ARABIC INFLUENCE IN THE TALES OF

El Conde Luccmor

By

SAMUEL A. ZIMMERMAN

A DISSERTATION PRESENTED TO THE GRADUATE COUNCIL OF

THE UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

IN PARTIAL FULFILLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THEDEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY

UNIVERSITY OF FLORIDA

1969

% . .

I

Copyright by

Samuel A. Zimmerman

1969

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

The writer wishes to acknowledge the guidance,

helpful suggestions and kindnesses extended to him by the

late Dr. Silvestro 'Fiore (at the time of his death Professor

of Meditteranean Studies at Brandeis University, after having

served as Professor of Foreign Languages at the University of

Florida). Dr. John J. Allen's assistance in the closing

stages of this dissertation has been highly appreciated.

Deepest gratitude is also expressed to Dr. Kenneth L.

Carroll, Professor of Religion, Southern Methodist Univer-

sity, for his critical reading and for his valuable advice.

i i i

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Page

Acknowledgement iii

Introduction 1

Chapter I Juan Manuel and the Arabs of Spain . . 6

Chapter II Plot--Motif Origin of the Tales ofthe Conde Lucanor 15

Arabic Tales in Spain 16Tales of Arabic Origin 20Arabic Elements Not in the Conde

Luc anor 42Dominican Sources 45

Chapter III Patterns of Culture 59

Useful vs. TheoreticalKnowledge 60

Religious Tolerance 70The Holy War 76Man and the Material World .... 78

Chapter IV Literary Techniques 87

The Frame Story 8jConcern with Style 90Depersonalization 105Personal Expression of the

Author 109

Chapter V Language 112

Syntax 112Lexicon Il8

Conclusion.. 139

Appendix 142

Bibliography l46

IV

INTRODUCTION

From the territory which had comprised the Roman

Empire there arose three cultural and religious blocs which,

although each was loosely bound, dominated the history of

the Western Middle Ages. These three power blocs, Islam,

Greek Christendom, .and Latin Christendom were at the same

time suffering internal upheavals, struggling one against

the other, and learning one from the other. This state

of affairs, unstable as it may appear, lasted, nevertheless,

from the seventh until the fifteenth century.

Within one hundred years of the death of Prophet

Mohammed (632 A.D.), Islam had conquered the territory from

Persia throughout northern Africa to southern France. By

T1T» Islam's eastern and western boundaries had been more or

less set as the result of the military defeat, after con-

quering Spain, at the hands of the Franks in the West and the

failure in the East to conquer Constantinople. The area of

Greek Christendom stretched from the western border of

Armenia along the Mediterranean Sea as far west as southern

Italy. Latin Christendom comprised France, Northern Italy,

England, Germany, and parts of northern Spain (Galicia,

Leon, Castile, and the Biscayan provinces) which, although

conquered by the Arabs, enjoyed a relative independence from

their conquerors

.

1

2

Although the Arabs sought to present a semblanceof

political stability during the Middle Ages,"there was sel-

dom a long period. when bloody warfare did notplague

Islam." 1 In spite of a centralized government,Greek

Christendom suffered because of two principalweaknesses:

"there were no rules for the succession to thecrown," and,

the church was at times "also a source ofweakness. Latin

Christendom suffered disunity upon the death ofCharlemagne

and was further weakened by the almost constantstruggle

between the Church and the State.

Inter-bloc strife was also evident.

The same factors-distance, relative economic self-

sufficiency, difference of language, religion, and

everyday habits--make for isolation and also accen-

tuate and perpetuate that keen antagonism between

Europe and Islam, Islam and the Eastern Empire,the

Eastern Empire and Europe.

3

In spite of these struggles, however, the three

principal blocs of the Middle Ages both learnedfrom and

imitated one another. "It is curious to observehow Arab

prestige rose in Constantinople at the same timethat the

prestige of Greek science was reaching its peakin

1 Phillip K. Hitti, The Arabs (Chicago, 1962), p. 77*

^George Fox Mott and Harold M. Dee, MiddleAges

(New York, .1950), p. 82.

^Gustav E. von Grunebaum, Medieval Islam (Chicago,

1962) , p. 7.

3

Baghdad." Because

the art and culture

ment , and religious

in the West. The i

of its conservation and continuity of

of Rome, preservation of law and govern-

stahility, Byzantine influence was felt

nfluence of the Muslim civilization in

the West was, because of its occupation in Spain and other

areas of the Mediterranean, even greater. "Christianity and

Islam have been bigoted rivals, and this has obscured their

common character and tradition; nevertheless, even in their

fiercest centuries of Crusade and Holy War they knew how to

profit from each other. It

was most deeply influenced by

The Spanish Christiansneglected their classical tArabic . The Christian zealin 85 ^ bitterly deplores th

"My f ellow-Christians dromances of the Arabs; theyMohammedan theologians andorder to refute them, but telegant Arabic style . . .who are most conspicuous foknowledge of any literatureArabic; they read and studybooks; they amass whole libvast cost, and they everywhArabian lore. "7

was Spain, naturally, which

the Ar abs .

^

of the ninth centuryradition in favor ofot and writer, Alvaro,is attitude

.

elight in the poems andstudy the works of

philosophers , not ino acquire a correct andthe young Christiansr their talents have noor language save thewith avidity Arabianraries of them at aere sing the praises of

^ Ibid . , p . 5^

•

^The Portable Arabian Nights , ed. Joseph Campbell(New York"^ 19 52) , p . 18

.

^The first school of oriental studies in the Westwas founded at Toledo in 1250 by the Dominican Order.

^Grunebaum, pp. 57-58.

1+

The present study results from the above-given

general influence of the Arabic civilization on Medieval

Spain. What influence then, if any, did the Muslim world

have on the thought and writing of an individual author of

the Spanish Middle Ages?

Two recent writers, Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel and

Diego Marfn, have suggested that some elements found in the

writings of Juan Manuel (1282-13^8) are strikingly similar

to certain aspects of Arabic life and letters, and that

many of the tales of Juan Manuel's Conde Lucanor are con-

ceded to be direct descendents of stories contained in

Arabic collections of the Middle Ages. There have been,

however, no detailed studies of the influence of the Arabic

culture on the Conde Lucanor .

The Conde Lucanor has been presented in various

editions since its first publication in 1335- Because of

the accuracy of reproduction of the manuscript materials and

because of their valuable notes, the editions of the Conde

Lucanor by Pascual de Gayangos y Arce (i860), Hermann Knust

(Leipzig, 1900), and Eduardo Julia (Madrid, 1933) have

proved to be the most reliable and informative to date.

After establishing a connection between Juan Manuel

and the Arabic world in Chapter I, this thesis will pursue

possible Arabic influences on his work the Conde Lucanor ,

using the Julia edition of 1933 as the basic working text.

Chapter II will be a study of the origin of the plots and

5

themes of the tales; Chapter III is a discussion of

cultural patterns which are common to both the Conde

certain

Lucanor

and the Arabs; Chapter IV is an analysis of the literary

techniques of Juan Manuel in the collection of tales;

and Chapter V is a study of the language of the work.

CHAPTER I

JUAN MANUEL AND THE ARABS OF SPAIN

Juan Manuel, son of the Infante don Manuel, was

born in Escalona (Toledo) on the fifth of May,1282.

Because of his family background and the political discord-

ances and intrigues, of the age, he led a life ofalmost con-

stant military and political action. From the age oftwelve

the time of his early introduction into military life,until

his death in 13^8, he was engaged in battles againsteither

the Moors of Granada'*' or the Christians of Aragonand

Navarre, or occupied in political and military struggles

2within the Kingdom of Castile.

Those aspects of the life of Juan Manuel whichplace

him in contact with the Moors of Spain and withthe Arabic

language are of special concern to this thesis. Juan

Manuel, like Rodrigo Di£z de Vivar and many othermen of

the Spanish Middle Ages, found himself at timesfighting

At the time of Juan Manuel, the territory of theIberian Peninsula still held by the Moors was limited

to the

Province of Granada.

Additional information concerning the life of Juan

Manuel can be found in the comprehensive biographycompiled

by Andres Giminez Soler: Don Juan Manu&JL ,Biografla

estudio crftico (Zaragoza, 1932).

6

7

against the Moors and at other times in alliances with them

against a common political enemy.

As adelantado of the frontier province of Murcia,

Juan Manuel was called into battle for the first time in

June, 1292, in order to repel the Moors of Granada in their

attempt to invade the Province. Two years later his holdings

in Murcia were attacked by the King of Aragon, beginning a

struggle which was to last beyond 1304, the year in which the

kingdom of Murcia was divided between Castile and Aragon with

Juan Manuel receiving the senorto of Villena as well as his

hereditary villa of Alarcon. The struggle with the King of

Aragon continued, however, until 1322, when Juan Manuel

declared Murcia separate from the kingdom of Alfonso XI of

Castile and joined in an alliance with Granada. A proposed

marriage of the daughter of Juan Manuel, Constanza, to

Alfonso kept him loyal to the crown, but the rejection of

this match in 1327 led to civil war.

Christian Spain after 1322 was marked by conflict

which ended only under the threat of the Almohad invasion

in 1335, fear of which temporarily united the Castilians and

Juan Manuel. After a brief renewal of the quarrel between

the King and Juan Manuel (1336-1340), a peace was effected

which was to last until the author's death. Juan Manuel

became an honored counsellor and apparently enjoyed the

King's confidence until his death in 1348.

8

It is clear, therefore, that Juan Manuel was in con-

tact with the Moors of Spain as both ally and foe throughout

his lifetime. A history of this contact and his attitude

toward the Moors can be seen in his personal correspondence

as well as in letters concerning him which were written

during his lifetime. His proximity to, connection with,

concern about, and change of attitude about the Moors can

be seen in the letters of Nasar I of Granada, Jaime II of

Aragon, Alfonso XI of Castile, Alfonso IV of Aragon,. and

Juan Manuel himself.

On January 29, 1314, a letter was sent by Nasar I of

Granada to Jaime II of Aragon advising him of an alliance

which had been made between the Moors and Juan Manuel, and

telling him of his mediation in an attempt to bring about

3agreement between Juan Manuel and the Infante Don Pedro.

Jaime II was displeased, of course, with such an alliance

and, fearing for the safety of both his men and his lands,

wrote Juan Manuel on April 25, of the same year, repri-

manding him for his strategy of sending an army of Moors

from Granada across the frontier and against the King's

U ...holdings in Murcia. Juan Manuel was at this time in

alliance with the Moors against Jaime II who had attempted

to take all- of Murcia and who succeeded in gaining a divi-

sion of the region between himself and Juan Manuel.

^ Ibid . , p . 437 •^ Ibid . , p . 44 5.

9

Just six years later, however, Juan Manuel, having

been named co-regent during a minority which was to last

until Ferdinand's. son Alfonso XI came of age in 1325,

engaged in battles against the Moors. Evidence of his

victories can be found in a letter from Jaime II again

reprimanding Juan Manuel, this time because of a treaty

which he was planning to offer the Moors of Granada. ^ i n

October, 1326, Juan Manuel received a congratulatory letter

commending him for his victories over the Moors.

^

As a result of the failure in effecting a marriage

between Juan Manuel's daughter and Alfonso XI early in the

year 1327, Juan Manuel again found himself against the

rulers of Castile and allied with the Moors. A letter from

Alfonso XI to the Consejo de Lorca, dated July 26, 1327,

demonstrates Juan Manuel's position at the time:

E agora dixieronme que ay algunos en Lorca quean destorvado e destorvan que non fagades guerraet esto que lo fasen por mandamiento de don Johanet por def endimi ento que los embio faser. Edesto soyo maravillado en Don Johan defender quenon fagades guerra estando yo en serviqio de Diose mio fasiendo guerra a los moros la masaf incadami ent e que yo puedo en vos dexarlo defaser por su def endimiento contra lo que yo vosembie mandar

J

In December of the same year, Juan Manuel wrote the King of

Granada and the counsellor of Murcia proposing an alliance

for waging war against the King of Castile:

^ Ibid . , p . 1+90 . Ibid. T Ibid . , p. 5^6.p. 532.

10

Lo primero que el Rey de Granada ayude a DonJohan contra el Rey de Castiella sin voluntad deDon Johan e que Don Johan que no sea tenido deayudar al Rey de Granada contra ningun xtianopero que non ayude al Rey de Castiella nin aningun otro xtiano contra el Rey de Granada por launa frontera nin por la otra.

Et que ayude el Rey de Granada a Don Johancommo amigo a amigo con todo quanto oviese convillas a castiellos e gente e que faga guerraal Rey de Castiella e que nunca se puede abenircon el sin voluntad de Don Johan. Et otrosi DonJohan quel ayudara contra el Rey de Castiella ele fara guerra con villas e con castiellos e -

con su cuerpo e con su gente e que no se avernacon el Rey de Castiella sin voluntad del Rey deGranada .

°

Holding such strong feelings against the King of

Castile, Juan Manuel sent a letter in January, 1330, to

the King of Aragon stating his desire to accompany him in

his battles against the Moors, a letter which demonstrates

more of a preference for the King of Aragon over the King

of Castile than a strong feeling against the Moors . By

August of the same year, however, because of the mounting

pressures of an invasion on the part of the Moors , Alfonso

ordered Juan Manuel to invade Granada through the frontier

. qof Murcia.

A lengthy account is given of the entry into the

Kingdom of Granada made by Aragonese and Murcian soldiers

upon the orders of Juan Manuel in a letter dated August 19

»

1330:

8 Ibid. , p. 551. 9 ib id . , p. 582 .

' 11

. . . Lo dicmenge senyor sobredit que ditProcurador parti de Lorcha ne partim nos ahdon Johan Manuel ensemps e lo dillums en orade tercia fom en huerca e aqui talam e sobrela tala alcuns fills de cauallers nostrespasaren ab alcuns de peu I riu que ha. Car los

moros del loch estauen part aquell riu final- ^ment senyor quels muntaren tro la forga. . . .

A series of letters resulted, covering subjects such as:

l) Operaciones militares contra Granada en ambas fronteras

(Agosto, 1330)

j

112) De Alfonso IV de Aragon a Jofre de

Cruilles ordenlndol'e que se ponga a las ordenes de Don

1

2

Juan Manuel en la guerra con los moros (28 Agosto 1330);

3) De Don Juan Manuel al Rey de Arag6n, pidiendole materiales

y arias para armar galeras contra los moros (10 Octubre

1330)

;

13U) De Alfonso XI al Consejo de Murcia, communi-

c^ndole la paz con Granada (l8 Febrero 1331 ).l]*

Evidence of contact of Juan Manuel with the Moors in

personal matters as well as military and political dealings

can be found in a letter sent by him to the King of Aragon

on February 6, 1307:

Sennor sepades que [name omitted] de los moros

de Elche es un moro que siruio siempre al infante

Don Manuel mio padre e a la Comdesa mi madre e a

mi otrosi porque so yo tenudo de uos pedir merged15por el. y

The above quotation also demonstrates the tolerance and

respect which he held toward the Moors, feelings which he

10 Ibid . , p. 583.i:L Ibid . , P • OOLf\

12 Ibid.

,

13 Ibid. ^Ibid . , P* 598.15 Ibid.

,

p. 5 85*

p . 3^6.

12

expressed in

his knowledge

culture

.

his works, and feeling

of individual Moors

,

s which would

their customs

stem from

and .their

Particuldon Juan supersonal, simodo de pensveia en la Rsino de recosecta . . .y cristianosmatasen ninla su ley, cel que se faLa razon demotivos masmuchas tierrhoy dia de 1esto a guerret habra faslas tierras(Estados XXX

armente con los mohametanos expres£tolerancia, que no era propria suyano de los espaholes todos, contra elar de los europeos: don Juan noeconquista una guerra religiosa,nquista: "nin por la ley nin por lanon habria guerra entre ellos " (moros); " ca Jesucristo nunca mando que'apremiasen a ninguno porque tomasea El no quiere serviqio forzado sinonze de buen talente et de gradio."la guerra la explicaban entonces porhumanos ; los moros "se apoderaron deas et aun tomaron muchas e tienenlasas que eran de los cristianos et pora entre los cristianos et los morosta que hayan cobrado los cristianosque.los moros les tienen forzadas)16

It is not incomprehensible, therefore, that Juan Manuel,

holding no feelings of religious hatred against the Moors,

could at times fight against them, to further the reconquest,

and at other times ally himself with them, for political

reasons, against other Christians of the Peninsula.

Los pactos y alianzas con distintos nobles,y los enlaces matrimoniales , obligaron altoledano a trasladarse frecuentemente de lugar

,

trabando amistades en todas partes y conociendopersonalment e las costumbres y culturas penin-sulares. Aunque hubo de abandonar pronto elambiente en que nacio, no perdi6 el contacto conla region toledana por completo. El fondo arabey hebreo que pudo conoeer en dicha region, seafianz6 por la residencia en Murcia con intimacorrespondencia fronteriza.-*-^

l6 Ibid., p. 133.

^Juan Manuel, El Conde Lucanor , ed. Eduardo Juli£(Madrid, 1933), pp. vi-vii. All quotes in this thesis

13

Juan Manuel was born in a region, Toledo, which

reflected its Arabic heritage. He was adelantado in the

frontier kingdom of Murcia where he was in numerous alliances

with the Moors, and he had contact with individual Moors

from King to servant. It is not unusual, therefore, to find

descriptions of details of Moorish life contained in his

works. They were the direct result of personal observations

made in his contacts with Moorish life.

It is not unlikely, therefore, that much of the

material contained in his works would reflect a similar

connection with Arabic life and thought. Although there

is no proof that he knew the Arabic language, his proximity

to the Moors, the fact that much of the material found in

his works is of a practical nature evolving from personal

experiences, and the fact that he used complete Arabic

phrases in his works leads Gimenez Soler to state: "Con

1 Qtoda seguridad puede afirmarse que conocia el arabe."

Menendez y Pelayo also .concedes Juan Manuel's knowledge of

the Arabic language in the " I nt r oduc c ion" of Volume I of

Origenes de la novela :

El conocimiento que D. Juan Manuel teniade la lengua arab.iga, y no solo de la vulgarque como Adelantado del reino de Murcia debiode usar con frecuencia en sus tratos de guerray paz con los moros de Granada, sino tambien

from the text of the Conde Lucanor will be followed in par-enthesis by a page number which refers to this edition.

^Gimenez Soler, p. 136.

14

de literaria, como ya lo indica el Libro de losEstados

,

se confirma en El Conde Lucanor . . . .

^Mar c el i no Menendez y Pelayo, Origenes de la

novela (Madrid, 1905)> I) xci-xcii.

CHAPTER II

PLOT--MOTIF ORIGIN

There are several important observations which must

be made before classifying the tales of the Conde Lucanor

according to plot or motif origin. The first observation

to be made is that it is absolutely impossible to say that

a certain literary creation has been adopted or adapted

from a previous work unless the author himself specifically

states his sources. Since no such assertion is ever made by

Juan Manuel, it must be kept in mind that the suggestions on

the following pages represent strong possibilities and con-

jectures which, in the ultimate analysis, cannot be proved.

It can be stated with near certainty, however, that a common

bond of plot or motif within two works of similar purpose and

which are close in both time and place is undoubtedly more

consequential than accidental. Given the knowledge that the

author of the Conde Lucanor was familiar with the previous

works, either in a written or in an oral tradition, we can be

even more certain of these adoptions or adaptations.

Secondly, it must be remembered that in the present

study the tales are grouped according to their immediate

origin. The principal concern in this chapter is to dis-

cover the source from which Juan Manuel's tales are derived

15

l6

rather than to uncover the ultimate origin of each of the

tales. A history of some of the tales will appear in a

later discussion.

There appear to be thre'e principal immediate sources

or influences for the tales found in Juan Manuel's Conde

Lucanor : Arabic, Dominican, and historical. Each of these

three possible influences will be examined in this chapter.

Arabic Tales in Spain

Examples of Arab life and culture carried to and

flourishing in the Iberian Peninsula during the Middle Ages

are numerous. Histories of the Arab occupation of the

Peninsula point out the presence there of oriental styles

and influences in architecture, music, science, and litera-

ture .

The two predominant genres of Arabic literature

which were brought to Spain by the Arabs were lyric poetry

and. narrative prose, both of which left their mark on early

Western literature. Although we shall later briefly discuss

the form and content of the Arabic poetry which was exported

to and continued in the West, let us first turn our attention

to those works of Arabic narrative prose which were present

in the Iberian Peninsula prior to the publication of the

Conde Lucanor in 1335 - The principal representatives of

oriental apologues and tales which existed in Spain during

the Middle Ages were the Disciplina Clericalis , Calila y

IT

D imna , Barlaam y Josafat , and El libro de los enganos of

the Sindibad tradition.

The Disciplina Clericalis is a collection of thirty-

three oriental tales composed in the twelfth century by a

converted Jew, Pedro Alfonso. The author himself speaks of

having taken much of his material from Arab philosophers.

The work was written in Latin, although the existing Latin

text is probably a translation by the author of his own

earlier Arabic edition.'*' Its frame story concerns a father

giving advice to his son.

Calila y Dimna is a collection of oriental fables

which was translated into Castilian at the request of

Alfonso X in 1251. The origin of these fables has been

traced to the Indian Panchatantra which was translated first

into the now extinct Pehlevi language and subsequently into

Arabic. The Arabic edition then served as the model text

for later translations into many languages of the Near East

and Europe .

^

Barlaam y Josafat , the account of the youth of Buddha

with its interpolated apologues, is thought to have had much

the same historical development as Calila y Dimna . The

evidence for this is, however, scant. It is known that

there were at least three books in Pehlevi which concerned

^•Angel Gonzalez Palencia, Historia de la literaturaar^bigo-es pafiola (Barcelona, 1928), p. 309.

2 Ibid . , p . 311

.

18

Buddha and that these were of great interest to the

Mohammedans of the eighth century. Since most of the mater-

ial concerning Buddha was translated into Arabic at a very

early period of the Mohammedan • era, it is possible and even

probable that there was an early edition of Barlaam and

Jo s af at in Arabic which is now lost.^

The tradition of Sindibad is continued in Spain

especially in the El libro de los enganos which was trans-

lated into Castilian in 1253 at the request of Prince

Fadrique, brother of Alfonso el Sabio. It is conjectured

that, much in the same fashion as Calila y Dimna , this work

originated in India and underwent translations into Pehlevi

and then into Arabic, which was the direct source of the

Castilian El libro de los enganos .** This collection, which

is known in various languages and in various forms as

Synt ipas, S i nd ib ad , History of the Seven Wise Masters , the

Forty Viziers, and Dolopathos , contains tales designed to

save a prince from the impending execution brought about by

his vindictive step-mother.

The aforementioned texts offered source material to

Juan Manuel for at least seven of the tales found in the

Conde Lucanor : Exemplos I,. VII, X, XIX, XXII, XLVIII, and

XLIX. An analysis of these seven tales, taken directly from

3 Barlaam and Yewasef , trans . E. A. Wallis Budge( Cambridge, 1923), Introduction

.

.

** E1 libro de los enganos . ed. John E. Keller(Chapel Hill

, 19 59 ) , pT xxi i

.

19

Arabic collections with only slight variations, represents,

however, only a small beginning in the study of Arabic

influence in Juan Manual's fifty-one tales.

It must be remembered that alongside those works

of Arabic origin which are known to have existed in Spain,

there was also a vast body of Arabic narrative tales which,

in some form, predated those works. This collection of

material made up a nearly complete picture of Arabic cul-

ture, traditions and folklore. Works such as the Arabian

Nights , Synt ipas , the Forty Viziers , and the Persian

Gulistan , ^ the entire Sindibad cycle, served as a basis for

an oral tradition among the Arabs in Spain where indeed no

written tradition of completed collections of some of the

works existed. Although the Arabian Nights as a literary

unit was of late discovery, it is probable that many of the

individual tales in oral form were of common knowledge through-

out the Iberian Peninsula. Because, as we have seen in

Chapter I, Juan Manuel probably knew Arabic in both the

^Gulistan , or "Flower Garden," by Sadi (c. 1184-1291), written in a combination of verse and prose, containsshort tales and anecdotes. The work is made up of storiesand personal recollections of the author, and the moralspreached border on expediency.

Sadi, a Persian, acquired the traditional learningof Islam during his studies at Nizamiya College in Baghdad.Because of the unsettled conditions following the Mongolinvasion of Persia, he travelled widely, and in his workshe refers to his adventures in north Africa, central Asia,and India. In Syria he was captured by the Franks andforced to work in the trenches of the fortress of Tripoli.

20

vulgar and literary forms, and was in contact both geographi-

cally and politically with the Arabs of Spain, it is quite

likely that his exposure to Arabic tales was through the oral

... 6as well as the written tradition.

The centuries of Arabic occupation in the Peninsula

and the subsequent interplay of the two cultures left, with-

out any doubt, if not a great influence one upon the other,

at least a mutual understanding and a mutual knowledge of

one another. This cultural link between the Arab world and

the world of Juan Manuel suggests, then, a third possible

influence on the tales of the Conde Lucanor , one not based

uniquely upon literary tradition.

Tales of Arabic Origin

Twenty-one of the fifty-one tales in the Conde

Lucanor reflect a similarity in plot or motif to Arabic

tales, some of which are known to have existed in the

°The source of a theme or motif of an exemplo is, ofcourse, less "traceable" than the source of a tale whoseplot is almost identical to that of a previously writtenwork. A study which reveals that the major elements in thedevelopment of the narrative line of an exemplo are in thesame sequence and are of the same relative emphasis orvalue within the story line as those elements of a talewritten by an earlier author, strongly suggests influence.A similarity of the theme of an exemplo , its development andits purpose, to that of a previously written work (though theactual plot development, characters and/or setting may dif-fer) suggests possible literary and historical relationships.The connection between a tale whose theme is similar to atale which is supposed to have existed in an oral traditionbut which has not been historically documented is of a muchmore tenuous nature.

21

written tradition in Spain and others, which were undoubt-

edly present in the Iberian Peninsula, in an oral tradition.

This chapter will be an examination of the connection

between the tales of the Conde • Lucanor and the Arabic

written and/or oral tradition. The third possible Arabic

influence found in Juan Manuel's work, the common bond of

cultural patterns, will, because of its importance, be dis-

cussed in a separate chapter.

Those tales from the Conde Lucanor which show a

strong similarity to Arabic works in plot or motif are:

Exemplo I:"De lo que contesgio a un reycon un su privado ir7

This tale, which concerns a king who tested one of

his favorites in order to ascertain his loyalty, is a direct

gdescendent of Barlaam y Josafat , Chapter IV. In both nar-

rations, the king has been told by jealous vassals to dis-

trust the favorite, and in each case the tale ends with the

favorite proving his loyalty and regaining the favor of the

king. The only variations in the Juan Manuel version appear

to be the result of personal style and an attempt for clarity

and conciseness, a characteristic of the author which will be

7'The order in which the exemplos will be discussedis in numerical sequence according to each source work,e.g., those found also in Barlaam y Josafat (i, XLVIII,XL IX ) , those found in Calila y Dimna (VII, XIX, XXII), etc.

g° Barlaam and Yewasef , p. 722.

22

discussed in a later chapter.

9

Exemplo XLVIII :" De lo que contesgi^ a uno que probaba sus amigos "

Exemplo XLVIII can be found in two of the works of

Arabic origin which were circulating in the Iberian

Peninsula during the Middle Ages. In the Disciplina

Clerical is , Exemplum I, "De dimidio amico" and Exemplum II,

"De integro amico," discuss the lesson of a father to his

son concerning true friendship. Apologue V in Barlaam y

Josaf at , "The Man and his Three Friends," also treats the

subject of true friendship.

In the tale of Juan Manuel, the son tells his

father that he has ten true friends, and the father suggests

a test of their friendship, since in his entire lifetime he

has been able to count only one and one-half friends. The

exemplum of Pedro Alfonso which begins "Arabs moriturus" is

quite similar in plot, relating a test for the many friends

which the son claims to have and differing only in minor

details from Exemplo XLVIII. Apologue V of Barlaam y

9 It is important to note that those exemplos of theConde Lucanor which are classified as having their immediateplot source in Arabic collections of the Middle Ages are, inmost cases, identical in plot to the source work mentioned.Significant differences in plot will be noted in the discus-sion of the individual exemplos . It must be noted, however,that all of the tales of the Conde Lucanor differ fromtheir Arabic sources in style and manner of presentation. Inmost cases Juan Manuel's style is concise and his presenta-tion is linear in development. The form of the source talemay have been rambling and complex in style and filled withinterpolations in presentation, or it may have existedsimply in skeletal form.

23

Josafat differs in the basic plot structure, but is themati-

cally the same as the other two. Barlaam relates to Josafat

(Yewasef) the story of a man who is indeed in need of a

friend, and who requests help from three of his friends,

each of whom he himself has treated in a different manner.

Each of the three versions shares, however, the theme that

only in times of dire need can a person discover his true

friends, and that true friends are few.

Exemplo XLIX :"De lo que contesgi6 al que echaron en la isladesnuyo quandol tomaron el senorio que ten£e

"

In this tale we find two separate motifs which have

been prevalent in folklore and fables since very ancient

times: preparation for the future, and kingship for a year.

Many of the ancient Indian tales and fables in the collec-

tions of Aesop are concerned with one's preparation for the

future, e.g., "The Ant and the Tumblebug.

"

10 The second

motif, that of kingship for a 'year, is a custom which was

quite widespread in many ancient kingdoms. There is a

detailed discussion in the New Golden Bough ^^ of the tradi-

tion of limiting the reign of a king.

-*-^Aesop Without Morals , trans . and ed. Lloyd W.

Daly (New York, 196l), p. l4l.

^James Frazer, The New Golden Bough (New York,1964), pp. 279-84 ff., 285-303, 337-38.

2k

cityBarlaam y Josafat contains the apologue of the

which had strangers for its kings. This inserted tale

(Apologue Vi) relates the custom of annually changing

rulers. One year, upon the advice of a sage, the ruler for

that year spends his time preparing for his future on the

island to which he will be exiled. Exemplo XLIX, which has

only slight plot variations from Apologue VI, likewise

treats the theme of providing for one's future.

Exemplo VII :" De lo que contesqi6 a una mugerquel di zi an Dona Truhana "

1

2

Max Muller has traced the history of this tale

from its earliest known form of "The Brahman and the Pot of

Rice in the Sanskrit of the Panchatantra down to the present

day • Included in his study is the mention of the Arabic ver-

sion, found in Calila y Dimna , which undoubtedly served as

the source for the tale in the Conde Lucanor . Both the

Indian and the Arabic vers ions' cone ern a man of religion who

daydreams about the potential of the contents of a jar hang-

ing above his head. The bubble is burst, however, in each

case when the man accidentally hits the jar, spilling the

contents and spoiling the dream.

Although the theme is exactly the same in the Conde

Lucanor, with the same type of progression in the value of

12Max Muller, "On the Migration of Fables,"Contemporary Review . XIV (l870), 572.

25

the possession, Juan Manuel has changed the main character

from that of a man of religion lying in bed, to a woman on

her way to market. Unlike many of his contemporaries, the

author was not subject to ant ic*lericali sm and makes no

unjust criticism of the clergy. The other change, from the

reclining, inactive dreamer to the active, moving dreamer,

seems to intensify the risk involved. A jar on the head of

a woman who is walking is certainly less secure than one

tied and hanging from a wall. With the use of this action,

therefore Juan Manuel increases the sense of the insecurity

of the daydream from its very inception.

Exemplo XIX :"De lo que contesgio a loscuervos con los buhos "

Like many of the tales contained in the Conde

Luc anor , Exemplo XIX can be traced back to the Indian

Panchatantr

a

. Its immediate source for Juan Manuel, how-

ever, is Cal ila y Dimna . Chapter VI of Calila y Dimna

"Delos cuervos e delos buhos" treats the war between the

crows and the owls and the ruse employed by the crows in

order to kill the owls. The plot and motif of the undepend-

ability of a turncoat are retained in Exemplo XIX. There is

found here, however, the usual condensation and conciseness

which Juan Manuel renders to borrowings from Calila y- Dimna .

This characteristic of Juan Manuel's style will be discussed

later in Chapter V.

26

Exemplo XXII:"De lo que contesgi6 al leon e al toro"

The story of the alliance between the lion and the

bull which was destroyed because of the rumors of unworthy

advisers, is likewise found in the First Book of the Indian

Panchatantra, "The Loss of Friends." With a history similar

to that of Exemplo VII and Exemplo XIX, Exemplo XXII probably

reached Juan Manuel through the Arabic source Calila y Dimna .

Chapter III, "Del leon e del buey," relates the part taken

by Calila and Dimna in the dissolution of the alliance

between the lion and the bull. Juan Manuel, as usual, con-

denses the plot by cutting out all of the interpolated tales

of Calila y Dimna and gives us the compact story which

treats the motif of the necessity of mutual friendship and

trust against the false rumors of enemies.

Exemplo X:De lo que contesgi# a un homne que por

pobreza e mengua de otra vianda comia atramuzes"

Exemplo X concerns two men who, having once been

very rich, are now so poor that they have arrived at a point

of near starvation. The two themes found in this tale are

the despair which both suffer upon the loss of their

wealth, and the relief of the despair of one of the men

upon seeing that the other is poorer yet than he. Tale

XXVII of the Disciplina Clericalis treats the first of the

two themes of Exemplo X, despair which stems from loss of

A master, returning home from the market, isfortune

.

27

informed by his slave that misfortune has befallen the

household. The master seeks comfort in the homes of his

friends and is finally consoled:

"Friend, please don't despair, for suchserious waves of adversity befall a man that he

desires ... to put an end to them in death;and immediately so much good fortune comes tohim that he is happy, remembering the pastevils of adverse fortune . "-*-3

Similar in theme and detail to the second theme of Exemplo X

is the. 19th Chapter of "The Excellence of Contentment" of

Gul i stan by Sadi. A man who despairs at his lot of having

no shoes, offers thanksgiving upon seeing a man with no

f eet

.

"In the eye of one satiated with meat a roast

fowl is less esteemed at his table than a salad;

but to him who is stinted of foj^j. a hoiled turnip

will relish like a roast fowl."

In Exemplo X Juan Manuel presents a man who, in his

despair (as in Tale XXVII of the Discipline Clericalis ),

wishes death. The contrast of the man eating lupines being

thankful upon seeing one even poorer (eating the peels)

than he, is more akin to the contrast found in Gul is tan .

There are at least six of the tales contained in

the Conde Luc anor which show thematic tendencies found in the

13Medieval Age , ed. Angel Flores (New York, 1963),

p. 306. This quote is presented in English for the con-

venience of the reader. The Latin version of this section

can be found in the complete text Die Disciplina Cleri calis

des Petrus Alfonsi , eds. Alfons Hilka and WernerSoderh j elm (Heidelberg , 1911), P* ^2.

ll+ Sadi, Gulistan , trans . by James Ross (London:

1823), p. 179.

28

Sindibad tradition. As we have seen, this tradition was

manifest in medieval Spain in the work El libro de los

engano

s

, and according to Keller must have had much the

same developmental history as did Calila y Dimna , i . e „

,

from Sanskrit through Pehlevi into Arabic--having repre-

sentatives in Greek ( Syntinas ) , Syriac ( S indiban ) , Hebrew

( Mischle Sendabar ) , and Turkish ( Forty Viziers ) . Since

some of these six tales reflect sources other than those

which were known to have existed in a written form in Spain,

it should be assumed that they belong to an oral tradition

connected with the Sindibad cycle.

Exemplo L:"De lo que contesgiiS a Saladin con unaduena muger de un su vasallo"

Although there are some differences in plot develop-

ment, Exemplo L is quite similar to a tale found in El libro

de los enganos and in the Arabian Nights . In Exemplo L

Saladin falls in love with the- wife of one of his vassals,

* and, in order to facilitate his quest, sends the husband on

a mission which will carry him away from his home. The

wife, in order to protect her honor, and trusting in the

honor of Saladin, devises a plan through which both will be

saved from dishonor. She sends Saladin on a mission to

discover that which is most noble in man. After many

travels, Saladin is counselled that the most noble and

desirable quality to be desired in man is verguenza , and,

being the most noble of men, he abandons his quest.

29

A story which is contained in the second exemplo of

El libro de los eng an os tells of a king who likewise falls

in love with a beautiful .lady, and likewise sends the hus-

band away. While pretending to prepare herself for him,

the lady gives the king a book to read. As the result of

the wisdom gained through reading the book (similar to the

wisdom acquired by Saladin in his travels), the king

avoids dishonor.

In the version found in the Arabian Nights, "The.

King and the Virtuous Wife," Night 40U,

A king, wandering in disguise, paused for waterat a house and was so ravished by the woman whoanswered the door that he required her in love.She gave him a text to read on the sin of adulterywhile she prepared herself, and he was shamed andleft

.

15

Juan Manuel's version of the tale differs, there-

fore, only in the method through which the Saladin is made

aware of his improprieties. While in the other tales the

wisdom is gained through reading a book, Saladin is sent

on a mission to learn from wise men.

One striking difference in style, however, is that

Exemplo L, rather than representing a shortened, concise

rendition of a longer tale, is much longer than either of

the tales mentioned. The length of the story line itself has

been extended because of the travels of Saladin which bring

him in contact with an increased number of characters, and

l^The Portable Arabian Nights , p. 37*+.

30

Juan Manuel, as usual, in order to fulfill his mission of

teaching, devotes considerable space to the clarification

of the lesson to be learned from Exemplo L.

a

Exemplo XXIV:"De lo que contesi;i$ a un rey que querfaprobar tres , sus fijos ”

The motif of the testing of one's sons can be found

throughout all oriental literature. This tale, which has

its roots in Syntipas, and the Arabian Nights , and the

Forty Viziers, concerns a father's test to discover which

of his three sons is best equipped to succeed him. In some

cases the family is that of the king and in others that of

an aristocrat. In each, however, a plan is set up to

ascertain which son has the greatest knowledge, honor,

physical and mental health. Also, in each case, it is the

youngest who proves to be the best -equipped son. Differences

in plot in the individual works are found in the different

tests given the sans. In "The- Trial of the Three Sons" of

* the Forty Viziers,

1 ^ for example, a king tests his three

sons by allowing them to rule his ki.ngdom for three days each.

The oldest son is too permissive with his subjects, and the

middle son is too interested in the pursuit of his own personal

pleasures, but the youngest son proves to be the most just and

level-headed, and, therefor e , the best suited to succeed his

Turkish Literature , ed. Epiphanias Wilson (NewYork, 1901), pp. 366 ff.

31

father. In Juan Manuel's version, the king tests his

sons for self-reliance and independence of thought through a

series of personal projects rather than through a series of

institutional situations. The 'resultant moral in the Conde

Luc anor , is, therefore, applicable to a broader audience,

being directed to an assessment of the qualities of young

men in general, and not limited solely to sons destined to

rule a kingdom as in the Forty Viziers .

Exemplo XXIX;"De lo que contesgio a un raposo quese echo en la calle e se fizo muerte"

The tale of "The Fox and the Folk," night 606

of the Arabian Nights .^ recounts the story of the fox which

had been stealing and who is discovered, beaten, and left on

the road for dead. Several persons pass by, each removing

a part of the anatomy of the fox for his personal use. For

reasons of safety the fox allows himself to be dismembered

until it becomes a matter of life and death, at which point

he jumps up and runs. away.

Patronio uses a series of episodes which is almost

1 ft

identical xo to the above to illustrate to the Count that,

in order to save oneself from disaster, one must suffer

•*~^The Portable Arabian Nights , p. 167.

l A°The differences lie solely in the stations of the

characters passing by and in the individual parts of theanatomy extracted from the fox.

32

small discomforts. There is, however, a limit.

Exemplo II:"De lo que contesgifi a unhomne bueno con un su fi.lo 11

a

The lesson to he learned from this tale is that it

is impossible to please everyone. The story can he found in

the Turkish Forty Viziers . "The Gardener and His Son," and

also in Aesop, "The Miller, His Son, and an Ass." All three

versions of the tale concern a man and his son who go to

market with an unloaded ass. Because of criticism of each

of their actions regarding the use or non-use of the ass,

they learn that it is impossible to satisfy everyone.

Juan Manuel, always interested in teaching, shows the

experience in a somewhat different light from the presentation

in the other works. Exemplo II presents the experience as

an exercise which the father puts forth in order to teach his

son this valuable lesson. The other versions show this epi-

sode as a learning experience for both the father and the

• son

.

Exemplo XXXII:"De lo que contesqio con burladoresque fizieron pano"

With certain alterations in content, but containing

the same basic plot structure, this tale is found in the

Forty Viziers .

Juan Manuel's story concerns the plot of three

imposters who plan to deceive the king and gain many of his

33

riches by playing upon a point of honor. As a result of

their deception, the king parades nude before his followers

with no one willing to acknowledge the nudity of the king

for fear of personal loss of honor. Finally, a slave who has

nothing to lose discloses the truth.

Exemplo XXXII improves upon the Turkish version by

having the tailors prepare a full garment rather than a

turban which is found in the Forty Viziers . In this manner,

the Spanish version intensifies the ridiculousness of the

false pride of those who claim to see the garment. Juan

Manuel likewise changes the station of the character who

acknowledges the fact that the king is nude. In the older

version it is one of the nobles of the king, while in the

Conde Lucanor it is a slave. By means of changing the

character of the nobleman into that of a slave, Juan Manuel

produces a blanket criticism of the false pride of everyone

who claims any station whatsoever, and excludes only those

who have nothing to lose anyway, and who, therefore, can

afford honesty.

Exemplo XI

:

M Pe lo que contespiS a un Dean de Sanctiago

con don Yll£n, el grand maestro de Toledo"

According to Menendez y Pelayo, this tale is found in

the Arabic collection of tales. Las cuarenta mananas y las

cuarenta noches.^ Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel cites the

offers

19Menendez y Pelayo, p. xcii. Menendez y Pelayo

no information about the work except its title. The

existence 20 and

3k

of this tale in several Dominican works,

therefore concludes that Juan Manuel's source is Dominican.

Several aspects of the tale as it appears in the Conde

Lucanor , however, lead one to t*he conclusion that the

author did indeed use an Arabic source.

The story of the magician's test of gratitude is

one of the few times in which Juan Manuel mentions or sug-

gests any form of magic or supernatural power, a literary

device which is frequent in many of the oriental tales

found elsewhere. This tale is likewise unusual in that it

ridicules a member of the Church, the Dean de Sanctiago .

Any suggestion of anticlericalism is rare in Juan Manuel.

A third reason for considering this tale more Arabic than

Dominican is its multidimensional structure. Dominican

exemnla were rarely more than narrations in simple, linear

time progressions. Arabic tales were most frequently con-

structed with stories within stories within frames, etc.

Exemplo XI is a four-tiered story (as Opposed to the normal

three of the Conde Lucanor ) of author, frame, don Yllan and

the Dean, and the events created by don Yllan in his under-

ground world. Finally, it should be added that the atmos-

phere created by the events taking place in the innermost

layer of the story resembles to a great degree those of

author of this thesis has been unable to discover anyArabic tales collected under this title.

20Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel, "Tres notas sobre don

Juan Manuel," Romance Philology , IV (1950-51), 158.

35

the hashish dream.

^

There are five exemplos in the Conde Lucanor which

are given as being of Arabic origin by both Diego Marin and

Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel because of their absence from

Latin or romance collections and their Arabic or oriental

atmosphere. There are, however, certain characteristics

found in each which should be mentioned in order to sub-

stantiate this claim.

Exemplo XX:De lo que contesgio con un homne

quel dixo quel faria alquimia"

The lesson of Exemplo XX is to beware of accepting

the improbable or unlikely without sufficient evidence,

and should one do so, he should blame himself for allowing

himself to be deceived, rather than blaming the trickster

for the deception. A man who claims to be able to make

doblas from inexpensive materials dupes the king, who, upon

discovering the ruse, must accept the fact of his imprudence

and blame himself. In Chapter XXXII, "Of the Customs of

Kings," in Sadi's Gul i s t an . a man who poses as a descendant

of Ali likewise dupes a king who also, recognizing his

imprudence, frees the imposter.

This tale by its mention of alchemy also suggests

connections with the Arabic world. Although there are con-

siderable debates as to the origins of the practice of

P 1“Alexander H. Krappe, The Science of Folklore

(New York, 1929), p. 116 .

36

alchemy, there is reason to believe that the Arabs figured

highly in the transmission of alchemical literature. There

is, moreover, a traditional association of the medieval

science of alchemy with the Arabs.

Exemplo XXI

;

"De lo que contesQi6 a un rey mogo con un muygrant phil6sopho a qui lo acomendara su padre

"

In this exemplo Patronio tells of a philosopher and

a young king under his tutelage, who } upon reaching manhood,

rebels against his old teacher and seeks advice from others.

As a result of the bad advice given him, he sustains great

losses. The philosopher, posing as a fortune teller, takes

the king into a valley for the purpose of reading omens.

As the result of a conversation between two crows which is

"overheard" by the sage and conveyed to the king, the latter

seeks advice from the philosopher and regains his losses.

The lesson in the Conde Lucanor is that a boy should be

guided by examples and deeds, and that punishment, which

might alienate him, should be avoided.

There are two major ingredients in this tale which

can be found in Arabic works. In "The Page Who Feigned to

Know the Speech of Birds," Night 592 of the Arabian Nights ,

one can see a possible antecedent for the sage in Exemplo

XXI. In Chapter V of "Of the Impression of Education" of

Gulistan, Sadi states he preceived that admonition had no

effect upon the education of the son of a religious man.

Later, misfortune having befallen the boy, Sadi observes:

37

"I felt in my heart for his distressed state; but deeming it

ungenerous to hurt his feelings with reproach, or in such

p pa case to sprinkle a poor man's sore with salt. . .

Exemplo XXV

:

"De lo que contesgio al conde de provencia,commo fue livrado de la prisi6n por elconsejo quel dio Saladin"

Saladin ( Salah-ad-Din ) , twelfth-century Islamic

leader against the crusading Franks, because of his just

behavior, honor and tolerance, has long been considered a

paragon of chivalry. The theme of his sense of justice

portrayed in Exemplo XXV undoubtedly comes from the actual

accounts of the nobility of the main character or from

legends which flourished from the actual accounts. As a

result of Saladin's sage advice to his captive on the

selection of a son-in-law, the prisoner's daughter marries

a man of such strength that he is able to gain freedom for

his father-in-law.

Exemplo XXXV

:

"De lo que contesgio a un mancebo quecaso con una mujer muy fuerte e muy brava"

Anti-feminist sentiment, and more especially the

theme of the shrewish wife, is widespread in the Arabic

literary works of the Middle Ages, many of which could have

served as the inspiration for Exemplo XXXV. In Chapter XXX

^Sadi , p . 2 50 .

38

of "Of the Morals of Darweshes" of Guli stan , for example,

the description:

Here he had a daughter, and her he gave inmarriage, with a dower of a hundred dinars.Soon after this damsel turned out a termagant andvixen, and discovered such a perverse spirit andvirulent tongue as quite unhinged all my domesticcomfort .

^

is not unlike the following description found in the Conde

Lucanor :

En aquella villa misma, havia otro homne muym£s honrado e m£s rico que su padre, e havia unafija non mas, e era muy contraria de aquelmancebo, ca quanto aquel mancebo havia de buenasmaneras, tanto las havia aquella fija del homnebueno malas e revesadas . (pp. 201-202)

The "taming" of the shrew, however, seems to be an innova-

tion on the part of Juan Manuel.

Exemplo XLVI:"De lo que contesgi# a un philosopho que porocasi^n entro en una calle do moraban malasmugeres"

Exemplo XLVI concerns the theme of guarding one's

reputation. A philosopher of Morocco finds himself in a

compromising situation and is accused of having visited

the prostitutes living in a certain section of town.

Although he is innocent of the charge, his reputation is

ruined. To answer the accusation, he prepares a book on

good fortune and misfortune which speaks of fortune sought

and found, found but not sought, and sought but not found.

23 Ibid . , p . 151

.

39

Patronio's advice to the Count is "que se guarde homne

quanto pudiere de non fazar (mal) nin meterse en sospechas

nin en semejanga porque el deha venir alguna desaventura

o mala fama." (p. 268 )

Protecting one's reputation is also a theme fre-

quent to Arabic literature. Sadi, as does Patronio, coun-

sels:

"Be thou virtuously disposed, that thedetractor (libeler) may not have it in his powerto indulge his malignity. So long as the harpis in tune, how can it have its ear pulled (orsuffer correction by being put in tune) by theminstrel?" 24

a reflection which is much akin to the observations of

Patronio in Exemplo XLVI

.

It should also be noted that this tale is one of

the few in the collection which makes mention of any of

the baser aspects of human existence.

There are three tales in the Conde Lucanor which

contain complete Arabic phrases transcribed into Romance,

and translated in each case into Castilian. In light of

their containing Arabic phrases, and as a result of the

fact that two of the tales concern historically documented

Arabs as principal characters, they are considered to be of

Arabic origin.

2k Sadi , p . 1^5*

Uo

Exemplo XXX:"De lo que contesgio al Rey Abenabet deSevilla con Ramayguia su muger"

The historical anecdote from which this tale is

derived is found in the Analectas of Al-Maqqari which has

been translated by Gayangos in History of the Mohammedan

2 5Dynasties in Spain , y and also in Dozy's Spanish Islam:

2 6A History of the Moslems in Spain . The story apparently

refers to the poet-ruler of Seville, Al-Mutamid Ala-llani

ibn 'Abbad (1040-1095) who fell in love with and married

a beautiful woman who was somewhat capricious. Al-Mutamid

did everything within his power to satisfy her desires,

including supplying her with artificial mud. It is from

this incident with the mud that the phrase "ehuale nahar

aten" stems. The meaning of the question posed by the

husband, when his wife implies that he never does anything

for her, is "Ni tampoco el dfa del barro?" Modern Arabic

2 7for the phrase is: "wa la nahar at-tin?"

Exemplo XLI:"De lo que contesqi 6 a un rey deCordoba quel dizian Alhaquem"

This tale was inspired by Al Hakam II al Mustansir

(d. 976 ) who was the son of Abd-ar-Rahman an-Nasir li

25p asC ual de Gayangos y Arce, History of theMohammedan ' Dynas t i e s in Spain ( London , 18^3 ) , 1 1 , 299»

^Reinhart Dozy, Spanish Islam: A History of theMoslems in Spain , trans . Francis G. Stokes ( London , 1913 ) ,pp . 666 - 67 •

^Alois R. Nykl , "Arabic Phrases in El CondeLuc anor ,

11 Hispanic Review , X (19^2), lU.

dini-llahi, and it

which was rendered

desire of the king

his lifetime for which he will he remembered after his death.

His first success, the invention of a musical instrument,

has been received with scorn, and is referred to derogatori-

ly as "this is the addition of Al-Hakam."

Juan Manuel states the foregoing phrase in his

Arabic transcribed into Castilian as "V, a he de zial

alhaquem" which in modern Arabic would be "Wa hadi ziyadat

29Al-Hakam .

"

Exemplo XLVII;"De lo que contesgio a un moro con unasu hermana que daba a entender que eramuy medrosa"

The Arabic phrase which appears in this tale has as

yet yielded no concrete evidence concerning the origin of

its use. The suggestion has been made that it is an Arabic

proverb and that Juan Manuel built his tale around the

proverb. No similar proverb has been found, however, in

30any Arabic speaking country.

Even though the theme of an incongruency of a person's

relative fears are found in oriental literature, and even

though its subject matter, its theme, and its containing an

^Gayangos , p. 218.29Nykl, p. 15.

30 Ibid . , p. IT

•

U

1

i s found in the tr ans

by Gayango s

.

28 The s

to make some gre at co

lation of Al-Maqqari

tory concerns the

ntribution during

42

Arabic phrase all suggest that it should be considered as

being of Arabic origin, no direct source for this tale has

been discovered.

The girl in the tale is frightened by the gurgling

sound of water which is being poured from a container , but

shows no fear whatsoever as she breaks the bones of a

corpse in order to rob it. The Arabic phrase contained in

Exemplo XLVII reads: "Aha ya uchti, tafza min bakki, vala

tafza min fatr onki . " In modern Arabic the phrase would

read "Aha ya ukhti, tafza' min baqbaq wa la tafza' min

fatq 'unqu," and translates into English as "Oh, sister,

31you are scared of tearing off its [the corpse's] neck."

Arabic Elements hot in the Conde Lucanor

A comparison of the narrative tales of the Arabic

world with the tales of the Conde Lucanor yields, however,

several differences in thematic material. Probably the

most evident difference is found in Juan Manuel's rejection

of the themes of magic or the supernatural. There are few

instances of either in the work.

Probably the only tale which could be said to include

the art of magic is Exemplo XI, "De lo que contesgi6 a un

Dean de Sanctiago con don Yll&n, el grand maestro de

Toledo." This tale, which is also called "La prueba de las

31lbid.

b3

promesas," revolves on the magical powers of don Yllan who

employs the art in order to test his pupil. It does not,

however, involve the elaborate magical feats, genii, or

other supernatural themes found in the Arabic narrative

tradition

.

The presence of the supernatural is found in only

two of the tales, and in each case involves the Devil.

Exemplo XLII, "De lo que contesgio a una falsa beguina,"

involves a pact between a woman and the Devil to destroy

a happy marriage. Exemplo XLV, "De lo que contesgio a un

homne que se fizo amigo e vasallo del Diablo," likewise

treats a pact between a mortal and the Devil.

Another theme which is common in the collections of

Arabic tales and which is rare in the Conde Lucanor is that

of the guiles of women. Many of the Arabic frame stories

are concerned with the attempt of a woman to deceive the

king. El libro de los enganos has, for example, the frame

story of a queen who is attempting to deceive her husband

into executing his son who is innocent of her charges. The

contest within the work is then between the stories told by

the queen and which concern unworthy sons or unworthy

advisers, and the stories told by the advisers which concern

the guiles of women.

In the Conde Lucanor the theme of the wiles of women

could be related to only one of the tales, Exemplo XLII "De

lo que contesgio a una falsa beguina." Women in general, as

lilt

we have seen, are treated quite well in the work, as opposed

to their treatment in both the Arabic and Dominican tradi-

tions.

A third thematic difference between the Arabic

narrative tales and those of Juan Manuel lies in the use of

sensual or erotic themes. There is, in the Conde Lucanor ,

nothing which approximates the sensuality found in many

Arabic works. Unlike his contemporaries Boccaccio and the

Archpriest of Hita, Juan Manuel avoids all eroticism and in

those moments in which the tale could possibly lead to such

discussions (Exemplo L and Exemplo XXXVI ) , it is turned

skillfully to its purpose of expounding vergiienza or fama .

Missing from the tales of the Conde Lucanor , like-

wise, is the Arabic blending of the serious and the comic.

There are few instances of humor in the exemplos of Juan

Manuel. Having stated his purpose as being didactic, he

rarely strays from the atmosphere of teaching. Most of the

tales in the Arabic tradition were designed to be not only

instructive, but also, and probably of greater importance,

entertaining. Although the introductory remarks of Juan

Manuel purport a "sweetening" of the tales to make them more

pleasant, the author, in his preoccupation with teaching and

a precise presentation, is generally considered to be lacking

in humor. This is especially true when the work is compared

to Juan Manuel's contemporaries Juan Ruiz and Boccaccio.

** 5

Dominican Sources

Alongside the exemplary tale of the Arabs, there

existed in-Spain in the Middle Ages one other major dissemi-

nator of exempla— the Dominicans. The Dominican movement,founded in the early thirteenth century by Santo Domingo de

Guzman, was, as opposed to the Benedictines, a preaching

order. The function of members of this Order was to impart

orthodox doctrine to the common man by means of lessons

which he would comprehend, and through the use of language

which he himself employed. Each priest in the Dominican

movement was given a territory which he was to study from

the point of view of habits and spiritual needs, and through

which he would travel, preaching sermons directed toward the

inhabitants of the region and their individual needs.

The sermons of the Dominicans were accompanied,

usually at the end, by an illustrative folk-story with moral

value

—

exemplum— to point out the message of the sermon.Since the average preacher could not be expected to memorize

or recall an exemplum fitting each lesson to be taught or

appropriate to each congregation, sermon-manuals and collec-

tions of sermons for the use of the Dominican preachers

began to appear after the middle of the thirteenth century.

Composed fo.r handy reference, the sermons and accompanying

exempla in these collections were in most cases categorized

in such a manner that the preacher would easily find mater-

ial covering topics such as the Last Judgment, sins of the

flesh, sins against God, etc.

U6

Sources for the material contained in the exempla

of the sermon-manuals are many and varied. Some of the

illustrative moral tales have their origin in the Indian

tradition, while others come from Arabic sources. Many

are to be found in Aesop, while some come directly from

the Old Testament and others are from the New Testament.

It is important to note, therefore, that the Dominican

collections drew from all possible sources, ignoring the

original environment or intent of the tale. The only

requisite for the usefulness of a tale was its adaptability

to meet the needs of the sermon. It must be added, however,

that some of the exempla found in the collections of the

Dominicans may be original, since sources have not been

found for them.

Don Juan Manuel, as we have seen, took great

interest in the work of the Dominicans. He founded the

Dominican convent of Penafiel in which he is buried and to

which he sent the manuscripts of all his works. His high

opinion of the Order and its work can be found in the Libro

de los estados :

Esta orden de los pedricadores fizo sanctoDomingo Caleruega, et bien creed que como quierque muchas 6rdenes ha y en el mundo muy sanctas

,

que segund yo tengo, que lo es esta m£s que otraorden. 52

32juan Manuel, Libro de los estados , ed. P. deGayangos (Madrid, 1912), pi 365a .

the

47

It is likewise interesting to note that Santo Domingo is

only saint to appear in the tales of the Conde Lucanor .

Among the most important collections made by the

Dominicans and existing prior to the publication of the

Conde Lucanor were the Scala caeli , Etienne de Bourbon

(?126l), Sermones de tempore and Promptuarium exemplorum of

Jean Herolt (?1277)» and the Sermones vulgares and Exempla

of Jacques de Vitry ( ? 1 20 0-1 2U 0 ) . The Gesta Romanorum whose

history is unknown but whose existence on the continent is

assumed to be around 13^0^^ was also a likely source for

Dominican sermon exempla .

As a result of Juan Manuel's close contact with the

Dominican Order, and in light of the great number of

O JiDominican collections of exempla beginning m the

33 g e sta Romanorum , trans . the Rev. Charles Swan, andrevised by the Rev. Wynnard Hooper (New York, 1959)

»

Introduction

.

Marfa Rosa Lida de Malkiel. In the notes on page185 of the article, she says: "Puede apreciarse facilmenteel predominio de los dominicos en esta materia con solorecordar el mayor nttmero y las m£is importantes de lascolecciones conocidas: la de Etienne de Bourbon (*126l), lade Humbert des Romans (*1277), el Promptuarium exemplorum deMartin de Troppau (*1279), la antfmima Compilatio singularisexemplorum , compuesta entre 1270 y 1314, el Alphabetumnarrationum de Arnold de Liege (*13^5), las Moralitat es deRobert Holkot 1*1349), la Scala caeli de Jean Gobi ( *1350 ) ,la Summa pr.aedicantium de John Bromyard (*1390), el Solac iumludi schaccorum de Jacopo de Cessolis, de principios delsiglo XIV, el Promptuarium exemplorum de Jean Herolt (*1^+68)[sic]

.

A gstas hay que agregar las compilaciones ricas en

ejemplos, aunque ordenadas a otros fines, en que asimismodescuellan los dominicos. . . ."

48

thirteenth century, much has been written concerning the

elements of Dominican influence upon the tales of the

Conde Lucanor . Since there are, among the fifty-one tales

of the Conde Lucanor , thirteen exemplos which have clearly

apparent (and immediate) plot sources in Dominican sermon

collections existing during the time of Juan Manuel, it is

of value to discuss these tales and judge the affinity of

Juan Manuel and Dominican thought. Five tales with plots

similar to those found in the Conde Lucanor can likewise be

found in the collected sermons of Jacques de Vitry. Four

are in the Gesta Romanorum , two in the Summa Praedicantium

and two are based upon verses of the Bible.

From the Exempla ex sermonibus vulgaribus Jacobi

Vitriacensis , a work which, like its collector,

travelled throughout Europe and the Near East during the

first half of the thirteenth century,^ there are five

tales which could have been the sources of the plots of

Exemplos III, V, VI, XXVII, and XXVIII of the Conde

Lucanor .

Exemplo Ill s — "Del salto que fizo el rey Richaltede Inglaterra en la mar contra los moros," deals with

Richard's leap from a ship into the sea and his divinely

3 5jacques de Vitry (c. Il80-1240) was Bishop ofAcre and Cardinal Bishop of Frascati. He studied in Parisand was consecrated a priest there in 1210. His preachingwas so successful that he was chosen Bishop of Acre in 1214and consecrated in 1216 by Pope Honorius III. Jacquestravelled widely and was famed as a preacher, historian,and an authority fcr manners and social conditions of theearly thirteenth century. He died in Rome, May 1, 1240.

^9

inspired leadership in fighting the enemy. Exemplum XC

of the Vitry collection concerns a Templar who takes a

leap with his horse into the sea in order to escape the

Saracens. Having carried the Templar safely to shore, the

horse dies

.

Exemplo V ; --"De lo que contesgio a un raposo con

un cuervo que tenia un pedago de queso en el pico," has

a probable antecedent in Exemplum XCI of Vitry. This

Aesopian fable, very popular for the purpose of illustra-

tion in the sermon-manuals, could have come to the atten-

tion of Juan Manuel, however, through any one of its

versions: Babrius; Phaedrus ; Vincent de Beauvais'

Speculum Historiale ; or Bromyard's Summa Praedic ant ium .

Exemplo VI : --The plot of Exemplo VI, "De lo que

contesgio a la golondrina con las otras aves quando vio

sembrar el lino," is the same as that of Exemplum Cl in

Vitry and is found ultimately in the Indian Pane hatantr

a

.

Exemplo XXVII :--The contrary wife in the first half

of Juan Manuel's Exemplo XXVII, "De lo que contesgio a un

Emperador e a don Alvarhanez Minaya con sus mugeres," shows

great resemblance to the wife in Vitry's Exemplum CCXXXVI

whose back was broken as a result of curiosity and dis-

obedience to her husband.

Exemplo XXVIII :--The plot of justifiable homicide

(killing someone who has blasphemed God) is found in

Exemplo XXVIII of the Conde Lucanor , "De lo que contesgi6

50

a don Lorenzo Suarez Gallinato quando descabego al capellan

renegado," as well as in Exemplum CCXIX of Vitry.

The Gesta' Romanorum , although not existing in

printed form until 1472, is generally believed to have been

compiled in the first half of the fourteenth century. Being

a thesaurus for preachers like the exempla of Vitry, the

Gesta Romanorum borrows freely from Roman, Oriental and

Indian sources, and also like the works of Vitry lends

plots to other works. There are four exemplos in the Conde

Lucanor which share a common plot with items in the Gesta

Romanorum . Exemplo VIII, "De lo que contesgi6 a un homne

que havien alimpiar el figado," in which a man requests

(for his cat) the liver which has just been removed from a

patient, is reminiscent of Tale LXXVI of the Gesta Romanorum

in which a crow eats the eye of a doctor after it has been

removed. Tale CIII of the Gesta Romanorum and Exemplo XXXVI

of the Conde Lucanor deal with maxims sold by a wise man

which prove to be beneficial to the buyer. The plot of the

greedy man's death as a result of trying to carry too much

is common to Tale XLVI and Exemplo XXXVIII, while Tale LIX

and Exemplo LI share the plot of the ruler who is too proud.

The Summa Praedic antium of John Bromyard, an English

Dominican, .was also an extensive collection of popular

stories of the Middle Ages. Although the date of the

compilation of the work is uncertain (it was first published

around l485 ) the life and influence of Bromyard belonged to

51

the second half of the fourteenth century, postdating Juan

Manuel. Two exemplos , IV and XLV, however, have common

plots, and it is, assumed, though with little assurance,

that they both stem from a common Dominican source.

Two exemplos , largely because of their being based

upon verses of the New Testament, are likewise assumed to

be of Dominican origin. Exemplo XIV, "Del milagro que

fizo Sancto Domingo sobre el logrero," besides mentioning

the founding of the Order by name, is based upon Chapter

6, verse 21, of the Book of Matthew, "For where your

treasure is, there will be your heart also." A version

similar to Exemplo XIV can also be found in the Libri

miraculorum of St. Gregorius of Tours (sixth century).

Exemplo XXXIV, "De lo que contesgio a un ciego que adestraba

a otro," is inspired by Luke 6, verse 39: "He also told

them a parable: 'Can a blind man lead a blind man? Will

they not both fall into a pit?'"

There are three tales in the Conde Lucanor which,

although no immediate Spanish predecessors can be found for

them, are considered to be of Dominican origin because of

their theme or subject matter. Exemplo XXXI concerns the

quarreling of monks over the privilege of ringing matins

and reflects, according tp Maria Rosa Lida de Malkiel,

"En forma humoristica la animosidad que sentian los

domlnicos por la otra orden mendicante y por el clero

52

seglar, rivalidad particularmente sensible en el ambiente

universitario de Paris a que alude el cuento." 3 ^

Although .the themes of gullible husbands and pro-

fessional go-betweens have a long history in various litera-

tures, the fact that the go-between in Exemplo XLII is a

falsa beguina suggests that the most immediate source of

the tale is Dominican. The subject of b egu i nos or begardos

is widespread in Dominican collections and "la trans-

formacion en beguina de la odiosa protagonista del viejo

cuento . . . es siempre un rasgo satirico indice de la

hostilidad del magnate Castellano." 3 ^

Exemplo XVIII has as its core the old Spanish

refrain "Quebrgme el pie, quiz£i por bien." The tale, how-

ever, has been converted to convey a religious message:

"Non le quexes por lo que Dios fiziere, Ca por tu bien

seria quando El quisiere." (p. 95) The moral reflects the

statement of Paul in Romans 8:28: "We know that in every-

thing God works for good with those who love Him," and for

this reason is probably most immediately of Dominican. . 38origin.

3 ^Lida de Malkiel, p. 159.

3T ib id . , p. 162.

38Much has been written concerning the fatalism ofthe Moslems and their adherence to predestination andprovidence concerning even everyday mundane matters andmisfortunes. Most Moslems, for example, refused to takeprecautions against the plague of the Middle Ages, statingthat it was the will of God. Exemplo XVIII, "De lo que

53

Although much has "been written concerning the

similarities between the works of the Dominicans and the

Conde Lucarior there are several basic differences

between them. Aside from the differences in purpose or

intent in the use of moral tales (which will be discussed

in a later chapter) there is also the fact that little

similarity in subject matter is present. In his work The

Early Dominicans1* 0 R. F. Bennett discusses the principal

topics presented in Dominican sermons. Among these are

the dangers of wealth, denunciation of daily enjoyments

and pleasures of all classes (including the jousting and

tournaments of the nobility), disapproval of dancing and

singing (especially on feast days), and attacks upon

feminine fashions and ornaments (reflecting a conventional

contempt for women).

Even though we have seen that many of the tales of

the Conde Lucanor have their immediate origins in Dominican

contesgio a don Pero Melendez de Valdes quando se le quebro

la pierna" reflects to a certain extent the fatalism of the

Moslems which was manifest in such occasions as the plague.

In the tale of Juan Manuel, Don Pero breaks his leg, but in

so doing is saved from a greater disaster. As he usually

does in the face of some trial, Don Pero states, "que todo

lo que Dios faze, que aquello es lo mejor," upon hearing of

the disaster from which he has been saved.

39Lid. a de Malkiel, pp. 186-87-

1+0 Ralph F. Bennett, The Early Dominicans

(Cambridge, England, 1937) » Chapter VII.

manuals, the above-mentioned topics are either missing from

the exemplos of Juan Manuel, or, if mentioned, are treated

in a manner different from that of the Dominicans. It is

not surprising, for example, that Juan Manuel, a member

of the nobility with a considerable estate, would have

little to say concerning the dangers of wealth. His

attitude toward wealth is, in fact, contrary to the Dominican

view and his treatment of the subject shows a view similar

to the Koranic moral prescription found in Sura 18, verse

h6: "Wealth and children are the adornment of our miserable

life, but things that never perish, the good works, are

preferable with thy Lord as a recompense and a hope."^"'-

Wealth, honestly gained, is viewed in a like manner in

Exemplo XIV in Patronio's advice: "Commo quier que el

tesoro, commo desuso es dicho, es bueno, guarded dos

cosas; la una, en que el tesoso que ayuntaredes, que

sea de buena parte; la otra, que non pongades tanto el

coragon en el tesoro, porque fagades ninguna cosa que vos

non caya de fazer nin dexedes nada de vuestra honra, nin

de lo que debedes fazer, por ayuntar grand tesoro de buenas

obras, por que hayades la gracia de Dios e buena fama de

las gentes . " (p, 1^9)

Juan Manuel's point of view concerning daily

enjoyments and pleasures is again closer to that of the

^Koran, trans. Lucien Tremlett (London, 1956), p.1U1

.

55

Koran than that of the Dominic

denounce all enjoyments and pi

Koran in Sura 7, verse 31, sta

on fine garments whenever you

drink, hut do not exceed, for

commit excesses." Patronio'

Exemplo XXIV echoes the above

folgar, que lo fagades siempre

e guardando vuestra honra." (p

makes no mention of jousting o

nobility) in the Conde Lucanor

boastingly in Exemplo XLI sayi

caqador." (p. 227 )

ans . Whereas the Dominicans

easures of all classes, the

tes, "0 sons of Adam'. Put

enter a mosque. Eat and

God loves not those who

s advice to the Count in

Sura: "si querades comer e

manteniendo vuestro estado

. 123) Although Juan Manuel

r tournaments (sports of the

,the Count speaks of himself

ng "yo so muy gran

A third, major topic of the Dominicans in their

sermons, disapproval of singing and dancing, especially on

feast days, merits no mention whatsoever in any of the tales

of the Conde Lucanor . Since many tales concerning this

topic existed in Dominican collections, it is apparent that

Juan Manuel did not share to an equal degree the concern of

the Dominicans.

Juan Manuel's treatment of women in the Conde

Luc anor seems to be different from that of both the

Dominican and Arabic presentations. The Dominicans

demonstrated a general contempt for women; the Arabic view

42 Ibid. i p. 149.

56

in the Koran, Sura h, verse 3 b is that "Men are superior

to women because of the qualities whereby God has made a

distinction between them. ... If you fear that theywill reject you, admonish them, and remove them to another

bed; finally beat them. If they obey you, then worry no

more. God is high and great. Dominican literature is

filled with gossiping women and women possessed by the

devil; Arabic literature traditionally, in narrative tales,

speaks of deceitful, scheming women. The women in the

Conde Lucanor are seen in a fuller perspective than those

presented in the narrative works of the Dominicans or the

Arabs. One finds not only the destructive gossip (Exemplo

XLIl), the contrary wife (Exemplo XXVII), and the shrew

(Exemplo XXXV), but also the dedicated, loving wife

(Exemplo XXXVII), the faithful mother (Exemplo XXXVI), and

the wise lady (Exemplo L)

.

It is necessary to conclude that although the plots

of several tales of the Conde Lucanor have immediate sources

in Dominican sermon collections, Juan Manuel's selection of

topics to be discussed in his work did not coincide with

those of highest frequency usage among the preachers .

And, although Juan Manuel demonstrated a great interest in,

and a high opinion of, the Dominican Order, his treatment

** 3 Ibid . , p. 189.

57

of high priority Dominican issues is frequently more

Arabic or individual than Dominican.

Of the remaining fifteen tales, two of the tales

of the Conde Lucanor deal with the historical figure,

Ferndn Gonzalez, who was the hero of the Poema de FernAn

hhGonzgLl e

z

from which Exemplo XVI and Exemplo XXXVII are

taken. Exemplo XV concerns three knights of the thir-

teenth century, two of whom are mentioned by name. Don

Lorenzo Suarez Gallinato and Garci Perez Vargas are actual

historical figures, though little of their lives is on

It 5record. Exemplo IX speaks of two knights of don Enrique,

son of Fernando III, el Santo, and contemporary of Juan

Manuel, and is possibly the narration of an actual occur-

rence .

Exemplo XIII is possibly addressed to Alfonso XI

concerning the relationship between the author and the

king. Exemplo XXIII can be found in the Natural History

of Pliny.^ Eight of the exemplos (XII, XVII, XXVI, XXXIII,XXXIX, XL, XLIII, XLIV), because of the absence of any

kh

1+ 5 ,

Poema de Fernan Gonzalez (Madrid, 19^6).

No attempt has been made to determine whether ornot the stories connected with historically recordedpersonages .are themselves historical fact or legend.Attempts to discover if the same tales had been previouslyused in connection with other characters (frequently done inMiddle Ages' literature), real or fictional, proved nega-tive.

^Pliny, Natural History , trans . H,(Cambridge, Mass., 19^0), III, 1+99-500.