Arab Spring and Youth Activism Rubrix

7/31/2019 Arab Spring and Youth Activism Rubrix

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Competitiveness Index was not reflected in the lives of the people. The government corruption that

existed played a large role in fostering discontent in the lives of the people. The international image

as a modern, technocratic regime and a tourist-friendly travel destinationii

hid the growing sense of

frustration among Tunisians with the challenges they face in reaping the benefits of a country hailed

as an example of quick social progress and economic growthiii. The people were simply frustrated

and dissatisfied by the lack of basic needs and poor infrastructure while the countrys economy was

growing.

The tipping point for the people of Tunisia was the self-immolation of the 26 year old Mohammed

Bouazizi. The symbolic actions spurred what many refer to as the peoples revolutioniv

and led to

the downfall of the corrupt government. It was a youth driven uprising, where the high youth bulge

found the growing disparity, alienation and lack of opportunities untenable. The role of media

leading up to the revolution was integral as it required the attention and a critical mass of people to

drive and succeed in the relatively peaceful revolution. In the case of Mohammed Bouazizi, family

members and friends used social media to share the news of what was happening v and overcame

heavy censorship and police repression to ensure that their uprising d id not go unnoticedvi. The use

of social media to create awareness of the uprising was successful as Tunisia has one of the highest

internet penetration rates in Africa. International media also aided the initial uprising and

subsequent revolution with its coverage, keeping non-internet users aware of what was happening

there.

It was the spontaneity of the uprising that was most surprising, how it was sustained in light of the

heavy-handed state response and brutality to the protestors. It was truly a ground-up movement

where the youth where taking the lead to demand for political change. Beyond the critical mass of

young people participating in the demonstrations, the support from the middle-class and the elites

was also important as the demonstrations moved from just taking place in the outlying cities to the

capital, Tunis.

Egypt

Similarly, in Egypt as in Tunisia, the high youth bulge played a large role in driving the revolution

forward. Set in the backdrop of a corrupt government, where its inability to provide basic services

and seeming indifference to widespread unemployment and poverty alienated tens of millions of

Egyptiansvii

, the people took to the streets and toppled the regime. It was the demographic

structural issues that the state failed to provide for but instead alienated the youth. Left with no

other routes for recourse, it was the streets where the youth took to; to display their discontent and


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ask for change. Emboldened by the overthrow of Tunisias Ben Ali, the protests spread to Egypt

when on January 25, 2011 where opposition leaders declared it a Day of Rage on which protesters

would take to the street against President Hosni Mubaraks 30-year rule.

Egypt has a culture of deep communal bonds and trust, which manifested itself in the

demonstrators incredible discipline: their sustained non-violence, their refusal to be provoked by

thugs and saboteurs, their capacity to police themselves and coordinate their demands, and their

ability to organize without any central leadership.viii

The protesters included secularists, Islamists

and Communists/ultra-left-wingersa veritable whos who of the Egyptian opposition. In this case, a

more organized critical mass was achieved, which the marginalized groups working together towards

a common goal. This was framed by protests, what the organizers believe as a stand against torture,

poverty, corruption and unemployment.

The use of social media was even more apparent, where the Internet-savvy protesters used Twitpic,

Facebook and YouTube to disseminate videos and photographs and called on Egyptians to

protest. Protesters provided minute-by-minute tweets concerning where to assemble in an effort to

outwit police. The Egyptian government originally engaged in episodic censorship and videos of

protestor violence in a bid to control the anti-state tide, and internet and handphone connections

were restricted and controlled. These blunt measures failed to turn the tide and after 18 days of

continuous street protests the Egyptian people finally ousted Hosni Mubarak from the Presidencyand the process of nation building began again.

Conclusion

Although the demonstrations in both Tunisia and Egypt were successful in toppling the long-standing

Presidents and their governments, the long process of rebuilding their governments and more

importantly the nation still continues. The philosophy of non-violent civil disobedience which was

exemplified by Mahatma Gandhi and utilized in both Tunisia and Egypt continue to be a useful

strategy to enact social change and that moral capitalix

lies in the hands of those who are oppressed.

Instead of continuing to fear the oppression, these young people instead stood up for something

more than themselves and collectively worked together to bring about social change. And although

the challenges of nation-building are manifold, the collectivity they displayed during the

demonstrations and the common sense of belief and ownership that they have in each other and the

community will mitigate these challenges and that they can thrive in the future.

The Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore is also experiencing a high youth bulge where over 50%

of the population are under the age of 35 and that percentage is growing. The structural challenges


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that youth in Tunisia and Egypt face, educational and employment opportunities and housing, are

similar to ones that the Malay/Muslim youth in Singapore face, although it is not as acute. It is

therefore important to understand and learn from the events that took place both in Tunisia and

Egypt.

While there are many important lessons that can be further drawn from the Arab Spring, corrupt

governments, inequitable economic distribution, demographic structural issues, infrastructural

failings, the use of social media to facilitate social change amongst others, the most important lesson

for the Malay/Muslim Community in Singapore is that the needs of the youth cannot be ignored. The

future of the community and the country are dependent on youths that feel that they are an integral

part of the social fabric and that they are nurtured and allowed to grow. Youths, in all their

disparateness, provide the colour and energy of the community and it is integral that they are

embraced. Beyond this, youth themselves have to feel that they have a say in leading the community

forward as the future lies in their hands.

iLisa Anderson. "Demystifying the Arab Spring." Foreign Affairs. 3 Apr. 2011. Web. 11 Feb. 2012.

http://www.foreignaffairs.com/articles/67693/lisa-anderson/demystifying-the-arab-springiiIbid.

iiiAbu Dhabi Gallup Center. Tunisia: Analyzing the Dawn of the Arab Spring. 2011. Web. 11 Feb 2012.

http://www.abudhabigallupcenter.com/148229/tunisia-analyzing-dawn-arab-spring.aspxiv

Rania Abouzeid. Bouazizi:The Man Who Set Himself and Tunisia on Fire. Time. 21 Jan 2011. Web. 11 Feb

2012. http://www.time.com/time/magazine/article/0,9171,2044723,00.htmlv

Yasmine Ryan. How Tunisias Revolution Began.Al-Jazeera. 26 Jan 2011. Web. 11 Feb 2012.

http://www.aljazeera.com/indepth/features/2011/01/2011126121815985483.htmlviIbid.

viiAnderson, Demystifying the Arab Spring." Foreign Affairs

viiiIbid.

ixJohn Kane. The Politics of Moral Capital. (Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2001) pp. 6 -26

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Arab Spring and Youth Activism Rubrix