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ARCHAEOLOGY OF IBERIAN COLONIALISM IN GUAM AND THE

MARIANA ISLANDS.

Natalia Moragas

University of Barcelona

Sandra Montón

ICREA-Pompeu Fabra University

James Bayman

University of Hawai‘i-Mānoa,

We call our project: ABERIGUA. Archaeology of Iberian colonialism in Guam

and the Marianas Islands (Western Pacific) It has, as a general objective, the goal of

establishing a better understanding of the processes of identity,and change and cultural

continuities that occurred during Spanish colonialism in the Western Pacific. To

understand the phenomenon of cultural change in the wake of Spanish Imperialism in the

Mariana Islands, one must select carefully the best places to develop archaeological

excavations. As we pointed out in our project, this research aims to better understand the

processes of identity, change and continuity related to Spanish colonialism in the cultural

sequence of the Mariana Islands, and to contribute to the construction of an archeology

of Spanish colonialism in this Western Pacific area (McKinnon and Raupp 2012).That is

why, one of the most significant places to understand these phenomena through the

analysis of historical sources and material culture is the bay of Umatac in the southwest

of the island of Guam. In this paper, we will summarize the first season of archaeological

excavations that we conducted in 2017 as a part of a larger collaborative project that

combines the efforts of archaeologists and documentary historians to understand the

cultural processes of Iberian colonialism in the Mariana Islands.

THE HISTORICAL FRAMEWORK

The earliest settlement of the Marianas began around 1500 C.E. (Carson 2012;

Kurashina y Clyshulte 1983). Traditionally it has been considered that the prehistoric

period ends with Hispanic contact, establishing two main divisions: a pre-latte period

(1500 BC-900/1000 ad) and a latte period (900/1000 CE to Spanish contact in the early

1500s). This arbitrary division is an unfortunate outcome of the reliance on documentary

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accounts. Our effort to integrate the findings of both archaeological and documentary

research indicate the cultural processes offers a broader view of the process of cultural

change and continuity where in the chronology of the latte period could be extended to

1700 AD. Moreover, we anticipate that our project may yield findings that the so-called

"Latte Period" may have even extended (in a cultural sense) to the beginning of the 18th

century

The profound importance of Umatac lies in the fact that it relates to Ferdinand

Magellan's attempt to circumnavigate the world and the moment of first contact between

Hispanics and local Chamorro, the indigenous population of Pacific Islanders who first

inhabited Guam. In 1521 Ferdinand Magellan arrived on the island of Guam in search of

a maritime connection between "East" (Asia) and West (Europe). The history of first

contact between Hispanics and Pacific islanders is well known as a classic example of

mutual cultural incomprehension. In fact, the island received the unfavorable title of "the

island of the thieves" ("Islas de las Ladrones"); although the indigenous Chamorro wanted

to trade, the Hispanics were under the impression that the islanders were guilty of theft

Figure 1).

Figure 1. Umatac Bay and location of the San Dionisio site. Courtesy of Richard

Schaefer and Cardno GS Inc.

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The colonization of the Mariana Islands was not attained until 1565 when Miguel

de Legazpi claimed the islands for the Crown of Castile. In 1668 Diego Luis de San

Vitores initiated a more sustained system of colonization by establishing a Jesuit mission.

It was in the seventeenth century when the "island of thieves" and its surrounding

archipelago were named the "Mariana Islands" in honor of Queen Regent Mariana of

Austria.

In the process of colonization of the island of Guam, two Chamorro villages were

appropriated by their Hispanic colonizers: 1) A village alongside the Bay of Umatac,

which became a vital trading location for the Manila Galleon and 2) the village of Agaña,

which since became the most important town of the colonial Hispanic administration in

the Mariana Islands. For the purposes of our research, the site of Umatac is highly

significant for understanding the processes of colonialism witnessed both change and

continuities of the indigenous Chamorro populations under the Spanish colonial order.

Today, local tradition in the village of Umatac asserts that it witnessed Magellan's first

contact with the Mariana Island in 1521. Whether (or not) Magellan's first contact with

the Mariana Islands transpired at Umatac, the Bay of Umatac and its Chamorro - Spanish

settlement was critical for the development and maintenance of the transatlantic trade. In

1565, the Manila Galleon route began with all the complexities that are entailed in

managing and maintaining a maritime transportation network in colonial times. The

village of Umatac, favored by a welcoming bay with fresh water sources became an

important way station for the Manila Galleon.

Due to all these characteristics it is not strange to consider that it is in this place

where the first interactions between Hispanics and the Chamorro population took place

and that these interactions should have left their reflection in the material culture.

Likewise, Umatac should be linked to the first cartographies of this area, reports and

chroniclers' accounts and numerous administrative documents from the Council of the

Indies and the Viceroyalty of the new Spain. Theoretically, to the extent that the

colonization and "hispanization" of the territory took place, a greater change in material

culture is likely to be witnessed. As contacts between Hispanics and Chamorros

accelerated, the processes of acculturation, changes, resistances and continuities should

be able to be characterized through the study of material culture.

In 1680, Governor Quiroga made the seat of his official residence in the town of

Umatac, which led to the construction of a series of fortifications to defend the bay

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(Delgadillo et al. 1979, Driver and Perry 1994). During the colonial period three defense

fortifications were constructed around the bay for protection, especially when the

berthing and disembarkation of the products of the Galleon visited Guam on its

transatlantic route. The first fort, the Nuestra Señora del Carmen, was followed by the

construction of the Fort San José and, finally, the most impressive defensive structure:

the Fort de Nuestra Señora de la Soledad. In the late 20th century, limited archaeological

excavations were conducted at the Fort de Nuestra Señora de la Soledad (Moore and Mc

Nerney 1984). Anyway there is in this area some prehistoric sites (Moore 1989, Brown

1984)

THE 2017 ARCHAEOLOGICAL SEASON IN UMATAC (GHPI SITE 66-

02-1024).

In accordance with the general objectives of the project, in June 2017 we

conducted a month-long excavation in the Church of San Dionisio Aeropagita. It should

be mentioned that as part of the project, we have worked within the framework of

"community archeology" involving the current residents of Umatac as active partners and

collaborators to support their deep interest in the history and archaeology of their heritage.

Responding to the interests of the community and with the commitment to work with the

community and not only in the community, we have responded to the concerns of the

citizens of the Umatac population about their first church and the existence of a colonial

cemetery. The existence of this colonial cemetery was assumed by oral tradition and

traditional customs rather than by evidence in the archaeological record.

San Dionisio is one of the first Jesuit missions built in Guam and the Mariana

Islands. The only information related to the Jesuit mission of San Dionisio came from the

few references that are scattered in documentary sources and old engravings and paintings

made in the framework of various expeditions to Guam in the nineteenth century. Like

other buildings on the island, we know that the mission was affected by a series of natural

disasters, as well as by the passage of time after its abandonment in 1909. From the

historical sources we know that the mission was rebuilt on at least three occasions. The

first building was built with wood and other perishable plant materials, and it was rebuilt

in 1680 following a devastating typhoon. We also know that this first reconstruction was

carried out, at least partly, by re-using building stones (possibly from its foundations).

After its destruction by yet another typhoon, the church was again rebuilt in 1693, this

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time with walls that were made entirely of stone and covered by a thatched roof. In 1848,

it seems that the church was destroyed again by an earthquake. In 1887 Governor Olive

mentioned this building in his written report: “Islas Marianas. Ligeros Apuntes acerca

de las mismas, Porvenir al que pueden y deben aspirar, y ayuda que ha de prestar la

administración para conseguirlo”. He noted that the church was made of stone although

the roof was made with jigay or nete. The different old engravings that exist only provide

idealized images of the exterior of the church. Neither the old engravings nor the

documentary sources provide any detail about a possible cemetery.

The archaeological campaign of 2017 had the following goals:

1.- The excavation of the remains of the church and the potential documentation

of the cemetery of San Dionisio Areopagita in Umatac.

2.- The organization, inventory, and preliminary analysis of the cultural materials

that were recovered by the excavations.

In the coming years, we would like to we would like to investigate the Jesuit

mission in a broader perspective that includes excavations at the so -called “House of the

governor,” as well as a a nearby latte site (GHPI Site 66-02-1024) that may also date to

the colonial period. Accordingly, we hope to conduct further fieldwork that would enable

us to meet the following objectives:

1.-Document and examine the archaeological sequence of the broader site area

from its construction to its abandonment.

2.-Attain a better knowledge of the evolution over time of its architecture and

building technology with respect to the varioius instances when it was remodeled

3.-Document and compare the material culture that was used in in other colonial-

period enclaves on the island, including indigenous latte settlements.

4.-Study the similarities and differences between the constructive technology of

Spanish-style buildings in Umatac and other Spanish-style buildings in Guam.

5.-Proposed guidelines for the future stabilization / architectural restoration of the

church of San Dionisio Areopagita.

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And finally, to systematize all of the archival information that is related to this particular

building in the Spanish Document Collection of the MARC (Micronesian Area Research

Center) and with other archives in Europe, and elsewhere.

In this paper we described the most relevant procedures and operations of the

fieldwork season. As already mentioned, we are in a very early stages of the research

project, but we believe that we can already offer some ideas on the nature of Iberian

colonialism.

During our initial field session (conducted last year), we have opened two excavation

areas, Unit 1 (U1) and Unit 2 (U2) (Figure 2). In a complementary manner, we proceeded

to follow two rows of parallel stones that are located along the central nave of the church

and finally, we carried out a pit test on the northwest wall (TPI). With the exception of

Unit 2, all of our excavations were undertaken inside the church. We established a nearby

laboratory to clean and inventory the excavated materials, in preparation for a more

detailed analyses in the coming months.

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Figure 2. San Dionisio plant with the excavated area. Courtesy of Richard Schaefer and

Cardno GS Inc.

THE EXCAVATION OF UNIT 1

The excavation of Unit 1 was conducted to investigate the area that borders the main Altar

at the back of the church. The area has been significantly disturbed by the ongoing use of

a nearby area as a contemporary garbage dump. However, it was possible to reach

colonial-period levels that are undisturbed. It was possible to identify a sterile, basal level

in this area. Also, we are able to document the fallen wall of the structure and define the

base and the design of the west column that delimited the space between the main nave

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and the main altar. In this area, we identified numerous fragments of corals and tridacna

shells that were possibly used as construction material (Figure 3).

Figure 3. Tridacnas found in the collapse of the walls of the church.

Also, we recorded a limited amount of historical materials, including Spanish

nails. The limestone stairway as well as the base and part of the vertical column is made

of single, massive block of stone of limestone or cut coral. This indicates that the lower

part of the stairway is contemporaneous with the construction of the walls that define the

main Altar. Of note, the design of the column is characteristic of churches of the Spanish

tradition during the end of the seventeenth century. Attached to the walls, it was also

possible to identify and document a cobblestone pavement that is associated with the row

of stones (feature 1) observed in the central nave. Below this cobblestone pavement, we

located several pavements with their corresponding remodeling, all of them attached to

the walls of the church, which apparently conform, with the different reconstructions of

the church that are mentioned in the documentary sources. On the north wall of this area

there are some preserved remnants of mural paintings that decorated the main part of the

church. They follow the style of the paintings found in the Fort of the Nuestra Señora de

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la Soledad. Although they are quite deteriorated it is possible to perceive some signs and

lines like “X”. We decided to expand Unit 1 from west column to east column so that we

could have unimpeded access between the central nave and the main altar. In this way,

we sought However, the walls of the church on its eastern side are much more

deteriorated, they are at risk of falling, and require the urgent attention by authorities on

the island(Figure 4).

Figure 4. Remains of paintings in the south west Wall of the church

In the central area of the church we proceeded to delimit the rows of stones that

were observed on the surface to see their disposition and determine if they were related

in some way to the main altar. They were indeed delimited and we documented them

accordingly. To gain a better understanding of the relationship between the pavements

that we discovered in unit 1 -- and the stone paving of the center of the nave -- we decided

to open a test pit on the west wall to check if we could locate the pavements of unit 1 in

this area of the church. In general, we determined that the dynamic nature of the

construction is similar to what we identified in Unit 1, but we must also acknowledge

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that we have not excavated an extension in this area to confirm whether (or not) there is

a connection between both areas.(Figure 5)

Figure 5.Limestone steps and associated pavements in the southwest sector of Unit 1.

THE EXCAVATION OF UNIT 2

The oral tradition of the inhabitants of Umatac alerted us to the existence of a possible

cemetery located in front of the entrance of the church. Given the interest that they

expressed and, after consulting with the relevant authorities, we decided to excavate a

trial pit in this area to verify (or not) the existence of this cemetery. Much like the rest of

the site, we discovered that the first strata is heavily disturbed by contemporary garbage.

For example, we recovered recent materials such as a coin dated in 1967, as well as the

burial of the school pet, a dog that died in 1998. In spite of all this and following the

development of the excavation of the area, it was possible to identify several construction

pavements and below them, remains of human bone that were, in some cases, still

articulated. After consulting with the historic preservation authorities conducted

additional excavations in the area. The identified bone remains appear to correspond to

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several individuals who had been deposited at different times. One of them was associated

with wood remains (perhaps from the coffin), iron nails and two buttons. (Figure 6)

Figure 6. Buttons associated with the skeleton of feature 2.

Since the archaeological evidence was consistent with the local tradition that the

area was once used as a cemetery, we ceased the excavations until a physical

anthropologist joins the project for next field season (may 2018).

(Figure 7)

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Figure 7. Human remains Unit 2

PRELIMINARY RESULTS (JUST SOME IDEAS….)

During the campaign of archaeological excavations carried out in the months of

June and July, 2017, research has begun on one of the main enclaves of colonialism on

the island of Guam: the mission of San Dionisio alongside the Bay and village of Umatac..

Since it is the first season of fieldwork, the results presented here are provisional, rather

than definitive.

Nonetheless, we succeeded in documenting the different moments of the

construction, and reconstruction of the church, and these moments generally coincide

with the the documentary historical sources. The excavations also enabled us to

understand much better the different architectonic stages of the church, as well as its

constructive technology. Through this excavation campaign it has been possible to

recover part of the material culture that was associated with Spanish tradition like the iron

nails and bricks that were used to construct the church. Finally, we have confirmed that

there is a cemetery in the front yard of the church that is recalled by local oral traditions

does indeed exist in the archaeological record. Further documenting the characteristics of

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this cemetery, its relative chronology, and the physical and cultural characteristics of its

human remains is a top priority of our upcoming field season.

Our initial excavation season enabled us to better define and implement our

research objectives for the coming year. Particularly, some specific issues have been

defined to be considered for the next session of excavation to resolve. We still have to

understand more specific dimensions of the church, its architecture, and its construction.

It would be very interesting and enlightening to further document the interior of the

church, especially in regard to the connection between the Church’s main altar, the

Sacristy, and the convent that would have housed the missionaries. In addition, it is also

necessary to explore the linkages between the patio and the Spanish colonial-period

cemetery that is located and the access to the church itself. To further advance knowledge

of the architectural structure of the church, we may also seek to open some excavation

units outside its walls to better understand the architectural foundation of the church and

how it was built. The analysis of the construction materials promises to enable us to

understand the relationships between materials and construction knowledge when

colonization of the territory was underway. Undoubtedly, analyzing the construction of

the church will illuminate how indigenous Chamorro populations may have chosen, on a

selective basis, to incorporate (and perhaps modify) Iberian techniques of construction.

Finally, at this early juncture of our research, we should treat with caution our hypothesis

that we have indeed located a colonial-period cemetery. If so, it will be a key element of

our ability to understand the processes of change and continuity among Guam's

indigenous population.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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Delgadillo,Y Mc Grath , T and Plaza F 1979 Spanish Forts of Guam .MARC, University

of Guam.

Driver and Brunal-Perry 0 1994 Architectural Sketches of the Spanish Era Forts of Guam

,MARC,University of Guam.

McKinnon J.F. and Raupp J.T. 2012 Potential for Spanish Colonial Arcaheology in the

northern Mariana Islands . In Staniforth, M Craig, J, Jago-on, S.C.Orillaneda ,B and

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.Micronesian Archeological Research Services 1989

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