act , and no single event, can ever, once and for all, de-liver and save a man, or a nation, or mankind. It is in the natureof the automatic processes to which man issubject, but withinand against which-he can assert himself through action, thatthey can only spell ruin to human life. Once man-made, histor-ical processes have become automatic, they are no less ruinousthan the natural life process that drives our organism and whichin its own terms, that is, biologically, leads from being to non-being, from birth to death. The historical sciences know onlytoo well such cases of petrified and hopelessly declining civi-lizations where doom seems foreordained, like a biological ne-cessi ty, and since such historical processes of stagnation canlast and creep on for centuries, they. even occupy by far thelargest space in recorded history; the periods of being free havealways been relatively short in the history of mankind.;. What usually remains intact in the epochs of petrificationand foreordained doom is the faculty of freedom itself, thesheer capacity to begin, which animates and inspires all humanactivities andis the hidden source of production of all great andbeautiful things, But so long as this source remains hidden,freedom is not a-worldly, tangible reality; that is, it isnot politi-caL Because the source of freedom remains present even whenpolitical life has become petrified and political action impotentto interrupt automatic processes, freedom can .so easily be mis-taken for an essentially nonpolit ical phenomenon; in such cir-cumstances) freedom is not experienced as a mode of beingwith its Own kind of "virtue" and virtuosity, but as a supremegift which only man, of all earthly creatures, seems to have re-ceived, of which we cart find traces and signs in almost all hisactivities, but which, nevertheless, develops fully only when ac-t ion has created its own worldly space where it can come out ofhiding, as it were, and make its appearance,

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    168 BETWEEN PAST AND FUTU1U!.

    . Every act, .seen from-the perspective not of the agent but ofthe process. in whose framework-it occurs and whose automa-tism it-interrupts.cis a"rniracle"~thatis, something whichcould n o t . b e expected-lfic istruethat-action and beginning are

    r essentially rhe same;' it follows. thata. capacity for performingmiracles must likewise-be withinthe.range of human faculties.This' sounds.stranger than it actually: is. It is in the very nature

    \of every new;beginning that itbreaks into the world as an "in-finite improbability," and yet ids precisely this infinitely improb-able which actually constitutes the very texture of everything wecall real. Our whole existence rests, after all; on a chain 'o f 'mira-, cles, as it.were-e-thecoming.into being-of.the.earth, thedevel-opmentof.organic l ifeonit.-theevolution.of mankind out ofthe animal species. For,from the viewpoint of the processes inthe universe and in nature, and their statistically overwhelmingprobabili ties, the coming into being of the earth out of cosmicprocesses" theformation of organic life out. of inorganic pro-cesses, the evolutionof-man, finally, out of the processes of or-ganic life are all "infinite improbabilities," they are "miracles"in everydaylanguage, It is because ofthis e l emen t o f the "mirac-ulous" present in.al lreali ty that events, no matter how well an-t icipated infear or hope, str ike us with a shock ofsurprise oncethey have come to pass. The very impact of an event is neverwholly explicable; its factuality transcends in principle all antic-ipation; The experience which tells us that events are miracles isneither arbitrary nor sophist icated; i t is, on the contrary, mostnatural-end, indeed; in ordinaryIife almost commonplace.Without this commonplace experience, the part assigned by re-ligion, to supernatural-miracles would be well"nigh incompre-hensible. '. I chose the example of natura 11.processes which are inter-rupted by the advent ofsomer infinite irnprobabil ity 't in orderto illustrate that what wecallreal in ordinary experience hasmostly -come into existence through: coincidences which arestranger than fiction. Of course the example has its l imitat ionsand cannot be simply applied to the realm of human affairs. Itwould-be sheer superst ition. to hope for miracles, for the "infi-nitely improbable," in the' context of automatic historical or

    WHAT IS FREEDOM?

    political processes, although even this can Dever be completelyexcluded. History, in contradistinction to nature, is full ofevents; here the miracle of accident and infinite improbabilityoccurs so frequently that i t seems strange to speak of miraclesat all . But the reason for this frequency ismerely that historicalprocesses are created and constantly interrupted by human ini-tiative, .b~ the i~itium man is insofar as he is an acting being.Hence It ISnot III the least superst it ious, i t is even a counsel ofrealism, to look for the unforeseeable and unpredictable, to beprepared for and to expect "miracles" in the political realm.And the more heavily the scales are weighted in favor of disas-ter, .th,en~ore miraculous will the deed done in freedom appear;for it IS disaster, not salvation, which always happens automat-ically and therefore always must appear to be irresistible.Objectively, that is, seen from the outside and without takinginto account that man isa beginning and a beginner, the chancesthat tomorrow willbe like yesterday are always overwhelming.

    Not quite so overwhelming, to besure, but very nearly so asthechances were that no earth would ever rise Out of cosmic occur-rences, that no life would develop Out of inorganic processes,and that no man would emerge out of the evolution of animallife. The decisive difference between the "infinite improbabili-t ies" on which the reali ty of our earthly liferests and the mirac-ulous character inherent in those events which establishhistorical reality is that, in the realm of human affairs, weknow the author of the "miracles," It is men who performthem-e-men who because they have received the twofold gift offreedom and action can establish a reali ty of their own.

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