APPENDIX: THE DOCUMENTS - Springer978-1-137-01275-3/1.pdf · APPENDIX: THE DOCUMENTS W ... Astruc Vidal and Bonjiac Abraham, ... Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Gerau Ferran. 13th of April

APPENDIX: THE DOCUMENTS

With almost 4,300 records documented in the five notarial books examined for this book, only a sample of common document types

can be included here. These 26 examples were selected to demonstrate commonality and variability, providing a transcription from the original Latin accompanied by English translation. The Latin transcriptions pres-ent the idiosyncratic spelling and vocabulary used by the scribes; they have not been “corrected.” These examples do not exhaust all possibili-ties of individual differences among all records. In addition, many of the most significant types, regarding legal conf licts, marriages, and lordship, cannot be easily portrayed by individual example. These included here provide some idea of the nature of the contracts recorded by the notaries of Santa Coloma de Queralt.

Note: For the documents below, the document’s original Latin wording appears in italics, and the English translation follows.

Direct Loans

Loans were made using two types of currency, money and grain, a difference with very important implications concerning loan risk and repayment value. Generally, loans in money or grain were made in an equivalent range of value and followed similar formats and conditions. The only major difference between money loans and wheat loans was in the terms of repayment: a wheat loan could be paid off in either the stated amount of wheat or in the value of that wheat sold at market. This repayment term could be stated in various ways: vel precium earum sicut plus valebit usque in primi messibus venturis 1 or also secundum quod vos vendatis illud quod vobis remanet de eodem frumento . 2 The available options for repaying a debt of this kind are important for understanding the mentalité of the credit market and the usage of currency. There were 1,507 direct loans of all types, 1,105 money loans, 314 wheat loans, and 19 other loan transac-tions (with unspecified or unique terms).

A P P E N D I X : T H E D O C U M E N T S152

Money Loans

Document #01: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 80v; Latin; December 1, 1293; Marginalia: canceled.

Bartolomeus Dianet de Figerola debeo vobis Astruc Vives judeo Sancte Columbe xL sol. et iii sol[idi] Barch[inone] terni in primo venturo festo Sancte Marie Agusti et cetera. Racione mutui ultra alia debita. Kalendas decembris. Testes Bn. Sera et A. clericus.

I, Bartolomeo Dianet of Figerola, owe to you Astruc Vives, Jew of Santa Coloma, 43 solidi of Barcelona on the first approaching feast of Santa Maria of August, etc. On account of a loan among other debts. 1st of December. Witnesses Bernat Sera and A[rnau] priest.

Document #02: AHT Fondo Notarial, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 22v; Latin; September 9, 1293; Marginalia: canceled.

Bn. Loreta et uxor mea Bga. de termino de Pontils per nos et nostros debemus vobis Mosse de Carcasona judeo Sancte Columbe octuaginta sol[idi] Barch[inone] terni de quibus promitimus vobis solvere in primo venturo festo carni privi intrantis quadragissime viginti sol[idi] et residuum in primo venturo festo Sancte Marie Agusti racione mutui extunc etcetera. Fid[iussor]es A. Giner et P. Ponc, P. Mayessen de Sen Guaylart. T[estes] A. Capioles et G. Prunera et Jacobus Scolaris. v idus septembris.

We, Bernat Loreta and my wife, Berenguera, of the territory of Pontils, for us and ours, owe to you, Mosse de Carcasona, Jew of Santa Coloma, 80 solidi terni of Barcelona, for which we promise to repay to you 20 solidi on the first approaching feast at the beginning of Lent and the remainder on the first approaching feast of Santa Maria of August, on account of a loan, from then etc. Guarantors Arnau Giner, Pere Ponz, Pere Mayessen of Sent Gaylart. Witnesses Arnau Capioles, G. Prunera and Juame Scolaris. 9th of September.

Document #03: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 23; Latin; May 17, 1304; Marginalia: none.

Bertoli Bayner de Sancta Columba debeo vobis Burdo Soler dicti loci x sol[idi] racione mutui solvere ad S[anc]tam Ma[riam] Aug[ust]i. Fide Dominicus Bovis dicti loci, etc. T[estes] Jac. Ff., Bertolomeus Amat. xvi kalendas junii.

I, Bertoli Bayner of Santa Coloma, owe to you Bort Soler of the said place 10 solidi on account of a loan, to [be] repaid on Santa Maria of August. Guarantor Dominic Bovis of the said place, etc. Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Bertolomeo Amat. 17th of May.

Document #04: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 18, Signum 3821, f. 106; Latin; February 26, 1313; Marginalia: canceled.

A P P E N D I X : T H E D O C U M E N T S 153

P. Rocha et eius uxor Bngona., iura, de Pontils debemus vobis Astruch Vidal et Bonjach Abraham judeis Sancte Columbe et vestris xLiiii sol[idi] terni de pro-prio capitale pro vi sol[idi] lucri illorum racione mutui solvere ad festum omnium sanctorum et extunc. Fides Bn. Rocha pater dicti debitoris et Bnardus. Rocha filius Mathei Rocha condam et Bn. Sala dicti loci obli. etc. T[estes] d[ies] ut supra. Firmaverunt apocham.

We, Pere Rocha and his wife, Berenguera, who swears, of Pontils, owe to you, Astruc Vidal and Bonjiac Abraham, Jews of Santa Coloma, and yours 64 solidi of principal and 6 solidi of interest on it, on account of a loan, to [be] repaid at the Feast of All Saints, and from then. Guarantors Bernat Rocha, the father of the debtor, and Bernat Rocha, son of the deceased Matheu Rocha, and Bernat Sala of the said place, obligated, etc. Witnesses, date as above. They signed later.

Wheat Loans

Document #05: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f.37v; Latin; September 29, 1293; Marginalia: canceled.

A. Ffer. de Figerola debeo vobis Ro. Tixidor de Sancta Columba tres mige-rias et unam quartieram frumenti ad mensuram mercati Sancte Columbe vel pre-cium earum sicut plus valebit usque in primis mesibus venturis et excepto una fore in primo venturo festo Sancte Marie Agusti racione mutui. Fide Jacobus de Montesuperbo et G. de Bas de Figerola. Testes et dies ut supra.

I, Arnau Ferrer of Figerola, owe to you Ramon Tixidor of Santa Coloma 3 migerias and 1 quarter of wheat at the measure of the market of Santa Coloma or the price of them as it is best valued at the first approaching harvest, one market-price excepted, 3 on the first approach-ing Feast of Santa Maria of August, on account of a loan. Guarantors Jaume de Montesuperbo and G. de Bas of Figerola. Witnesses and date as above.

Document #06: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 126; Latin; February 28, 1305; Marginalia: vi, canceled.

Bng. Belul et uxor mea Barchi[non]a, iur[a], de Sancta Columba debemus vobis Bonanato de Muntayola dicti loci x migerias fru[menti] de quibus dare prom-itimus ad S[anc]tam Ma[riam] Aug[ust]i sicut valebit prima die lune mensis junii racione mutui obli. etc. T[estes] Jac. Ff., Bn. Vidal, dies ut supra.

We, Berenguer Belul and my wife, Barcelona, who swears, of Santa Coloma, owe to you Bonanat de Muntayola of the said place, 10 migerias of wheat, which we promise to give at Santa Maria of August as it is


valued the first Monday of the month of June, on account of a loan, obli-gated, etc. Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Bernat Vidal. Date as above.

Credit Sales

Credit sales were debt transactions in which the buyer or buyers of goods (most often an animal, but also quantities of cloth, wheat, or other items) owed some or all of the price of the goods to the seller at a future date. The terms most likely identified the total amount owed, although records rarely specified whether the amount listed as a debt made up the total or partial price of the goods sold. Occasionally, an immediate partial payment was acknowledged: a certain amount paid incontinenti (immedi-ately) as repayment could be made in more than one installment. While the amount of the debt was always very carefully identified, the buyers, sellers, and notaries were normally less concerned about providing the quantity of goods sold, indicating that the notarial entry was meant as a record of the debt, rather than the sale. Repayment was usually to be made within a period of less than one year, sometimes in only a matter of one or two months. Fideiussores (guarantors) were normally provided for all debt transactions and expected to cover the full amount of the debt if the buyer were unable to make repayment in the time specified. The format of credit-sale contracts was quite similar to those of direct loans, except for the stated reason for the debt, as these examples of animal sales (the most common), cloth sales, and a few other sale items demonstrate. There were a total of 1,359 credit sales, including 964 sales of animals (including one with grain), 70 sales of grain (including one with an ani-mal), 270 sales of cloth, and 56 sales of various other items.

Animal Sales

Document #07: AHT Fondo Notarial, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum3804, f. 157v; Latin; February 22, 1294; Marginalia: ii, canceled.

A. de Muntfar habitator de Muntfar debeo vobis Jacobo Moxo et A. Moxo de Cervaria L sol[idi] Barch[inone] terni de quibus promito vobis solvere ab hodie ad viii dies x sol[idi] et residuum in primo venturo festo Sancte Marie Agusti racione unius bovis pili rubei. Fid[eiussor]es Bn. de Loberela et A de Deusnosajut de Muntfar. T[estes] et d[ies] ut supra.

I, Arnau de Muntfar, inhabitant of Muntfar, owe to you Jaume Moxo and Arnau Moxo of Cervera 50 solidi terni of Barcelona of which I promise to repay to you 10 solidi one week from today and the remainder on the first approaching Feast of Santa Maria of August on account of one cow


with red hide. Guarantors Bernat de Loberela and Arnau de Deusnosajut of Muntfar. Witnesses and date as above.

Document #08: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 7; Latin; April 13, 1304; Marginalia: canceled.

Jacobus Cirera clericus debeo vobis Geraldo de Manresa et Bn. Moxo filio Gi. Moxo Cervarie Lx sol[idi] terni racione unius somere pili ros solvere ad S[anc]tam Ma[riam] Aug[ust]i. Fide Jac. Grafa de Pontils. T[estes] Jac. Ff., G. Ferran. Ydus aprilis.

I, Jaume Cirera, priest, owe to you Gerau de Manresa and Bernat Moxo, son of Guilelm Moxo, of Cervera 60 solidi, on account of one donkey with red hide, at Santa Maria of August. Guarantor Jaume Griffa of Pontils. Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Gerau Ferran. 13th of April.

Cloth Sales

Document #09: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma d Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 118; Latin; January 25, 1294; Marginalia: ii, canceled.

Bg. Juglar de zaGoda debeo vobis Nicolau de Vergos de Cervaria xiiii sol[idi] Barch[inone] in primo venturo festo Sancte Marie Agusti racione pannorum Illerdis. Fide[iussor] Barchona Plana de Argenzola. T[estes], d[ies] ut supra.

I, Berenguer Juglar of zaGoda, owe to you Nicolau de Vergos of Cervera 14 solidi of Barcelona on the first approaching Feast of Santa Maria of August on account of cloth of Lleida. Guarantor Barcelona Plana of Argenzola. Witnesses and date as above.

Document #10: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 18, Signum 3821, f. 98v; Latin; February 12, 1313; Marginalia: ii, canceled.

P. zaTorra et mater eius Cerdana deza Torra Murischa termini Aquilonis debemus vobis Nicholao de Vergos Cervarie et vestris centum et unum sol[idi], iii den[arii] terni racione pannorum Franchie solvere in festo S[anc]te M[ari]e Aug[ust]i obli. etc. T[estes] d[ies] ut supra.

We, Pere zaTorra and his mother, Cerdana, of the Moorish tower in the territory of Aguilo, owe to you Nicholao de Vergos of Cervera and yours, 101 solidi and 3 denarii, on account of some French cloth, to [be] repaid on the Feast of Santa Maria of August, obligated, etc. Witnesses, date as above.

Other Sales

Document #11: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 153v; Latin; February 15, 1294; Marginalia: ii, canceled.


G. dez Clerge et A. Gispert de termino de Agilo debemus vobis Castaylona de Sancta Columba xiii sol[idi] Barch[inone] terni in primo venturo festo Sancte Marie Agusti racion medium baconis salibutis. Fides R. Mor fili[us] P. Mor, G. Cabeza de eodem loco. Testes, dies ut supra.

We, G. dez Clerge and Arnau Gizpert of the territory of Aguilo, owe to you, Castaylona of Santa Coloma, 13 solidi of Barcelona on the first approaching Feast of Santa Maria of August on account of a half of a salted bacon. Guarantors Ramon Mor son of Pere Mor [and] G. Cabeza of the same place. Witnesses, date as above.

Document #12: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 18, Signum 3821, f. 63v; Latin; January 15, 1313; Marginalia: canceled.

P. Queralto et G. Gerau de Rouricho debemus vobis Pet. Minor de Montesuperbo et vestris xxxv sol[idi] terni racione capecie saffrani solvere in festo S[anc]te M[ari]e Aug[ust]i obli. etc. T[estes] Bn. Vidal, Bn. Esteve. xviii kalendas febrii.

We, Pere Queralt and G. Gerau of Rouric, owe to you Pere Minor of Montesuperbo and yours 35 solidi, on account of a capecia 4 of saffron, to [be] repaid on the feast of Santa Maria of August, obligated, etc. Witnesses Bernat Vidal, Bernat Steve. 15th of January.

Other Debt Records

Some other contracts documented debts of one form or another. Pledges, quitclaims, transfer, and investments— deposicione / comanda contracts—all involved debts, although these make up only a small portion of the total number of debt records. Pledges were occasionally used in conjunction with loans, in which they could provide the source of repayment of the loan instead of payment by a specific date, either from the rent owed for, or the production from, the property. While Yom Tov Assis found a few instances of pawnbroking in his examination of Jewish lending in Santa Coloma during the 1290s, 5 this was a rare occurrence in the notarial protocols under examination here. Almost all pledges that I have uncov-ered involved real property, although a handful of animal pledges did occur. The transactions variously named at times as deposicione , deposito , or comanda were investments. In format, these followed a standard notarial norm used throughout the Mediterranean world. The comanda contract was similar to the basic type of contract utilized in maritime commerce. 6 In Santa Coloma the intention of the deposito or comanda was limited, usu-ally involving a small to medium amount of grain or money. The loaned money or goods were clearly held temporarily by the debtor or holder, who normally promised to make repayment on demand, and perhaps


held the money or goods for a stated purpose. Quitclaims were the formal termination of a debt, which could be for a loan, credit sale, investment, or even legal settlement. Quitclaims provided written confirmation that a debt had been resolved, but such confirmations were relatively rare, at least when compared to the number of debts contracted each year. The infrequent recording of quitclaims indicates that the termination of a debt in written form was not normally necessary. In practice, the return of the debt instrument to the debtor terminated the transaction once the creditor had received repayment. A quitclaim could be required if a prob-lem occurred during the normal process, such as the disappearance of the debt instrument. The “official” copy existed within the notarial register, but the charter that the creditor possessed could be lost or damaged. Quitclaims could also be created when multiple loans were repaid, either partially or totally. There were 150 pledges, 170 investment ( depositicione , deposito , or comanda ) contracts, and 374 quitclaims.

Pledges

Document #13: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 161; Latin; February 25, 1294; Marginalia: canceled.

G. Ponz, iura, et uxor mea Ermesen, iura, de Sancta Columba debemus vobis Jucer Franc judeo Sancte Columbe xL sol[idi] Barch[inone] terni et tres quarterias frumenti ad mensuram Sancte Columbe pro quibus den[arii] et frumento mitimus inpignore vobis quasdam domus quae sunt in villa Sancte Columbe cum corallo conjunto cum eis et totum illud quod est extra conjunctum cum eis afrontat dicte domus de prima parte in via p[ub]lica de secunda cum illa domo quam iam tenetis in pignore pro iii migerias frumenti de tercia in janua ville de quarta in vallo ville et istud pignus mitimus vobis ab hodie usque ad tres annos. Ita quod nil de[be]mus vobis de fenore predictis den[arii] nec vobis nobis nil de loguerio et si forte tunc nolueritis in dicto pignore remanere ulterius quod positis forciare nos ad redimen-dum dictum pignus et si forte ibi feceritis aliquas missiones vel melioramenta vel census vel questia in dictis domibus quod sit saluum vobis super dictis domibus et cerdamini simplici verbo et si forte voluerimus facere domus in illo quod est iuxta portam ville quod possimus facere et manere ibi sine logerio salvis aliis debitis. iiii kalendas marcii. Testes ut supra.

We, G. Ponz who swears, and my wife, Ermesen, who swears, of Santa Coloma, owe to you Jucer Franc, Jew of Santa Coloma, 40 solidi of Barcelona and 3 quarters of wheat at the measure of Santa Coloma, for which money and wheat we give to you in pledge those houses, which are in the town of Santa Coloma with a corral adjoining them, and all those things which are outside adjoining with them. The said houses border on


the first side with the public street, on the second that house, which you hold now in pledge for 3 migerias of wheat, on the third the entrance of the town, on the fourth the town wall. And this pledge we give to you for three years from today, so that we owe nothing to you for the interest of the said money nor nothing from you to us for rent, and if by chance you do not then wish to remain in the said pledge longer, that you can force us to redeem the said pledge. And if by chance you should receive any charges or improvements or census or dues from the said houses then they should remain yours after the said houses. And you certify [this] by a simple word. And if by chance we wish to make a home in that one that is next to the gate of the town, then we can do it and abide there without rent, saving the other debts. 25th of February. Witnesses as above.

Document #14: AHT Fondo Notarial, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 013013v; Latin; April 24, 1304; Marginalia: canceled.

P. Amat et uxor mea Gracia, iura, de Sancta Columba debemus vobis Bonafos Abrae xxxv sol[idi] terni racione mutui solvere ad Scm. Michelem et extunc et obliga[m]us vobis specialiter quasdam domos nostras . . . ita quod possitis eis [vend-ere] vel inpignorare ex dicto termino in( fra scripta) si vobis non soluerimus predic-tum debitum et damus vobis fid[eiussor]es pro predictis R. Scafi et Ff. Fuster dicti loci. vi kalendas madii. T[estes] Jac. Ff., G. Feran.

We, Pere Amat and my wife, Gracia, who swears, of Santa Coloma, owe you Bonafos Abrae 35 solidi terni on account of a loan to be repaid on St. Michael’s and from then. And we obligate especially to you our houses . . . so that you can sell or pledge them after that period written herein if we do not repay to you the said debt, and for the aforesaid we give to you guarantors Ramon Scafi and Ferrar Fuster of the said place. 26th of April. Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Gerau Feran.

Debt Transfers

Document #15: AHT Fondo Notarial, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 85; Latin; December 9, 1293; Marginalia: vi, canceled.

P. de Paganeres civis Barchinone dono cedo vobis R. Zabater de Sancta Columba totum meum locum et ius raciones meos et cetera quem et quos posum facere vel movere contra Bonjudeu Astruc judeum Sancte Columbe ad exigendum et recuperandum abeo xxx et tres sol[idi] et iiii den[arii] et in octo sol[idi] et iiii den[arii] ex alia parte quos mihi debit cum instrumento facto per manum Ri. d’Altet. Item cedo vobis in omnibus aliis solucionibus quas mihi debtet facere suis temperibus et locis sicut continetur in eodem instrumento dicti debiti. Et positis


facere [perpetuum] apocham de soluto de dictis solucionibus. v idus decembris. Testes Bn. Sera et Domingo Boraz.

I, Pere de Paganeres, citizen of Barcelona, give and cede to you, Ramon Zabater of Santa Coloma, all my place and rights [over] my transactions, etc., that I can make and move against Bonjudeu Astruc, Jew of Santa Coloma, to resolve and recoup from him 33 solidi, 4 denarii [from one act] and 8 solidi, 4 denarii from another, which he owes to me with an instru-ment made by the hand of Ramon d’Altet. Thus, I cede to you all other payments that he ought to make in their time and place as is contained in that instrument of the said debt. And you can do [this] forever after from the payment of the said repayments. 9th of December. Witnesses Bernat Sera and Dominic Boraz.

Deposicione, and Comanda Contracts

Document #16: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 72v; Latin; October 27, 1304; Marginalia: i, canceled.

P. Roqueta et uxor mea Ga. de Sancta Columba tenemus in comanda a vobis P. Miro de Figerola xxvi sol[idi] quos vobis reddere promitimus quando a vobis fuerimus requisiti. Fide [ ].

We, Pere Roqueta and my wife, Ga. of Santa Coloma, hold in deposit from you Pere Miro of Figerola 26 solidi, which we promise to return to you whenever we are required by you. Guarantor [ ].

Document #17: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 18, Signum 3821, f. 12v; Latin; October 22, 1312; Marginalia: ii, canceled.

G. Vidal et eius uxor Ermesendis, iura, Bng. Zabater et eius uxor Maria, iura, de Sancta Columba confitemur et in veritate recognoscimus vobis Dulcie uxori condam Jacobi Cort dicti loci [..tenemus in comanda a vobis] sex migerias frumenti pulcri et recipientis ad mensuram Sancte Columbe reddere quandocumque a vobis fuimus requisiti obli. etc., xi kalendas novembr.

We, G. Vidal and his wife, Ermesen, who swears, Berenguer Zabater and his wife, Maria, who swears, of Santa Coloma confirm and in truth recognize to you Dulcia, wife of the deceased Jaume Cort of the said place, [that] we hold in deposit from you 6 migerias of fine wheat, received at the measure of Santa Coloma, to [be] returned whenever we are asked by you, obligated, etc. 22nd of October.

Quitclaims

Document #18: AHT Fondo Notarial, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 14v; Latin; July 23, 1293; Marginalia: canceled.


Esclarmonda filia condam Giamone zaCanela confiteor vobis Balagario zaCanela fratri meo quod sum bene pacatum a vobis de quodam debito xC sol[idi] Barch[inone] terni quod mihi debevatis cum instrumento quod instrumentum ego teneo et illud reddam vobis. x kalendas agusti. T[estes] Bn. Sera et En Roqueta.

I, Esclarmonda, daughter of Giamona zaCanela, deceased, confirm to you Balaguer zaCanela, my brother, that I am well resolved by you for that certain debt of 90 solidi terni of Barcelona that you owed to me with a [debt] instrument. Which instrument I hold and will return to you. 23rd of July. Witnesses Bernat Sera and En Roqueta.

Land Transactions

Contracts involving the transfer of real property, not including pledges, had their own format. Land transfers through sales, leases, or grants required that the property itself be defined clearly. The location; bor-ders, by identifying the property neighbors; terms of landholding; and rents and dues owed were documented. In addition, the full sale price and confirmation by the overlord of the property, or more normally, the overlord’s agent, was recorded. Leases or rentals followed the same format, although these included the time limit of the lease among the listed information. There were 98 property sales, 38 rental leases, and 82 grants.

Property Sales

Document #19: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 57A; Latin; September 14, 1304; Marginalia: canceled.

P. den Ramonet et uxor mea Guilla., iur[a], de Sancta Columba vendimus vobis G. Zaquar de Sancta Columba in perpetuum quoddam trocium terre nos-trum quod abemus in termino Sancte Columbe in loco vocato alaGardia afrontat cum terra Ri. Scafi et cum En Garsio et cum Bartolomeo Pelicer cum ingresibus etc. precio centum quinquaginta sol[idi] terni cum tercio dominorum quos habuimus etc. et si plus valet, etc. et faciatis domino Petro de Queralto quolibet anno in festo S[anc]te M[ari]e Aug[ust]i unam puyeriam frumenti et aliam ordei ad mensuram Sancte Columbe et nullum alium censum inde faciatis etc. tenere etc. et si plus valet etc. obli. etc. firmaverunt Bn. Fferran procurator et G. de Sancta Columba castlanus salvo jure nostro in omnibus. T[estes] Jac. Ff., Bonanatus de Muntayola, G. Feran dies ut supra.

We, Pere den Ramonet and my wife, Guilelma, who swears, of Santa Coloma sell to you G. Zaquar of Santa Coloma, forever, our certain tract of land, which we have in the territory of Santa Coloma in the


place called alaGardia, bordering with the land of Ramon Scafi and with Master Garsio and with Bartolomeo Pelicer, with entries etc. [for] the price of 150 solidi with the one-third of the lords, which we have, etc. And if it is better valued, etc. And you should give to the lord Pere de Queralt every year on the Feast of Santa Maria of August, one puñeria of wheat and another of barley at the measure of Santa Coloma, and you should give no other dues etc., to hold etc., and if it is better valued etc., obligated etc. Bernat Ferran, procurator, and Guilelm of Santa Columba, castellan, have approved saving our rights in everything. Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Bonanat de Muntayola, Gerau Ferran. Date as above.

Rentals/Leases

Document #20: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 163; Latin; March 1, 1294; Marginalia: ii, canceled.

Jacobus de Angularia et Bartolomeu Cugul and P. de Muntaiola conducimus vobis Brio. de Fuilosa et Jacobo de Berga carnicenis Cervarie unam tabulam, primam quae fuit d’En Falco, quae est in carneciria Sancte Columbe pro xL et vii sol[idi] Barch[inone] terni et dictam tabulam conducimus vobis ab hodie usque ad unum annum et quod solvatis nobis de predictis den[arii] xx sol[idi] in primo venturo festo Pasche et residum in capite anni et est fideiussor pro dictis den[arii] Brius. den Ramonet. Kalendas marcii. Testes Bn. Sera et Bn. Morato.

We, Jaume de Angularia and Bartolomeu Cugul and Pere de Muntayola, rent to you Berenguer de Fuilosa and Jaume de Berga, butch-ers of Cervera, a stall that is in the butcher’s market of Santa Coloma, the first one that used to be En Falco’s, for 47 solidi of Barcelona. And the said stall we rent to you for one year from today that you should pay to us of the said money-rent 20 solidi on the first approaching feast of Easter and the remainder at the end of the year. And the guarantor for the said money is Berenguer den Ramonet. 1st of March. Witnesses Bernat Sera and Bernat Morato.

Document #21: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 104; Latin; January 3, 1304; Marginalia: ii. P. Bru et uxor mea Bnga., iur[a], de Sancta Columba vendimus vobis Izach de Montealbo, Jac. Segarra et Jac. de Claret dicti loci quoddam trocium terre nostrum quod est alCol de Minofre afrontat cum En Garsio et cum via et in vinea nostra. Predictum trocium terre vobis vendimus a festo S[anc]te M[ari]e Aug[ust]i ad iii annos precio xviii sol[idi] terni quos habuimus etc. ad faciendum ibi safranum vel bladum quicqui vobis magis pacuerit tenere etc. obli. etc. dies ut supra.

We, Pere Bru and my wife, Berenguera, who swears, of Santa Coloma, sell to you Isaac de Montealbo, 7 Jaume Segarra, and Jaume de Claret of


the said place our certain tract of land which is alCol de Minofre, border-ing with Master Garsio and with the road and with our vineyard. We sell the foresaid tract of land to you for three years from the Feast of Santa Maria of August [for] the price of 18 solidi, which we have, etc. for the purpose of producing there saffron or grain, whichever is more pleasing to you, to hold etc., obligated etc. Date as above.

Grants

Document #22: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 5A; Latin, April 7, 1304; Marginalia: canceled.

G. zaCirera miles dono et stabilio vobis Bn. de Claret de Sancta Columba quoddam trociolum terre ad faciendum et construendum ibi quoddam columbar-ium prout videbitur faciendum exabisso usque ad celos quod trociolum terre est de dominicatura nostra sicut afrontat de omnibus partibus in dominicatura nostra pre-dicta et faciatis nobis de censu due paria columbarum quolibet anno in festo S[anc]te M[ari]e Aug[ust]i tenere etc. et si plus etc. et nullum censum etc. obli. etc. T[estes] Jac. Ff., Bort Soler, Jac Segarra. vii idus aprilis.

I, Guilelm zaCirera, knight, donate and establish to you Bernat de Claret of Santa Coloma a certain little tract of land to make and construct there a dovecot as it seems right to be made from the ground to the sky, which little tract of land is from our lordship. Thus it borders on all sides with our foresaid lordship. And you should give to us concerning rent two pairs of doves every year on the Feast of Santa Maria of August, to hold etc., and if better etc., and no [other] rent etc., obligated etc. Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Bort Soler, Jaume Segarra. 7th of April.

Miscellaneous Records

Although the examples provided above are the most typical document types that the notaries of Santa Coloma included in the protocols, the scribes also recorded a variety of other transactions. Legal documents involving debt default and contracts concerning employment and apprenticeship were recorded each year by the notaries in the form of inquests. One type, discussed in chapter 4 , detailed the investigation of debt default. In addition to the full inquest record, an example of which is given below, the complaints of creditors by means of protestatus and as well as the forfeiture-sale contracts of property could be documented. Marriage arrangements incorporated a complex set of recorded exchanges for the people of Santa Coloma. These could include the grant of pat-rimonial property to the groom or bride by their family, the exchange of dowry, known as dos , and spousal gift, called sponsalicium , between


the parties, and debt contracts recording the amounts owed for these exchanges with terms of payment. In fact, the type of marriage docu-ments in the Santa Coloma notarial protocols were entirely dependent upon the unique circumstances of each marriage. Finally, labor-related documents in the notarial protocols included apprenticeship contracts and a few other transactions demonstrating the variety of work performed by the inhabitants of Santa Coloma. The apprenticeship contracts noted the duties required of both apprentice and master, the length of time the con-tract would remain in effect, and the compensation owed between the parties. Sometimes a person entered into the contract on the behalf of a family member, at other times, the apprentice made the contract himself or herself. Both men and women were involved as apprentices and craft masters. There were 15 inquest ands seven formal forfeitures of property after inquests, 176 records directly connected to marriage arrangements, and 27 employment contracts and apprenticeship agreements.

Marriage Contracts

Document #23: AHT Fondo Notarial, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 98v; Latin; January 2, 1305; Marginalia: canceled.

P. de Focenzes et uxor mea Ramoneta de Sancta Columba debemus tibi Guillo. Mulet filio Jacobi Mulet dicti loci DCL sol[idi] terni racione dotis quam vobis dare promisimus tempore nupciarum cum Benvenguda filia nostra et uxore vestra de quibus vobis solvere promitimus modo incontinenti CCC sol[idi] et in festo natalis C sol[idi] et sic de festo in festum natalis domini C sol[idi] et in ultima solucione per termines subsequentes L sol[idi]. Fid[eiussor]es Bng. Ff., Periconus de Vilagrassa Sancte Columbe qui obli. etc. T[estes] dies ut supra, iiii nonas januarii.

We, Pere de Focenzes and my wife, Ramoneta, of Santa Coloma, owe you, Guilelm Mulet, son of Jaume Mulet of the said place, 650 solidi terni on account of the dowry which we had promised to give to you at the time of [your] wedding with Benvenguda, our daughter and your wife, of which we promise to pay you 300 solidi immediately, and on the Feast of the [Lord’s] birth 100 solidi , and thus from feast to feast of the Lord’s birth 100 solidi, and on the last payment after the earlier periods 50 solidi. Guarantors Berengar Ferrar, Perico de Vilagrassa of Santa Coloma, who [are] obliged, etc. Witnesses, day as above, 2nd of January.

Inquests

Document #24: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 70v–71; Latin; October 21, 1304; Marginalia: canceled.


Quod ego Bn. de Meyans baiulus nobilis Peti. de Queralt in Sancta Columba inquietatus querelis et demandis asiduis quas creditores de Na Mieta filie [de ten-tritis] bonorum q. fuer[unt] P. de Concabela condam et Saurina [ . . . ] coram me proponebant unde cum dicta bona dicte Miete sint obligata P. Denarii [et] uxoris eius de Sancta Columba in xx et unum sol[idi] qui ei debentur in dictis bonis cum publico instrumento et P. Bovet de Cervaria centum sol[idi] et [ . . . ] aliis creditoribus dicta bona sint obligata in multis et diversis quantitatibus debitorum eis debitis per dictam Mietam et per parentis eius prout per publica instrumenta q. coram mei presencia producebant et manifeste aparebat. Et cum ad presens non pos-sim invenire bona mobilia dicte Miete in villa seu termini de Sancta Columba de quibus possim dictis creditoribus in quantitatibus eis debitis per dictam Mietam vel parentes eius condam satisfacere ut deberem nec possim [etiam] de esse q. relantibus seu clamantibus in suo jure deficere [ullo] modo. Ideo habito consilio sapientum et procerum super predictis quod non poteram invenire in bonis dicte Miete bona inmobilia minus ei notibilia q. vendere possem pro predictis debitis exsolvendis dictis creditoribus quam quandam planam suam inferius afrontatum. Ideo dictam planam prius dato dicte Miete ei tempore legitimo pro bonis sedentibus vendedis plus. Etiam quam jus exigat seu depostat [preconizari] semel bis et [ . . . ] et pluries feci per villam Sancte Columbe per sagionem [pu.] dicti loci prout [sollepritas] juris requirit et depostit ut plus oferenti daretur et facta legitima subastacione et [sollepui.] de dicta sorte terre cum non sit in hoc [ . . . ] aliquis a quo possit fieri dicta vendicio tucius quam a me sedenti pro tribunali et a quo fieri de jure potest quia maius precium invenire non pecuimus ab aliquo a Jacobo Segara dicti loci. Ideo dictam vendicionem dicte plane dicto Jacobo Segara tanquam plus oferenti feci in hunc modum. Sic notum [ . . . ] eorum ego Bn. de Meyans baiulus Sancte Columbe pro nobili domino P. de Queralto per me et actoritate dicte baiule qua fungor in hac parte vendo, dono et corporaliter trado vobis Jacobo Segara de Sancta Columba quandam sortem terre q. fuit de Na Mieta q. est in termino Sancte Columbe in loco vocato plana de Na Conquabela afrontat cum terra ecclesie Sancte Columbe et in aqua q. discurit dels Feriols et in itinere quod itur apud VillamFrancham et est de fraquesia domini Pi. de Queralto [sicut t.] etc. precio quadraginta quinqui sol[idi] Barch[inona] terni cum tercio domini Pi. de Queralto quod habui etc. Et si plus valet etc. Et teneamini dare quintam partem omnium expeltorum q. deus ibi dederit dicto domino Peto. de Queralto in garbo vel grano et nullum alium censum inde faciatis unde pro guarentia eviccione et salvitate inde vobis et vestris facienda obligo vobis actoritate dicte baiule omnia bona Miete mobilia et inmobilia etc. xii kalendas novembr. T[estes] Jac. Ff., G. Feran, Bn. de Claret.

That I, Bernat de Meyans, baiulus of the noble Pere de Queralt in Santa Coloma, having inquired of the complaints and assiduous demands that the creditors of Na Mieta, daughter and holder of the goods of Pere and Saurina de Concabela, deceased, proposed to me: such that the said goods of the said Mieta are obliged to Pere Denarii and his wife of Santa


Coloma in 21 solidi, which are owed to them in the said goods with a public instrument, and Pere Bovet of Cervera 100 solidi and . . . of the other creditors the said goods are obliged in many and diverse quantities of debts owed to [the other creditors] by the said Mieta and by her par-ents, according to the public instruments that [the creditors] produced in my presence and appear clear. And when, at the present, I could not f ind movable goods of the said Mieta in the village or territory of Santa Coloma from which I could satisfy the said creditors in the quantities owed to them by the said Mieta or her deceased parents, as I ought to, but cannot, which with complaints upon their rights [the creditors are] in this way denied. Therefore, the wise and leading men know of, concerning the aforesaid that I was not able to f ind in the goods of the said Mieta, lesser immovable goods known to them, which I could sell for the resolution to the said creditors of the aforesaid debts, which is the lower border of her plain, the said plain previously in the legacy of the said Mieta, with time enough, to her, for the best sedentary goods to be sold. Thus, the law ascertains and demands to be decried to one and all, which I did throughout the village of Santa Coloma by the wise men of the said place, as is required and demanded by the law, so that the best offer is given and legitimately substantiated . . . about the said piece of land when it is not in this . . . of anything by which the said sale can be done, touching that with me seated as the judge and that can be done by law, because the best price, not lucrative to anyone, is found from Jaume Segara of the said place. Therefore, in this way, I made the said sale of the said plain to the said Jaume Segara as the best offer. Thus the notice . . . of them, I, Bernat de Meyans, baiulus of Santa Coloma for the noble lord Pere de Queralt, by my [authority] and the authority of the said baiule, which I execute in this area, I sell, donate, and handover entirely to you, Jaume Segara of Santa Coloma, that piece of land which was Na Mieta’s, [and] which is in the territory of Santa Coloma in the place called the plain of Na Concabela, bordered by the land of the church of Santa Coloma, and by the water that runs from Feriols, and by the path that goes to Vilafranca, and [that] is part of the freehold of the lord Pere de Queralt . . . etc. for the price of 45 solidi terni of Barcelona, with a third to the lord Pere de Queralt, which I have. And, if the value is more, etc. And, you must give to the said lord Pere de Queralt in rent and dues a f ifth part of all produce that God will give there, and no other dues. In this way you have done, where for guarantee of eviction and safety being made, I oblige to you and yours, with the authority of the said baiule , all the goods of Mieta, movables and immovables, etc. 21st of October. Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Gerau Feran, Bernat de Claret.


Employment Contracts

Document #25: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 10, Signum 3812, f. 38; Latin; July 25, 1304; Marginalia: none.

P. Vila, iur[a], afirmo me cum vobis nobili Francischa de Queralto hinc ad unum annum ad tenendum fumum Sancte Columbe et quod faciam vobis bene diligenter servicium dicti fumi ut consuetum est et quod est coquam bene panem hominibus et feminis Sancte Columbe ac etiam extrannis et etiam quibuscumque omnibus aliis personis et quod ero vobis bonus fidelis in dicto fumo. Et nos dicta domina Fransicha recipimus vos dictum P. Vila ad faciendum dictum servicium in dicto fumo pro labore vestro seu solidata promitimus vobis dare singulis diebus iii obelos quas tenemur vobis solvere similiter singulis diebus obli. etc. T[estes] Jac. Ff., Bn. d’Angera.

I, Pere Vila who swears, affirm myself to you the noble Francesca de Queralt, today for one year, to hold the oven of Santa Coloma, and that I will give to you good, diligent service at the said oven as is the custom, which is to cook well the bread of the men and women of Santa Coloma and also of strangers or all other people whatsoever, and that I will be good of faith to you for the said oven. And we, Lady Francesca, accept you the said Pere Vila to give the said service at the said oven. For your labor as salary we promise to give to you every single day 3 obels , 8 which same we have to pay to you every single day, obligated, etc. Witnesses Jaume Ferrer, Bernat d’Anguera.

Apprenticeship Agreements

Document #26: AHT Fondo Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt, Capsa 4, Signum 3804, f. 137; Latin; January 27, 1294; Marginalia: ii, canceled.

G. Feran dez Pra[tz pro]mito et afir[mo] vobis Bartolomeo Fililes de Sancta ColumbaGuillem de Talcines neptem meum ad ministerum vestrum de Zabatera ab hodie usque ad iiii annos completos et vos faciatis sibi sua necessaria in victu et vestitu et si forte recederet a vobis sine licencia vestra quod positis eum capi ubique per dicipulum vestrum cum lucro quod fecerit instrumentum. Et ego Bartolomeus promito vobis G. Ferran quod doceam bene et fideliter dictum Guilem ministerum meum secundum scienciam et injenium meum [ . . . ] ego G. de Talcines, iura, promito vobis Bartolomeo quod ero bonus et fideliter vobis et obedientem et quilibet obligat se et omnia bona sua. vi kalendas febrii. Fide R. de Talcines. Testes Bn. Sera, Fferrerius de Manso de Talcines et P. Mercer.

I, G. Feran of Pratz, promise and affirm to you, Bartolomeo Fililes of Santa Coloma, Guilelm de Talcines, my nephew, as your apprentice of shoemaking for four full years from today, and you will give him


his necessities of food and clothing. And if by chance he should leave you without your consent, then you may seize him anywhere, since this instrument makes him your obligated apprentice. And I, Bartolomeo, promise to you, G. Feran, that I will teach Guilelm well and faithfully my profession according to my knowledge and skill [ . . . ] I, Guilelm de Talcines, who swears, promise to you, Bartolomeo, that I will be good, faithful, and obedient to you. And everyone obligates themselves and all their goods. 27th of January. Guarantor Ramon de Talcines. Witnesses Bernat Sera, Ferrer de Manso de Talcines, and Pere Mercer.

NOTES

Introduction

1 . See James Masschaele, Peasants, Merchants, and Markets: Inland Trade in Medieval England, 1150–1350 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1997); S. R. Epstein, “Town and Country: Economy and Institutions in Late Medieval Italy,” Economic History Review, n.s. 46, no. 3 (1993): 453–77; Kathryn Reyerson, The Art of the Deal: Intermediaries of Trade in Medieval Montpellier (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2002); John Drendel, “Notarial Practice in Rural Provence in the Early Fourteenth Century,” in Urban and Rural Communities in Medieval France: Provence and Languedoc, 1000–1500 , ed. Kathryn Reyerson and John Drendel (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1998), 209–235; Mark D. Meyerson, Jews in an Iberian Frontier Kingdom : Society, Economy and Politics in Morvedre (1248–1391) (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2004); and Teofilo F. Ruiz, “Trading with the ‘Other’: Economic Exchanges between Muslims, Jews, and Christians in late Medieval Northern Castile,” in Medieval Spain: Culture, Conflict and Coexistence. Studies in Honour of Angus MacKay , ed. Roger Collins and Anthony Goodman (Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 63–78.

2 . For example, Georges Duby, La société aux XIe et XIIe siècles dans la région mâconnaise (Paris: A. Colin, 1953); Maryanne Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1995); and Quentin Van Doosselaere, Commercial Agreements and Social Dynamics in Medieval Genoa (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2009).

3 . Gabriel Secall i Güell, La comunitat hebrea de Santa Coloma de Queralt (Tarragona, Spain: Diputació Provincial de Tarragona, 1986); Yom Tov Assis, The Jews of Santa Coloma de Queralt ( Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1988); and Gerard Carcellar i Barrabeig, La Baronia de Queralt al segle XV (Montblanc: Consell Comarcal de la Conca de Barber, 1998).

4 . Marc Bloch, Rois et serfs: Un chapitre d’histoire capétienne , (Paris: É. Champion, 1920); idem, Les caractères originaux de l’histoire rural française , 2nd ed. (Paris: A. Colin, 1952), translated as French Rural History: An Essay on Its Basic Characteristics , trans. Janet Sondheimer, (Berkeley: University of California

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Press, 1966); and idem, La société féodale , 2 vols. (Paris: A. Michel, 1939–1940) translated as Feudal Society , 2 vols. trans. L. A. Manyon (Chicago: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1961).

5 . Marc Bloch, “ Le probleme de l’or au Moyen Age ,” Annales d’histoire economique et sociale , 4 (1933): 1–34 and his posthumous Esquisse d’une histoire monetaire de l’Europe , (Paris: A. Colin, 1954).

6 . Georges Duby, L’économie rurale et la vie des campagnes dans l’occident médiéval , 2 vols. (Paris: Aubier, 1962), see vol. 1, 220–274; Robert Fossier, Peasant Life in the Medieval West , trans. Juliet Vale (London Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988).

7 . J. Ambrose Raftis, Tenure and Mobility, Studies in the Social History of the Medieval English Village (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1964). A critique of Raftis and the use of court rolls for rural studies can be found in Zvi Razi, “The Toronto School’s Reconstitution of Medieval Peasant Society: A Critical View,” Past and Present 85 (November 1979): 141–157, although the lack of interest in commerce is not part of his argument there, nor in his own work, “Family, Land and the Village Community in Later Medieval England,” Past and Present 93 (November 1981): 3–36. Kathleen Biddick examines some of the possibilities to be gained from considering market activity and the lives of peasants in “Missing Links: Taxable Wealth, Markets, and Stratification among Medieval English Peasants,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18:2 (Fall 1987): 277–298.

8 . José Angel Garcia de Cortázar, La sociedad rural en al España Medieval (Madrid: Siglo Veintiuno de España Editores, 1988). Historians of rural Spain tend to focus on shifts in seigneurial institutions, see A. Altisent, Les granges de Poblet al segle XV. Assaig d’història agrària d’unes granges cister-cenques catalanes , (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1972) and idem, “ Un poble de la Catalunya Nova els segles XI y XII: L’Espulga de Francoli de 1079 a 1200, ” Annuario de Estudios Medievales , 3 (1966): 131–214; Pierre Bonnassie, La Catalogne du milieu du Xe à la fin du XIe siècle: Croissance et mutations d’une société , 2 vols. (Toulouse: Association des Publications de l’Université de Toulouse—Le Mirail, 1975–1976); Paul Freedman, The Origins of Peasant Servitude in Medieval Catalonia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991); Eduardo de Hinojosa, El régimen señorial y la cuestión agraria en Cataluña durante la Edad Media (Madrid: Victoriano Suarez, 1905); and Jaime Vicens Vives, Historia de los remensas en el siglo XV (Barcelona: Instituto Jerónimo Zurita, 1945).

9 . Some of the demographic consequences and effects of migration on the settlements of Old Castile stemming from the re-conquest are examined by Teofilo F. Ruiz, Crisis and Continuity: Land and Town in Late Medieval Castile (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1994).

10 . Jaime Vicens Vives, An Economic History of Spain , trans. Frances M. López-Morillas (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969) 155–288.

11 . Richard H. Britnell, “Commercialisation and Economic Development in England, 1000–1300” and Bruce M. S. Campbell, “Measuring the

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Commercialisation of Seigneurial Agriculture c. 1300” in A Commercialising Economy: England 1086 to c. 1300 , ed. Richard H. Britnell and Bruce M. S Campbell (Manchester: Manchester University Press, 1995) 7–26 and 132–193, respectively.

12 . See the collection of studies in Simonetta Cavaciocchi, ed., Fiere e mer-cati nella integrazione delle economie europee secc. XIII–XVIII (Florence: Le Monnier, 2001) and in Maurice Berthe, ed., Endettement Paysan & Crédit Rural dans l’Europe médiévale et moderne (Toulouse: Presses Universitaires du Mirail, 1998).

13 . Manuel Sánchez Martínez, “ Algunas consideracion sobre el crédito el la Cataluña medieval, ” Barcelona quaderns d’història 13 (2007): 9–26; Carles Vela i Aulesa, “ Les compravendes al detall i a crèdit en el món artesá: El cas dels especiers i els candelers ,” Barcelona—quaderns d’història 13 (2007): 131–55.

14 . Henri Pirenne in Economic and Social History of Medieval Europe , trans. I. E. Clegg (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1936) argued consistently for the role of merchants and financiers, especially from Italy and Flanders, as the originators of the modern capital economy. Robert S. Lopez, The Commercial Revolution of the Middle Ages, 950–1350 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1971) continued this interpretation and argued that the eleventh and twelfth centuries especially experienced the sharp commercial growth and development that established the founda-tion of modern commercial practice. For both, significant developments were made by Christians, based in urban communities, involving long-distance trade and trade goods.

15 . R. H. Hilton, “Capitalism—What’s in a Name?” Past and Present 1 (February 1952): 32–43 argues that the proponents of mercantile capital-ism use the term in an extremely nebulous fashion and, in the end, do not really present a basis for considering merchant wealth as a true form of capitalism, arguing that political and social developments of feudal Europe counteracted the economic forces stemming from this accumula-tion of wealth, impeding capitalist development until the crises of the fifteenth century.

16 . Henri Pirenne, Medieval Cities: Their Origins and the Revival of Trade , trans. Frank D. Halsey (Princeton: Princton University Press, 1969, [reprint of 1952]), 222.

17 . Ibid., 224. 18 . Raymond de Roover, Money, Banking and Credit (Cambridge, MA:

Mediaeval Academy of America, 1948) 11. 19 . Pirenne, Medieval Cities , pp. 93 and 100; Hilton, “Medieval Market Towns

and Simple Commodity Production,” Past and Present 109 (November 1985): 3–23; Epstein, “Regional Fairs, Institutional Innovation, and Economic Growth in Late Medieval Europe,” The Economic History Review , n.s., 47: 3 (August 1994): 459–482; and David Nicholas, “Of Poverty and Primacy: Demand, Liquidity, and Flemish Economic Miracle, 1050–1200,” The American Historical Review , 96:1 (February, 1991): 17–41.

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20 . A few examples of the studies which examine medieval urban capital-ism include Georges Espinas, La vie urbaine de Douai au moyen-âge (Paris: Libraires des Archives Nationales et de la Societe de I’Ecoles des Chartes, 1913); James W. Thompson, Economic and Social History of Europe in the Later Middle Ages (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1958); and John H. Munro, Textiles, Towns and Trade: Essays in the Economic History of Late-Medieval England and the Low Countries (Brookfield, VT: Variorum, 1994). S. R. Epstein in “Cities, Regions, and the Late Middle Ages: Sicily and Tuscany Compared,” Past and Present 130 (February 1991): 3–50, updates this approach focusing specifically on Italy, both urban and agrarian, as a response to Robert Brenner’s thesis concerning the roots of agrarian capitalism.

21 . Robert Brenner, “Agrarian Class Structure and Economic Development in Pre-Industrial Europe,” Past and Present 70 (February 1976): 30–75; and “The Agrarian Roots of European Capitalism,” Past and Present 97 (November 1982): 16–113.

22 . Hug Palou i Miquel, Els ‘libri notularum’ de Santa Coloma de Queralt (1240–1262) . 2 vols. Acta Notariorum Cataloniae (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 2009–2010) provides the first publicly available version of the pre-notarial manuscript from Santa Coloma for the years 1240–1262.

23 . Arxiu Històric de Tarragona, Fons Notarials, Santa Coloma de Queralt. The few gaps between 1288 and 1348 include two protocols for 1290–1292, three protocols for 1300–1303, and one protocol for 1328–1329.

24 . Vicens Vives, Economic History , 201–213; Thomas N. Bisson, The Medieval Crown of Aragon, A Short History (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1986), 72–80,86–103; David Abulafia, A Mediterranean Emporium: The Catalan Kingdom of Majorca (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994), 50–56; and idem, “Catalan Merchants and the Western Mediterranean, 1236–1300: Studies in the Notarial Acts of Barcelona and Sicily,” Viator 16 (1985): 209–242.

25 . Pierre Michaud-Quantin defines villa as a rural community ( universitas) as opposed to the municipal neighborhood ( vicus) or military settlement ( cas-trum) in Universitas: Expressions du mouvement communautaire dans le moyen-âge latin (Paris: J. Vrin, 1970), 124–127. The curia, or village council, was a communal body subordinate to the lord, pp. 141–142.

26 . The legal and social aspects of rural community can be found in Susan Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe 900–1300 , 2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); Donald Matthew, The Medieval European Community (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1977); Edward Britnell Britton, The Community of the Villa Vill: A Study in the History of the Family and Village Life in Fourteenth Century England (Toronto: Macmillan of Canada, 1997); Anne Reiber DeWindt, “Redefining the Peasant Community in Medieval England: The Regional Perspective,” Journal of British Studies 26:2 (April 1987): 163–207; Christopher Dyer, “The English Medieval Village Community and Its Decline,” Journal of British Studies 33:4 (October 1994): 407–429; P. Guichard, “ Les communautés

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rurales en Catalogne et dans le Pays Valencien (IXe milieu XIVe siècle), ” Les com-munautés villageoises en Europe occidentale du Moyen Age aux Temps modernes . Flaran , 4. (Auch France: Comité départemental du tourisme du Gers, 1984): 79–115; Frederic L. Cheyette, Lordship and Community in Medieval Europe (New York: Robert E. Krieger, 1968); Authority and Community in the Middle Ages , ed Donald Mowbray, Rhiannon Purdie, and Ian Wei, (Stroud, UK: Sutton, 1999); and Zvi Razi, “Family, Land, and the Village Community.” Some work has been done examining the development of community in terms of trade and markets, see David Gary Shaw, The Creation of a Community: The City of Wells in the Middle Ages (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993) and in an early medieval study Wendy Davies, Small Worlds: The Village Community in Early Medieval Brittany (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988).

1 Town, Country, and Lordship

1. Bisson, Medieval Crown , 23–28. Bisson’s bibliography is especially useful, 204–208.

2. Joan Segura i Valls, Història de Santa Coloma de Queralt , edited by Joaquim Segura Lamich (Vic, Igualada, Spain: Pere Bas i Vich Printing, 1953 reprint of 1876), 22. Segura i Valls, as the town’s nineteenth-century amateur historian, traced the origin of Santa Coloma de Queralt back to the Roman period. He believed that the settlement Creseus in the northeast section of Hispania mentioned by Ptolemy was the Roman Santa Coloma de Queralt. This identification, however, as well the attachment of Santa Coloma de Queralt to the legends and stories describing the campaign of Louis the Pious in a.d. 802, are not supported by clear docu-mentary or archeological evidence, 1–3.

3. El ‘Llibre Blanch’ de Santas Creus, Cartulario del siglo XII , Federico Udina Martorell, ed. (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1947), doc. #7, 7–8.

4. Bisson, Medieval Crown , 31–35 and Soldevila, Història , pp. 126–146. On the general expansion of Christian-controlled territory in the twelfth cen-tury, see Josep M. Salrach, El procés de feudalització , História de Catalunya, vol. 2, Pierre Vilar, ed. (Barcelona: Edicions 62, 1989), 372–377; also Angus MacKay, Spain in the Middle Ages: From Frontier to Empire, 1000–1500 , (London New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1977), 26–35.

5. See Bisson, Medieval Crown , 58–103; J. N. Hillgarth, The Spanish Kingdoms, 1250–1516 , vol. 1 (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1976), 233–286; and Abulafia, The Western Mediterranean Kingdoms , 28–56 and 82–104.

6. The challenge to the concept of “feudal” society, system, or “ism” so ably made by Elizabeth A. R. Brown in “The Tyranny of a Construct: Feudalism and Historians of Medieval Europe,” American Historical Review 79, no. 4 (1974): 1063–88, is not the intended topic of this section. The growth of authority under the counts of Barcelona in the eleventh and twelfth centuries simply ref lects a comital supremacy—partly effective

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and partly theoretical—governing the relationship of the count with viscounts and castellans across Catalonia. The issues of “feudal” Catalonia described by Pierre Bonnassie, in La Catalogne du milieu du Xe à la fin du XIe siècle. Croissance et mutations d’une Société . (Toulouse: Association des Publications de l’Université de Toulouse—Le Mirail, 1975–1976) and more broadly in From Slavery to Feudalism in South-Western Europe , trans. Jean Birrell (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991), has been modi-fied somewhat by Bisson, “The Problem of Feudal Monarchy: Aragon, Catalonia, and France,” Speculum 53, no. 3 (1978): 460–78. What exactly “feudal” describes for high medieval Catalonia, or Europe generally, is still unclear despite Bisson’s discussion in “‘The Feudal Revolution,’” Past and Present 142 (Feb. 1994): 6–42, and “‘The Feudal Revolution’: Reply,” Past and Present 155 (1997). The responses to Bisson’s arguments demon-strate that change in Europe, often described as revolution, differ signifi-cantly in time, place, and interpretation. See Dominique Barthélemy and Stephen White, “Debate: ‘the Feudal Revolution’,” Past and Present 152 (Aug. 1996): 196–223. Timothy Reuter and Chris Wickham, “Debate: ‘the Feudal Revolution’,” Past and Present 155 (1997): 177–207.

7. Vicens Vives, Economic History , 187–188. 8. Ibid., 201–214; Bensch, Barcelona and Its Rulers , 277–346; André E. Sayous,

Els Mètodes Comercials a la Barcelona Medieval (Barcelona: Editorial Base, 1975); Arcadi García i Sanz, and Josep M. Madurell i Marimon, Societats Mercantils a Barcelona . (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 1986). In “Catalan Merchants and the Western Mediterranean, 1236–1300: Studies in the Notarial Acts of Barcelona and Sicily,” Viator 16 (1985): 209–42, David Abulafia examines the extensive activity of Barcelona merchants within Sicilian notarial records. Claude Carrère focuses on the later decline of Barcelona in Barcelone: Centre Économique à l’époque des difficultés, 1380 – 1462 (Paris: La Haye, Mouton et Cie, 1967).

9. Bensch argues that this formation of a contado , which did not suffice in the long term to feed the city, also differed from other models of medieval urban development as it served primarily to support a group of new men, the patriciate, who rose to prominence partly through their networks of property control and exchange within the walls of the city and without. See Barcelona and Its Rulers , 283–284.

10. Bisson, Medieval Crown , 76. 11. Ibid., 76–78; see also Vicens Vives, Economic History , 215–217 and

Abulafia, “Catalan Merchants and the Western Mediterranean.” The Catalan merchant and naval f leet continued to grow into a major force in the Mediterranean by the last two decades of the thirteenth century under royal patronage, see Lawrence V. Mott, Sea Power in the Medieval Mediterranean: The Catalan-Aragonese Fleet in the War of the Sicilian Vespers (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2003).

12. Vicen Vives, Economic History , 203–206; Bisson, Medieval Crown , 93–94. 13. Vicens Vives, Economic History , 199–200. 14. Ibid., 197–199.

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15. Segura i Valls, Història de Santa Coloma , 23–27. 16. Ibid., 52. 17. The topographic information provided in this section and on map 2 is

based upon the Mapa comarcal de Catalunya (1:50,000) series by the Institut Cartogràfic de Catalunya, specifically: #6 Anoia, 2nd ed. (October 2000); #16 Conca de Barberà (April 2000); and #32 Segarra, 3rd ed. (December 2001).

18. Catalunya Romànica , vol. 21, 425. 19. Ibid., 426; Marina Miquel, Josep Santesmases and Dolors Saumell, El

castells del Gaía , (Valls: Spain: Cossetània Edicions, 1999), 6–7. 20. Redondo García, Esther, ed. El Fogatjament General de Catalunya de 1378 .

(Barcelona: Consell Superior d’Investigacions Científiques, 2002), 48. 21. José Iglesies Fort, ed. El Fogaje de 1365–1370. Contribución al conocimiento

de la población de Cataluña en la segunda mitad del siglo XIV . (Barcelona: Real Academia de Ciencias y Artes de Barcelona, 1962), 327–331 for commu-nities within the vegueria of Montblanch and for Cervera.

22. Esther Redondo García, ed. El Fogatjament General de Catalunya de 1378 , 376–377 for the communities in the vegueria of Montblanch, and 381–383 for those in the vegueria of Cervera. Próspero de Bofarull y Mascaró, Censo de Cataluña , (Barcelona 1856) mistakenly identified the 1378 cen-sus as that of the year 1359, but his numbers match those in Redondo Gracia’s edition for the most part.

23. Vicens Vives, Economic History , p. 176 argues for a population in Catalonia of 450,000 in the late thirteenth century and also in the census after 1359. Bisson, Medieval Crown , 163–165 argues that Vicens Vives underestimated by about 25 percent, he counts over 500,000 inhabitants in Catalonia.

24. Robert S. Smith, “Fourteenth-Century Population Records of Catalonia,” Speculum 19, no. 4 (Oct. 1944): 494–501 argues that the prob-lem with Bofarull y Mascaró, Censo de Cataluña population count based upon the supposed 1359 census comes from his acceptance of the number fochs as the total number of households, rather than the total number of tax-paying households. Smith does not fully adjust for this, nor for the apparent practice of establishing the number of fochs by agreement rather than actual count in the census, providing a serious undercount of population.

25. I should emphasize that 1,500 is, at best, an estimate of the town’s pop-ulation at the beginning of the fourteenth century. Extrapolated back from the census figures for 1378, the true population could easily be considered lower. Yet the fact that the notarial protocols provide over 900 names of people from Santa Coloma for a 40-year period suggests that total population should be higher, since this number is only a sam-ple of all inhabitants. A significant disagreement among scholars about the Jewish population of the town stems from interpretations of a grant from Francesca de Queralt in 1327 which states that there were 30 Jewish households in town. Assis, Jews of Santa Coloma , 22–26, overestimates the Jewish proportion of the total population, in fact accepting without

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question the claim of Pere VI of Queralt, made in 1347, that 50 Jewish families had lived in Santa Coloma for generations (derived from a dis-pute over legal rights between the lord of Queralt and the count-king) in which a higher Jewish population number was useful). Segura i Valls, Historia , 91–92, cites the 1347 claim of 50 Jewish households to deter-mine the town’s population since 1300. Yitzhak Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain , vol. 1 (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1961), 422, n. 8, gives seven Jewish families in Santa Coloma in 1328 and thirty families in 1347. In fact, 25 to 30 Jewish families (120–180 people) living in Santa Coloma in the years around 1300, roughly 10 percent of the town’s inhabitants, is both reasonable and supported by the documents of the town itself.

26. The Timor-Queralt family descent and numbering has been muddled among histories of the area for the period of the late thirteenth century. Pere II de Queralt (lord, ca. 1230–1275) was the son of Arnau de Timor, who established the Timor line in the lordship in 1213. Pere III followed his father, Pere II, and died in the second half of the 1280s. There has been confusion about the next generation. The numbering of the older tradition, followed by Segura i Valls and accepted and altered by other scholars since, proposes that a son of Pere III, Pere IV, held the lordship brief ly in the 1280s. This Pere IV died with a very young heir, Pere V, who came into his inheritance in 1293 or 1294. However, there is little evidence for this intermediate Pere’s existence, and of course, the con-sistency of the family’s naming pattern makes differentiating the genera-tions difficult. A newer tradition states that Pere IV was lord of Queralt from 1307–1324 (thus the same as Pere V above) and followed by Pere V in 1324. Neither of these traditions takes into account the real gen-erational descent nor the entire time period. From the presence of indi-viduals exerting lordship in the notarial records, I propose the following line of descent for the lords of Queralt: Arnau de Timor (ca.1213–1230), Pere II (1230–1275), Pere III (1275–ca. 1287), Margelina, widow of Pere III exerting the authority of the lordship for her son Pere IV (ca. 1287–1293/4), Pere IV in his own name (1293/4–1324), Guillem (1324–1327), Pere V (1327–1348). Especially important for this current study, the lord-ship passed from Pere III, to Margelina in the late 1280s. Sometime around 1293, Pere IV began to rule as lord in his own right, although Margelina still acted in the name of the lordship, as witnessed by many notarial contracts of the 1293–1294 protocol.

27. Georges Duby, Rural Economy and Country Life in the Medieval West , trans. Cynthia Postan (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998 [reprint of 1962]), 126–165 and 232–286; Vicens Vives, Economic History , 155–161, 187–189. See also, Bonnassie, La Catalogne du milieu du Xe à la fin du Xie siècle ; Robert Fossier, Peasant Life in the Medieval West , trans. Juliet Vale (London Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1988); Emmanuel Le Roy Ladurie, The Peasants of Languedoc , trans. John Day (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1974); P. Guichard, “Les Communautés Rurales en Catalogne

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et dans le pays Valencien (IXe milieu XIVe siècle),” in Les Communautés Villageoises en Europe Occidentale du Moyen Age aux Temps Modernes (Auch, France: Comité Départemental du Tourisme du Gers, 1984), 79–115; Paul Freedman, The Origins of Peasant Servitude in Medieval Catalonia (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991).

28. ACA Diversos y Coleciones, Condes de Queralt, Volumes 54. The rent book survives as 24 folia written in Catalan in a Gothic script and hand, undated but originating in the fourteenth century. It is organized by terme ( termino ), beginning in the middle of the terme de Queralt, includ-ing Belprat and some of Santa Coloma, followed by the castell d’Aguilo, terme d’Aguilo, Montargull, Ferforastes , and Rouric. The entire volume deserves greater examination and explication, including more accurate dating, but it does provide evidence of the types of rents and dues col-lected by the lords of Queralt in the period of the fourteenth century. Table 1.2 provides an example for one manse taken from the Montargull section of the rent book, f. 17–17v.

29. The foguaça ( fogaçes in modern Catalan) referenced was a f lat loaf of bread, a traditional element of payment of peasant dues to their local lords. See Paul Freedman, “Military Orders and Peasant Servitude in Catalonia: Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries,” Hispanic American Historical Review 65:1 (Feb. 1985), 98.

30. Jose M. Font Rius, Cartas de Población y Franquicia de Cataluña , vol. 1, #277, 402–403. The charter is also summarized by Segura i Valls, Història , 52.

31. AHTN3804, f. 89 the landholder owed “de censu in festo Sancte Marie Augusti unam punieriam frumenti et unam ordei et aliam unam punieriam de spelta.”

32. AHTN3812, f. 70v–71, “quintam partem omnium expletorum . . . in garbo vel grano,” but the latter phrase is normally a reference to rent or due paid as a portion of the harvest.

33. AHTN3804, f. 39v, “faciatis domino Petro de Queralt de censu annuati in festo natalis domini unum pare gallinarum.”

34. AHTN3821, f. 120v, “faciatis pro censu dictorum domorum domino Petro de Queralto et suis in perpetuum quolibet anno in festo Pascatis decem et octo denariis terni censuales.”

35. AHTN3821, f 7, “teneamini facere predicto nobili (Pere de Queralt) et suis suc-cessoribus quolibet anno in quolibet festo Pasche xii d[ena]r[ii]s censuales.”

36. AHTN3821, f. 7v, “pro censu dictorum domnorum in festo Pasche xii d[ena]r[ii]s censuales.”

37. Ibid., “faciatis dicto nobili (Pere de Queralt) et suis successoribus in perpetuum quo-libet anno in festo resurecionis domini ix d[ena]r[ii]s Barch[inone] terni censuales.”

38. AHTN3804, f. 18, “dua paria gallinarum.” 39. AHTN3821, f. 39v, “una par pullorum.” 40. AHTN3804, f. 110, “faciatis de censu annuatim in festo Pasche unum denarium

censualem domino Petro de Queralt in aujutorio census.” 41. AHTN3804, f. 141v, “faciatistis quolibet anno in festo natalis domini de censu

domino Petro de Queralt unum capel de lino.”

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42. AHTN3804, f. 89, “pro octuagina sol[idi] Barch[i]n[one] terni cum tercio domi-norum . . . salvo iure et dominio.”

43. AHTN3812, f. 46v. 44. AHTN3821, f. 31. 45. AHTN3804 f. 95v. 46. AHTN3812, f. 54, “quod vos personaliter in presenti die computastis nobiscum

semel, bis et tercio et etiam pluries et quod reddidistis nobis bonum verum scince-rum et legale compotum de omnibus redditibus, exitibus, et proventibus, questiis, solucionibus et quitationibus que pro nobis a domino rege Aragonum vel a suis oficialibus recepistis et habuistis.”

47. AHTN3812 f. 54v. 48. The forum , a regular market that met once each week on Mondays, at

which the majority of commercial transactions occurred, will be discussed in chapter 3 .

49. AHTN3804, f. 51, “Quod ego Martinus Reg baiulus in Sancta Columba pro domina Margelina [de] Queralt vendo vobis Cresuqes et Abraam de Carcasona et Mayr Samuel jude[i] Sancte Columbe et vestris totum forum Sancte Columbe . . . ab hac die presenti in qua presens scribitur instrumentum usque ad unum annum continue completum pro precio mille et ducentis sol[idi] Barch[i]n[one] terni quos solvatis . . . in capite iiii mensium terciam partem dictorum denariorum et in capite aliorum iiii mensium aliam terciam partem et in fine anni aliam terciam partem.”

50. AHTN3804, f. 38v for the sale, which was “sine aliqua servitute sensus.” 51. AHTN3812, f. 98v–99. 52. AHTN3821, f. 34–34v. Bernat de Claret, baiulus for Pere IV de Queralt,

and Ponç Busquet, baiulus in Sent Gallard for the monastery of Santa Creus, were asked to decide the dispute “ad passandum et guberandum aquam quod iret ad molendinos silicet in illo ponte quem fecerunt coram molendino de Sancta Ma[rie] de Belloch et etiam in rechs et in pexeriis.”

53. AHTN3812, f. 57Av, “vendimus vobis nobili P. de Queralt duas partes furni de Sancta Columba quas acaptaveramus a nobili domino P. de Queralt patre vestro et a nobili domina Margeliam de Queralt matre vestra”; and AHTN3812, f. 38 for a contract of employment at an oven.

54. The notarial scribes regularly used the Latin term miles (plural milites ) as a title for the men of the castellan families. Originally, the word meant “warrior,” and in the increasingly significant class identity of medieval nobility, the word was coming to mean “knight.” Clearly, miles indicated rank in the Baixa Segarra, but it does not seem to indicate an established knighthood. Women of these families were referred to as domina , but the male equivalent dominus was only applied to the lord of Queralt, the archbishop of Tarragona, the king, and oddly, Jaume de Bianya, the man who established the notariate in Santa Coloma.

55. AHTN3804 f. 175v is the sale of “unum trocium terre quod est in termino Sancte Columbe in loco vocato alCodorn . . . pro precio ccxx et v sol[idi] Barch[i]n[one] terni cum tercio dominorum et quod faciatis inde de censu annuatim in festo Santce Marie Agusti duas punierias frumenti et unam ordei censuales dominis et salvo jure et dominio dominis” and f. 176 is the sale of “unum trocium terre quod

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est in termino Sancte Columbe in loco vocato alaPortela . . . istam vendicionem vobis faciamus pro centum xxx et v sol[idi] Barch[i]n[one] terni cum tercio domi-norum et faciaits de censu dominis annuatim in festo Sancte Marie Agusti unam punieriam frumenti et unam ordei et salvo iure et dominio.” Both records were confirmed by Giner Clerezo, baiulus for Guillem of Santa Coloma, and Martin Reg, baiulus for the lady Margelina.

56. AHTN3812 f. 125 the tract of land was sold for the “precio xLv sol[idi] cum tercio dominorum . . . faciatis quolibet anno in festo S[anc]te M[ari]e Aug[ust]i pro censu dicti troci terre unam punyerran spelte et aliam ordei domino Petro de Queralto et An Roqueta unam pun[yerias] ordei et alia spelte . . . firmaverunt Bernat Ferran procurator domini Petri de Querato predictum instrumentum similiter firmavit G[uillem] de Sancta Columba castlanus dicti loci predictum instrumentum.”

57. Segura i Valls, Història de Santa Coloma , p. 126. 58. AHTN3804, f. 24v–25v “facio vobis domino Petro de Queralto homagium

ore et manibus iunxis usaticum et consuetudine Barchinonse et sacramentum sub virtute.” Five documents were recorded to settle the various claims and set terms for payment of restitution between all the parties. The other four completed the same day immediately follow, f. 25v–26v.

59. AHTN3821, f. 79 “Geraldo de Focences, Petro Ninoti, A. Mathei, Piaro Celalbi, Bartolmo Queralto, Bng. de Comabela et etiam toti universsitatie hominium et mulierum nunc habitatibus vel habitaturis in villa et terminis de Montesuperbo.”

60. Ibid., “super operbius castri et fortitudinis dicti loci.” 61. Ibid., “quod dictum castrum et opus in tali casu et racione contencionis predicte

remanebat inperfectum et erat in condicione corruendi, cadendi et destruendi.” Pere IV ordered the parties that “preceptum vobis dictum opus perfeci et consumari facimus et habuistis adjurare.”

62. AHTN3812, f. 23 one “solum domorum” in the villa adjacent to the church; AHTN3812, f. 94v some “domos” in the “popula nova de villa” adjacent to the church; AHTN3821, f. 31 some “ domos” in the villa ; AHTN3821, f 59 one “ domum” in the villa ; and one “porticum” in the villa in AHTN3821, f 60.

63. In order AHTN3812, f. 78; f. 88v; and f. 96 for the “ quarteratum terre” (two-quarters) of land.

64. Segura i Valls, Història de Santa Coloma , p. 56–77. A hermitage and church were located on the site of the church of Santa Maria from the eleventh century. A community of the religious, both men and women, seem to have existed by 1270, unattached to any particular order. Within the first few years of the fourteenth century, the entire convent and dominicatura was granted to the Order of Merced, although by 1312 the full establish-ment of Mercedians at Santa Maria de Bell-loc had not occurred, see AHTN3821, f. 85v.

65. AHTN3812, f. 67 is the grant made by Pere IV de Queralt of the chap-laincy of St. John the Evangelist in the castle of Santa Coloma to Pere Piquer.

66. AHTN3812, f. 34–34v. 67. AHTN3812, f. 98v–99.

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68. AHTN3812, f. 21; AHTN3812, f. 57; AHTN3812, f. 105v. See the dis-cussion of this partnership in chapter 4 .

69. According to Assis, based upon Cresques’s role as bailiff throughout the 1290s, “The most eloquent evidence for the high esteem in which the Jews were held by the feudal lord of Santa Coloma de Queralt were undoubt-edly the duties he conferred on them,” Jews of Santa Coloma , p. 104. Assis fails to take into account the other, much more active bailiffs for the lord of Queralt, all Christians, for a better understanding of the office. The nature and duties of the dual bailiffs require further examination.

70. AHTN3821, f. 21 and f. 34. 71. For example Ramon Mor was baiulus in Aguilo for Francisco de Timor

for five transactions AHTN3812, f. 60–60v. In 1312–1313, Ramon Mor was still baiulus for the manumissores of Francisco, AHTN3821, f. 15.

72. Berengarius Alio was appointed baiulus in Pontils for Francisco de Timor in AHTN3812, f. 24v.

73. Berengarius Forcadel was baiulus in Guialmon for Pere Arnau of Pontils in AHTN3812, f. 50v, AHTN3821, f. 88 and f. 126. Earlier that same year, 1312–1313, he was listed as baiulus for Berenguer Arnau, miles , pos-sibly Pere Arnau’s brother or son, in Guialmon, AHTN3821, f. 64.

74. AHTN3821, f. 75v “En Cresques, Astruch de Carcasona, Izach de Montealbo, Astruch Vidal, Vidal Cresques, Abraham Brunel, Astruch Mifael, Bonjach Abraham judei et proceres Sancte Columbe actoritate tocius universitatis calyame Sancte Columbe.”

75. AHTN3821, f. 79. 76. AHTN3804, f. 67, “ad opus tocius universitatis de Gialmon.”

2 Notaries and Their Contracts

1. Gino Masi traces the history of common notarial practices in Florence from the eighth to twelfth century in his introduction to Formularium Florentinum Artis Notariae (1220–1242) , ed. Gino Masi, (Milan: Società Editrice Vita e Pensiero, 1943). For the study of Italian notaries, see also Giorgio Cencetti, “La rogatio nelle carte bolognesi: contributio allo studio del documento notarile italiane nei secoli x–xii,” in Notariato medievale bolognese , vol. 1, Scritti de G. Cencetti , ed. Giorgio Costamagno (Rome: Consiglio nazionale del notariato, 1977): 216–352.

2. Roger Aubenas, Etude sur le notariat provençal au Moyen Age et sous l’Ancien Régime (Aix-en-Provence: Aux Éditions de Feu, 1931); Louis Stouff, Arles à la fin du Moyen-Age , 2 vols. (Aix-en-Provence: Université de Provence, 1986); Alain de Boüard, “Le fonds des notaires d’Orange à la Bibliothèque Vatican,” Mélanges d’archéologie et d’histoire 30 (1910); John H. Mundy, “Urban Society and Culture: Toulouse and Its Region,” in Renaissance and Renewal in the Twelfth Century , ed. Robert L. Benson and Giles Constable (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1982): 229–247; John Drendel, “Notarial Practice in Rural Provence in the Early Fourteenth Century,” in Urban and Rural Communities in Medieval France: Provence and

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Languedoc, 1000–1500 , ed. Kathryn Reyerson and John Drendel (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1998): 209–235.

3. José Bono, Historia del derecho notarial español , 2 vols. (Madrid: Junta de decanos de los Colegios Notariales de España, 1979–1982); Robert I. Burns, S.J. Society and Documentation : Diplomatarium of the Crusader Kingdom of Valencia, vol. 1 (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1985), 292–296; Francesch Carreras y Candi, “Desentrollament de la insti-tució notarial a Catalunya en los segle XIII,” in Miscelanea historica catalana , vol. 1, (1906): 323–360. In Actes del II Congrès d’Història del Notariat Cátala , ed. Juan José López Burniol and Josep Maria Sans i Travé (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 2000); see Maria Teresa Ferrer i Mallol, “L’instrument notarial (segles XI–XV),” 29–41 and Laureà Pagarolas i Sabaté, “Gènesi i evolució dels registres notarials (s. XIII–XIX),” 163–170.

4. Bono, Historia del derecho notarial , vol. 1, 119–122; Francesch Carreras y Candi, “Desentrollament de la institució notarial,” 324–325; Angel Canellas Lopez, “El Notariado en España hasta el siglo XIV: estado de la cuestion,” Notariado público y documento privado: de los orígenes al siglo XIV , 107, and Rafel Ginebra Molins, “Les escrivanies eclesiàstiques a Catalunya” in Actes del II Congrès d’Història del Notariat Cátala , 89–160.

5. The office of notary public had not quite taken on an independent exis-tence in the 1230s, as the term simply referred to the individual appointed by the local baiulus or royal veguer to produce documents for the local courts, see Canellas Lopez, “El Notariado en España,” 110–111.

6. Jaume I regulated the establishment of notaries in Valencia with the promulgation of the Furs of Valencia in 1239, which set age limitations and qualification requirements, while forbidding all clerics who held benefices from acting as notaries in the city, see Fori antique Valentiae , ed. Manuel Dualde Serrano (Madrid: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas, 1950), 262–264, rub . CXXX, “De notariis.” See also Burns’s discussion of the Furs and the notariate of Valencia in Society and Documentation , 33–37; Canellas Lopez, “El Notariado en España,” 111. The statutes of the Corts of Huesca in 1247 imposed similar requirements for the northern areas of the Crown of Aragon, see Bono, Historia del derecho notarial , vol. 1, 264–268, 292–293; Canellas Lopez, “El Notariado en España,” 116–117.

7. Bono, Historia del derecho notarial , vol. 1, 209–213, 216–220. 8. Rainerius de Perusio, Ars notariae in Bibliotheca juridica medii aevi Bononiae ,

vol. 2. ed. P. V. Olim Ludwig Wahrmund, (TorinoAalen, Germany: Scientia Verlag, 1962) and Rolandinus de Passageriis, Summa totius artis notariae (Bologna: Arnaldo Forni, 1977 [Facsimile reprint of 1546]). See Guido van Dievoet, Les coutumiers, les styles, les formulaires et les “artes notar-iae, ,” Typologie des sources du Moyen Age occidental 48 (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1986), 83, Drendel “Notarial Practice,” 210 and Bono, Historia del derecho notarial , vol. 1, 216–220 for the connection between Rainerius de Perugia and Rolandinus de Passageriis and their circulation in Provence and Catalonia.

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9. Bensch, Barcelona and Its Rulers , 376–378 argued that the number of nota-ries multiplied during the reign of Jaume I, reaching approximately 40 notaries in Barcelona by the 1280s.

10. In the last 30 years, two serious efforts have been made to publish invento-ries of the notarial collections surviving in the archives of Catalan towns and dioceses. The Generalitat de Catalunya produced eight volumes between 1984 and 1992, detailing the holdings of ecclesiastic archives in the series Catàlegs-inventaris d’arxius eclesiàstics de Catalunya , vols. 1–8 (Barcelona: Departament de Cultura de la Generalitat de Catalunya, 1984–1992). The Fundaciò Noguera has produced 26 volumes between 1981–2001, detailing the notarial holdings of other Catalan archives in the series Inventaris d’arxius notarials de Catalunya , vols. 1–26 (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 1981–2001). Between the two series, there are hun-dreds of notarial collections that stretch back into the fourteenth century, with some even earlier, almost none of which have been studied by pro-fessional historians.

11. Drendel “Notarial Practice,” 209–235, examined notarial registers from the Arc Valley, northeast of Marseille. Trets, the principal town with a population of approximately 2,000 to 2,500 people, provided 37 registers from the period 1297 to 1350. Drendel found that the notarial registers of the Arc Valley were neither books of notae nor full contracts, ref lecting the business necessities of the notaries and the commercial needs of their customers. The Trets notaries first recorded the brief details of transac-tions in their registers, while leaving sufficient space on the parchment to fully expand the contract with all clausulae and legal requirements, if necessary. These full contracts only occurred for half of all transactions.

12. Ibid., 214–216. Drendel notes that Trets notaries remained active in the process of their recorded transaction after initial entry in their registers. The engrossing of full contracts did not end the procedure of recording transactions. First, they indicated the creation of a separate charter with factum est instrumentum written in the margin, sometimes in a scribal hand different from that which recorded the details in the register. Second, the Trets notaries canceled the contracts in the registers by drawing a broad “X” through each record. In the case of Trets, cancellation did not indicate engrossment as a charter as it has been argued for most urban practice, but instead indicated completion of transactions, specifically the payment of all debt amounts owed. Most of the Trets records in the reg-isters were canceled by an “X,” even those not expanded from the brief details or noted as factum est instrumentum . The notaries of Santa Coloma de Queralt used a very similar procedure.

13. Burns, Notarial Culture , n.17, 18, 19. As notarial use continued to grow over the fourteenth century in Catalonia and elsewhere, multiple proto-cols were often created, divided either by how information was recorded, such as notae , or by type of document: testaments; marriages contracts; credit sales and debt; or court records. This practice allowed competing notaries to specialize in different types of transactions. Some specialized

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only in wills or marriage arrangements, while others made their living producing court records. At times, these divisions were mandated by law and custom, for example, requiring that those who worked for the courts were not to act as notaries for other business, or restricting priests to record only wills.

14. Beginning in 1299, separate books of testaments covering multiple years were produced, in most cases by the same notary as the yearly manuals, with some exceptions. Between 1288 and 1350, there are 62 manuals (protocols of full records of all types), 7 books of testaments, and 2 notae (belonging to one notary from 1337 and 1343, respectively). The manuals for the years between 1290–1292, between 1300–1303, and for 1328–1329 are missing; otherwise, all other yearbooks through 1348 seem to have survived.

15. See the analysis of notarial business between each registers discussed in chapter 3 .

16. One indication of this comes from the manner in which documents are identified when individuals refer to previous records: “per manum notarii Bernat Botini” or “per manum Bernat Ferran notarii Sancte Columbe.” The official notary was responsible for the instrument produced, even if he had not actually touched it personally, as seems quite possible.

17. The Santa Coloma scribes indicated the date following the Roman cal-endar, without indicating either the Christian or regnal year. Providing an annual or regnal year within each record was an unnecessary repeti-tion, as each protocol covered only one single year, March to March. Since transactions were recorded in groups, both date and witnesses often were simply indicated “testes et dies ut supra,” i.e., “witnesses and date as above.”

18. The most common marginalia was “ii” sometimes written “ii d(ena)r(i)s”. Other amounts are occasionally recorded particularly “i,” “iiii,” and “vi,” and sometimes “nil.” Other notations used by the scribes included: “dielune” written next to the first transaction recorded on the Monday market day; “fiant duo” to indicate that two engrossed charters had been created; “fuit tradita [sic]” followed by a name—ungrammatical but typi-cal of this medieval notarial Latin—to indicate that the charter was given to someone other than one of the participants; or “firmavit apocham,” or some close variation to indicate that the transactions was confirmed at a later time. This latter note is more common in the protocols of Bernat Ferran. Many contracts had no associated marginalia.

19. AHTN3804, the amounts are: f. 20v, “xL et viii sol. et ii den.” ; f. 40v, “xL et viii sol. et vi den.” ; f. 56v, “xxx et ix et viii den.” ; f. 78v, “L et vi sol.” ; f. 98v, “Lx sol. et ii den.” ; f.120v, “L et iii sol. et v den.” ; f.136v, “xL sol.” ; f. 160v, “L et v sol.” ; f. 184v, “Lx et i sol.” As far as I can determine these amounts—altogether 462 solidi and 2 denarii —do not easily correspond to a total of the amounts listed in the marginalia for each quire, nor to the total num-ber of acts in each quire. Unfortunately, Signum 3804 is the only protocol from Santa Coloma that I have found with these intriguing summations.

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20. This is similar to the practice noted by Drendel, “Notarial Practice,” 217, 226–228 in the Arc Valley of Provence.

21. In AHTN3804, 1072 acts were canceled with diagonal lines (86.9 per-cent); in AHTN3821, 1368 (82.4 percent); in AHTN3821, 1027 (84.6 percent).

22. AHTN3804 has 115 uncanceled acts (9.4 percent) of which 50 were debt transactions (mainly quitclaims, transfer, and pledges); AHTN3812 had 237 uncanceled acts (14.3 percent) with 127 debt transactions; and Signum 3821 had 149 (12.3 percent) with 76 debt transactions. These finalized debt records did not require any indication that the transaction was completed, since they finished previous transactions upon creation. Quitclaims themselves documented the completion of a debt. Uncanceled pledges usually recorded transactions in which repayment occurred by means of the pledged property itself. A few of the uncanceled records, individually, indicated incomplete transactions, but for the most part, this was not the case.

23. AHTN3804 has 22 voided acts (1.8 percent); Signum 3812 has 55 (3.3 percent); and AHTN3821 has 38 (3.1 percent). An additional 24 acts in AHTN3804 with the notation non veniat written in the margin with no other indication of being voided. The scribes voided entire acts by draw-ing a heavy line through all of the written text in the record and in some cases noting that the transaction was voided according to the wishes of the parties, “fuit dampnatum ex voluntate partium.”

24. For examples, see AHTN3804, f. 64 and AHTN3812, f. 74v; “constitutus in scribania Sancte Columbe” or “constitutus in villa Sancte Columbe in scribania dicti loci” or other variations with similar meaning.

25. That is, the “marketplace,” “church,” and “cemetery” respectively. In one case, AHTN3812, f. 77v, the court formed in “the villa of Santa Coloma at the front of the church of the said place,” in Latin “constitutus in villa Sancte Columbe coram janua ecclesie dicti loci.”

26. Palou i Miquel, Els “libri notularum” de Santa Coloma de Queralt , vol. 1, 112–113 refers to charters produced by the chaplain of Queralt in 1232, the chaplain of Santa Coloma in 1233, and by 1236 in the scribania of Santa Coloma.

27. The two volumes of Palou i Miquel, Els “libri notularum” de Santa Coloma de Queralt provide the first publically available edition of this manuscript since 1931, based upon ms. 1285, which had been part of the collection of the Arxiu Històric Municipal i Notarial d’Arenys de Mar until it came to be part of the Lliberia de Joan Baptista Batlle i Martínez.

28. Ibid., vols. 1 and 2, 183–776. The amount of business over the entire period between 1240 and 1262 was much less than the 1,233 transactions recorded over ten months in Signum 3804, the protocol for 1293–1294. Even the least active of the later protocols, Signum 8629 for 1276–1277, provides 117 transactions over four months.

29. Ibid., vol. 2, pp. 777–779.

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30. Ibid., vol. 1, 110–125. Palou i Miquel confuses the change in the nature of the scribania in Santa Coloma over the course of the thirteenth cen-tury. He considers the institution in Santa Coloma from 1236 to be the same as a scribania publica (i.e., a professional institution run by a notary public), without question. However, this ignores the significant differ-ences of documents and business produced by professional notaries pub-lic: standardization of training and qualifications; official regulation of procedure and price; legal standing through the payment of a bond, pro-vision of a license, and/or the deposit of annual registers in a public place. See Rafel Ginebra Molins, “Les escrivanies eclesiàstiques a Catalunya” in Actes del II Congrès d’Història del Notariat Cátala , 99–111. The transfor-mation of ecclesiastical scribania into institutions run by notaries public, under the impetus of the royal government in 1281–1283, is discussed in Rafael Conde y Delgado de Molina and Francisco Gimeno, “Notarias y escribanias de concesion real en la Corona de Aragon (s. XIII)” in Notariado público y documento privado: de los orígenes al siglo XIV (Valencia: Generalitat Valenciana, 1986), 303–308.

31. AHTPergCP #3. The exact function of the Cervera notariates during the thirteenth century is difficult to identify, as no Cervera notarial registers survive before 1325. Notaries, including Jaume de Bianya, were active in Cervera at least as early as the 1270s, and most likely earlier. A royal concession of 1281 for the Cervera notariate is recorded in the Book of Privileges of the town, AHCC Fons Municipal, “Llibre de Privilegis” 1281, 17 August. See Monteserrat Canela i Garayoa, Cataleg dels proto-cols de Cervera (Barcelona: Fundació Noguera, 1985), 7–8. Before the notariate became fixed in Santa Coloma, it seems most likely that the Cervera scribes traveled from town to Santa Coloma as part of a tour of the region.

32. AHTN 8629 does not record nearly as many transactions over four months as would appear in the later protocols, but the transactions do appear more or less weekly in this early register. The transactions of 1276–1277 recorded in this brief protocol demonstrate the slow change in the type of transactions occurring in Santa Coloma. Approximately half of the records were commercial—and the records indicate the pur-pose and reason for these transactions like those from the end of the century—a small but significant growth in commercial activity. Still, the Bianyas in 1276–1277 were not imposing new activity, but probably slowly coming to co-opt the work of ecclesiastical scribes.

33. AHTPergSen #617. The notarial inscription reads “Petro Botet notario pub-lico de Santa Columba pro Jacobo de Bianya.”

34. Conde and Gimeno “Notarias y escribanias de concesion real,” Notariado pub-lico y documento privado: de los origenes al siglo XIV , 281–329.

35. “qui comsueverunt tenere scribanias ab antiquo,” ACA Canc. reg. 59, f. 34–34v and published in Conde and Gimeno “Notarias y escribanias de concesion real,” Appendice documental , no. 10, 322–324.

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36. ACA Canc. reg. 59, f. 34–34v, “de omnibus que habebuntur et recipientur pro salario dictorum instrumentorum, testamentorum et instrumentorum nupcialium et aliarum quarumlibet scripturarum publicarum detis vos et successores vestris rectores dicte ecclesie domino rege et suis successoribus quintam partem quitiam sini omni missione et expensa ipsius domini regis et suorum.”

37. The notarial register of 1292 does not survive, but Segura i Valls, Història de Santa Coloma , p. 67. cites an otherwise unidentified document of 1292, giving “Jaume de Bianya, rector of Santa Coloma and canon of Urgell.”

38. Ibid., p. 311. 39. Ibid., 272–274. Segura i Valls argues that Pere de Muntayola came to

Santa Coloma in 1273 or 1275 to serve as notary under Jaume de Bianya. Pere stayed in town and fathered four children with Guiamona, the “widow” of Arnau de Meihans. Pere remained active as a scribe at least through 1305.

40. AHTPergSen, #617. 41. AHTN, the protocols of Bernat de Bianya are Signum 8630, a frag-

ment for 1281; Signum 3927, a complete manual for part of 1288–1289; Signum 3928, a manual for 1289–1290; and finally, a series of protocols from 1298–1299, Signum 3810 for 1289–99 overlapping with a complete manual of Bernat Botini (Signum 3808) and Signum 3809, a manual of 1299 of shared authorship with Botini.

42. AHTN3804, f. 22v, f. 70, f. 85, and f. 155. In AHTN3812, f. 115 and “per manum R. de Alteto publici notarii Sancte Columbe,” on f. 114.

43. AHTN8631, f. 5. 44. The sisa was a tax on commerce in local markets, which the royal

administration attempted to introduce to Catalonia during the latter half of the thirteenth century. Successive Catalan courts Corts (name of the Catalan assembly, or parliament) resisted the practice and obtained promises from the king not to attempt to collect this tax. These two cases involving the sisa for the summer and fall of 1293 in Santa Coloma are interesting, therefore, in that off icials of the Cervera veguer were still trying to collect it.

45. AHTN3804, f. 29v–30, “requiserunt et dixerunt Bernardo Botini notario Sancte Columbe pro Jacobo de Bianya quod daret eis copiam instrumentorum omnium cantractum factorum in villa Sancte Columbe infra spacium tercium mensium.”

46. AHTN3804, f. 137v. 47. The wording is basically the same in both examples, “non abebat mandatum

a domino Jacobo de Bianya nec a Bernat de Bianya fratre suo et procuratore suo pro quo tenet dictam scribaniam,” followed by “si . . . aportavitur sibi leteram domini Jacobi,” AHTN3804 f. 30 and f. 137v.

48. Jaume de Bianya confirmed, as rector and landlord, a sale of property on September 3, see AHTN3804, f. 23. Bernat de Bianya acted as testes for a loan contracted on September 7, see f. 27.

49. In the 1304–1305 protocol, Bernat de Bianya is listed three times: twice as a debtor who had paid off the price of goods he had bought—in one case, a gold ring, in the other, a mule—and once as an arbiter in a dispute.

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These three instances stretch over a period of 40 days, from September 9 to October 18, 1304. See AHTN3812, f. 57v, f. 65, and f. 71.

50. There are very few studies of the corporations known as Comunitats de Preveres, which developed during late fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, a significant lack of investigation for these apparently prolific—found in dozens of towns from throughout Catalonia—incorporations of clergy and the ecclesiastical benefices they controlled. As powerful political and economic institutions, these communities of priests had a great deal of local inf luence for centuries. A few recent studies include Jordi Morelló Baget, “De Contributionibus Fiscalibus: Els Conf lictes entre el Municipi de Valls i la Comunitat de Preveres durant el segle xiv,” Anuario de estudios medievales 29 (1999): 689–729 and idem “La Comunitat de Preveres de Reus i el Seu Encaix dins la Fiscalitat Municipal (s. xiv–xv),” Anuario de estudios medievales 35, no. 2 (2005): 863–906. See also, Montse Martínez Hernádez, “L’organització i producció documental de la Comunitat de preveres i Confraria de Sant Nicolau de Cervera,” Lligall: Revista Catalana d’arxivística 15 (1999): 289–317, and as Joan Ferrer, “Catàleg de la biblioteca de la comunitat de domers i preveres de l’església parroquial de Sant Pere de Ripoll: segles XV–XVI,” Annals: Centre d’Estudis Comarcals del Ripollès (2001): 215–250.

51. AHTN3804, f. 19, “teneatis locum in ecclesia Sancte Columbe pro domino Jacobo de Bianya.”

52. Ibid., in the phrase “medietatem totius salarii,” salarium is more similar to “salary” in the modern English sense than to its defined meaning of “pre-bend.” In this case, the implication is that Bernat Botini would hand over half of the income he received from the students, as he received it.

53. AHTN3804, f. 108. 54. AHTN8631, f. 5v, “quod teneo deposicione vestri et nomine vestro et ecclesie

Sancte Columbe scolam scolarium cantus et psalmorum.” In this record Jaume de Binaya was called the “rectori ecclesie Sancte Columbe,” while Bernat Botini could collect the half salarium , paid in thirds every four months, in the place of Bartolomeus Piquer.

55. AHTN8631, f. 6, “concedo et recognosco in veritate vobis Martino Regi baiulo domine Margeline de Queralto et vobis Jacobo de Bianya rectori ecclesie Sancte Columbe et vobis Januario Clerezo baiulo pro Guillemo Sancte Columbe quod teneo in deposicione vestra librum curie ita quod non faciat prejudicium uni neque alteri dicta comanda de hoc promito vobis quod ego ero legale et fidele et hoc iura predictum et hoc Sancta dei iiiior evangeliam . . . ”

56. AHTN3812, f. 35v–36, “quod invabo in scribania ad conficiendum instrumenta et notulis recipiendum prout potero secundum posse et ingenio meum.”

57. AHTN3812, f. 67. The grant of the chaplaincy noted that Pere III had articulated the creation of the chapel in his will with “xL migerie fru[menti] censuales videlicet decem quas facit P. Avellani et heredes sui pro censu quarumdam domnicaturarum quas pater noster predictus emit a Geraldo de Valleclara condam.”

58. Ibid., “xxx migerie fru[menti] super partem nostram decimi Sancte Columbe quas inde nobilis P. de Queralt pater noster predictus emit a predicto Geraldo de Valleclara.”

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59. Ibid., “dicas omnes horas canonicas in ecclesia Sancte Maria de Pulcro loco sec missam tenearis totidie celebrare in capella sita in dicto castro nostro de Sancta Columba et in altari Sci. Johanis evangeliste et dictum oficium faciendo in omni vita tua prout decet clericum.”

60. The terms clericus and presbiter were used interchangeably in the notarial records, meaning an individual who was ordained as a priest. Rector indi-cated a priest who headed a parish and was used fairly consistently for those who held the office. Presbiter oriundus , literally a “praying priest,” was a title that only appeared in the later protocols; in all cases used for priests in Santa Coloma itself, apparently indicating a person who held one of the minor benefices or endowments in the Santa Coloma parish church.

61. Segura i Valls, Història de Santa Coloma , 305–311.

3 Developing a Market Town

1. The historiography of medieval markets, much of it concerning England, has examined them within fairly narrow limits. For the establishment and survival of markets, see R. H. Britnell, “The Proliferation of Markets in England, 1200–1349,” Economic History Review, n.s. 34, no. 2 (1981): 209–221; James Masschaele, “The Multiplicity of Medieval Markets Reconsidered,” Journal of Historical Geography 20, no. 3 (1994): 255–271; and Mavis Mate, “The Rise and Fall of Markets in Southeast England,” Canadian Journal of History 31 (1996): 59–86. R. H. Hilton, “Medieval Market Towns and Simple Commodity Production,” Past and Present 109 (1985): 3–23; and Christopher Dyer, “The Consumer and the Market in the Later Middle Ages,” Economic History Review, n.s. 42, no. 3 (1989): 305–327 investigate specific purposes of markets, while James Masschaele, “Market Rights in Thirteenth-Century England,” English Historical Review 107 (1992): 78–89 and Kathleen Biddick, “Missing Links: Taxable Wealth, Markets, and Stratification among Medieval English Peasants,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 2 (1987): 277–298 have addressed the affects of markets on communities. The role of markets as centers of finance and banking, often characterizes non-English-focused work, such as Jacques Le Goff, Marchands et Banquiers du Moyen Âge , 6th ed. (Paris: Presses Universitaires de France, 1969) and Aldo de Maddalena, Moneta e Mercato Nel 1500. La Rivoluzione Dei Prezzi (Florence: Sansoni, 1973). Historians have explored commerce within regional net-works in S. R. Epstein, “Regional Fairs, Institutional Innovation, and Economic Growth in Late Medieval Europe,” Economic History Review, n.s. 47, no. 3 (1994): 459–82; Maryanne Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade in Medieval Exeter (New York: Cambridge University Pres, 1995); Christopher Dyer, “Market Towns and the Countryside in Late Medieval England,” Canadian Journal of History 31 (1996): 17–35; and James Masschaele, Peasants, Merchants, and Markets: Inland Trade in Medieval England, 1150–1350 (New York: Cambridge University Pres,

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1997). Masschaele also has considered the social and physical aspects of markets in “The Public Space of the Marketplace in Medieval England,” Speculum 77, no. 2 (2002): 383–421, also a focus of Kathryn Reyerson’s “Ref lections on the Infrastructure of Medieval Trade,” in Trading Cultures: The Worlds of Western Merchants—Essays on Authority, Objectivity, and Evidence , ed. Jeremy Adelman and Stephen Aron (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2001), 7–34.

2. Thomas F. Glick, “‘My Master, the Jew’: Observations on Interfaith Scholarly Interaction in the Middle Ages,” in Jews, Muslims, and Christians in and Around the Crown of Aragon: Essays in Honour of Professor Elena Lourie , ed. Harvey J. Hames, (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2004), 160.

3. Carceller i Barrabeig, La Baronia de Queralt , 3 and n. 3. 4. In the opinion of Segura i Valls, Història , p. 55, the market was established

by Jaume I the Conqueror “probably at the insistence of his subject and companion-in-arms, En Pere de Queralt,” the son and heir of Arnau de Timor. While the royal grant of a market probably did occur after the request of the Timors, it should be pointed out that Jaume I was only nine years old in 1222. Pere II de Queralt did provide significant military service alongside Jaume I at the conquest of Mallorca, seven years after the granting of Santa Coloma’s weekly market.

5. Jose M. Font Rius, Cartas de Población y Franquicia de Cataluña , vol. 1, #277, 402–403. Summarized by Segura i Valls, Història , 52.

6. Segura i Valls, Història , 53. 7. Ibid., p. 91 gives 1272 as the earliest evidence of Jewish inhabitants in

Santa Coloma. Yom Tov Assis, The Jews of Santa Coloma , p. 21 repeats this date and insists that the Jewish community must have been in exis-tence for some time, although it seems most likely that Jews recently emi-grated to Santa Coloma from the established communities of Tarragona, Cervera, and Montblanch. See Gabriel Secall i Güell, Les jueries medievals tarragonines , (Valls, Spain: Institut d’Estudis Vallencs, 1983), 275–322.

8. Segura i Valls, Història , 112–113. 9. Paul Freedman, The Origins of Peasant Servitude , 89–118; Thomas N.

Bisson, Tormented Voices: Power, Crisis, and Humanity in Rural Catalonia, 1140–1200 , (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1998); Bonnassie, From Slavery to Feudalism , 195–242 argues that transition from slavery—a survival from Roman and Visigothic practice—to serfdom began in the mid-twelfth century.

10. See table 1.2 and the discussion in chapter 1 of the fourteenth-century rent book from the lordship of Queralt, ACA Diversos Queralt, vol. 54. The list of rents, fees, and dues for each manse suggests servile holdings that had been commuted to payments in coin and in kind.

11. AHTN3821, f. 120v, “faciatis pro censu dictorum domorum domino Petro de Queralto et suis in perpetuum quolibet anno in festo Pascatis decem et octo denariis terni censuales.”

12. AHTN3821, f 7, “teneamini facere predicto nobili (Pere de Queralt) et suis suc-cessoribus quolibet anno in quolibet festo Pasche xii d[ena]r[ii]s censuales.”

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13. AHTN3821, f. 7v, “faciatis dicto nobili (Pere de Queralt) et suis successoribus in perpetuum quolibet anno in festo resurecionis domini ix d[ena]r[ii]s Barch[inone] terni censuales.”

14. AHTN3804, f. 18, “dua paria gallinarum.” 15. AHTN3821, f. 39v, “una par pullorum.” 16. AHTN3804, f. 110, “faciatis de censu annuatim in festo Pasche unum denarium

censualem domino Petro de Queralt in aujutorio census.” 17. AHTN3804, f. 141v, “faciatistis quolibet anno in festo natalis domini de censu

domino Petro de Queralt unum capel de lino.” 18. AHTN3804, f. 89, “pro octuagina sol[idi] Barch[i]n[one] terni cum tercio domi-

norum . . . salvo iure et dominio.” 19. AHTN3812, f. 46v. 20. AHTN3821, f. 31. 21. AHTN3804, f. 51, “Quod ego Martinus Reg baiulus in Sancta Columba

pro domina Margelina [de] Queralt vendo vobis Cresuqes et Abraam de Carcasona et Mayr Samuel jude[i] Sancte Columbe et vestris totum forum Sancte Columbe . . . ab hac die presenti in qua presens scribitur instrumentum usque ad unum annum continue completum pro precio mille et ducentis sol[idi] Barch[i]n[one] terni quos solvatis . . . in capite iiii mensium terciam partem dictorum den-ariorum et in capite aliorum iiii mensium aliam terciam partem et in fine anni aliam terciam partem . . . cum cal[u]nis pensi falsi et mensurarum et rixarum et cum preventus . . . cum omnibus juribus suis sicut consuetum est . . . excepto gladio abstracto et sanguine.”

22. Ibid., “ si forte quod absit guera vel comencenes erat item dominum regem et militis ita quod dominus Petrus de Queralt esset cum eis vel rixa eveniret esse in dicto foro, ita quod forum valeret minus partem guerram vel rixam quod fiat satisfaccio or emendo vobis de predicto foro ad noticiam duorum militum et duorum probonum hominium Sancte Columbe.”

23. AHTN3804, f. 38v for the sale, which was “sine aliqua servitute sensus.” 24. AHTN3812, f. 98v–99. 25. AHTN3821, f. 34–34v. Bernat de Claret, baiulus for Pere IV de Queralt,

and Ponç Busquet, baiulus in Sent Gallard for the monastery of Santa Creus, were asked to decide the dispute “ad passandum et guberandum aquam quod iret ad molendinos silicet in illo ponte quem fecerunt coram molendino de Sancta Ma[rie] de Belloch et etiam in rechs et in pexeriis.”

26. AHTN3812, f. 57Av, “vendimus vobis nobili P. de Queralt duas partes furni de Sancta Columba quas acaptaveramus a nobili domino P. de Queralt patre vestro et a nobili domina Margeliam de Queralt matre vestra.”

27. AHTN3812, f. 38. See the full transcription in the appendix 1, docu-ment #25.

28. Segura i Valls, Història , 55. 29. As chapter 2 discussed, many of the scribes in Santa Coloma were village

priests working part-time in the Santa Coloma scribania . It seems logi-cal that the need for multiple scribes on market days accounts for this employment as a supplement to the smaller number of Santa Coloma cler-ics working as permanent scribes.

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30. The tables discussed here derive from these records: For chart 3.1 (September 1293) AHTN3804, f, 16v–38v; for chart 3.2 (May 1304) AHTN3812, f. 17v–29; for chart 3.3 (February 1313) AHTN3821, f. 84–110. Table 3.1 provides a comparison by day of week of all trans-actions in three protocols: for 1293–1294, 1304–1305, and 1312–1313. The transactions by day of week from AHTN8629, which covers fours months of 1276–1277, are provided separately in table 3.2. The initial record dated June 24, 1276, is the only one prior to September of that year, with the final records dated January 21, 1277. The single outlier record from June is not included among the count in table 3.2.

31. The dating of AHTN8629 to 1276–1277 seems certain, due to the “Anno domini M CC LXX VI nonas novembr[is]” written at the top of folio 7 of the protocol, although I have some doubts. The cluster of transactions by day seems very similar to the later protocols if the date of the Thursdays were adjusted to be Monday, as would be the case for the year 1274–1275. The placement of the year’s date normally was on the first folio of a protocol, and the location in this case at folio 7 for nonas November (November 5) does not follow this pattern nor does it correspond to the beginning of the notarial year on March 25. However, no other internal information seems to indicate an alternative date, while 1276–1277 has been accepted for this source as the earliest surviving professional notarial protocol from Santa Coloma.

32. AHTN3804, f. 51, “cum cal[u]nis pensi falsi et mensurarum et rixarum et cum preventus dicti foro in quibus calonis abeati mediatatem excepto gladio abstracto et sanguine.”

33. Segura i Valls, Història , 53–54, 94–97 provides excerpted descriptions of sections of the town, while the modern guide, Josep M. Carreras Tarragó, Santa Coloma De Queralt: Guia Monumental I Històrica (Santa Coloma de Queralt: Associació Cultural Baixa Segarra, 1997) provides a reliable, but basic, historical description of the town. See map 3.

34. AHTN3812, f. 12v, “R. de Soler conduco vobis Bartholomea Segarra de Sancte Columbe unam tabulam in mercatali Sancte Columbe . . . ad unum annum previo xii de[narii] terni.”

35. AHTN3812, f. 88v, “P. Buideles et uxor eis Bga. conducimus vobis Bartoli Milaz filio Bartholomei Milaz de Cervarie duas tabulas que sunt in mercatali Sancte Columbe sicut de illo [ . . . ] d’En Servent usque al pilar in tus porticum a festo natalis domini ad unum annum precio vii sol[idi].”

36. Segura i Valls, Història , 112–113. 37. AHTN3804, f. 163, “Jacobus de Angularia et Bartolomeu Cugul et P.

de Muntaiola conducimus vobis Brio. de Fuilosa et Jacobo de Berga carnicenis Cervarie unam tabulam primam quae fuit d’En Falco quae est in carneciria Sancte Columbe pro xL et vii sol[idi] Barchin[one] terni et dictam tabulam conducimus vobis ab hodie usque ad unum annum.”

38. AHTN3804, f. 110. 39. AHTN3804, f. 109b, “mitimus in pignore vobis unam domum et unum coral

que sunt in villa Sancte Columbe ab hoc presenti die usque ad duos annos continue

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completos in hunc modum quod vos non detis nobis alius loguerium de dicitis domi-bus vel coralle.”

40. “in libro curie.” 41. AHTN3812, f. 99, “Bn. Feran rector Sancte Columbe comando vobis P. Medici

totam scribaniam mean Sancte Columbe in presencia Bn. de Meyans et Gi. de Sancta Columba curie Sancte Columbe.”

42. AHTPergCP, #3; see Palou i Miquel, Els ‘libri notularum’ de Santa Coloma de Queralt , 112–125.

43. Christine Barnel, “Town and Country in Provence: Toulon, Its Notaries, and Their Clients,” in Urban and Rural Communities , ed. Reyerson and Drendel, 239–252, especially 242–244, discusses the interaction of the notaries of Toulon with villages in the countryside surrounding the town. Prior to 1395, she found that people came to town to record their contracts. After 1395, the notaries took to the road to find business. It is difficult to know for certain which procedure applied to the Cervera notariate during the thirteenth century, but before the notariate became fixed in Santa Coloma, it seems most likely that the Cervera scribes trav-eled from their own town to Santa Coloma on a circuit. Unfortunately, no Cervera registers survive before 1325, although notaries, including Jaume de Bianya, were active at least as far back as the 1270s, and most likely earlier. A royal concession of 1281 for the Cervera notariate is recorded in the Llibres de Privilegis of the town, AHCC Fons Municipal, “Llibre de Privilegis” 1281, 17 August. See Monteserrat Canela i Garayoa, Cataleg dels protocols de Cervera , 7–8.

44. AHTPergSen, #617. The notarial inscription reads “Petro Botet notario publico de Santa Columba pro Jacobo de Bianya.”

45. Palou i Miquel, Els“libri notularum” de Santa Coloma de Queralt , 113 argues that Jaume de Bianya ran the Santa Coloma scribania by this point because he had become rector of Santa Coloma; however, this is not accurate. Arnau de Meihans was alive and well, serving as rector up to at least 1285. Jaume de Bianya’s work was separate from that of the rector, at least until he did become rector by 1288. Palou i Miquel also mistakenly considers Arnau de Meihans a notary public from a 1259 document produced by a scribe under the authority of the rector, p. 119. While there clearly was an ecclesiastical scribania at work in that year, this is not the same as the existence of a public notary.

46. “qui comsueverunt tenere scribanias ab antiquo,” ACA Canc. reg. 59, f. 34–34v and published in Conde and Gimeno, “ Notarias y escribanias de concesion real,” Appendice documental, no. 10, 322–324.

47. ACA Canc. reg. 59, f. 34–34v, “ de omnibus que habebuntur et recipientur pro salario dictorum instrumentorum, testamentorum et instrumentorum nupcialium et aliarum quarumlibet scripturarum publicarum detis vos et successores vestris rectores dicte ecclesie domino rege et suis successoribus quintam partem quitiam sini omni missione et expensa ipsius domini regis et suorum.”

48. AHTN3804, the amounts are: f. 20v, “xL et viii sol. et ii den.” ; f. 40v, “xL et viii sol. et vi den.” ; f. 56v, “xxx et ix et viii den.” ; f. 78v, “L et vi sol.” ; f. 98v,

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“Lx sol. et ii den.” ; f.120v, “L et iii sol. et v den.” ; f.136v, “xL sol.” ; f. 160v, “L et v sol.” ; f. 184v, “Lx et i sol.” If the total value of the notarial busi-ness did exceed 300 solidi, as these figures indicate, the fact might explain the interest of the agents of the royal veguer of Cervera in the contracts recorded by Bernat Botini for 1293–1294; see AHTN3804, f. 29v–30 and AHTN3804, f. 137v. The end of quire totals clearly were added after the contracts written in each quire based on ink and scribal hand differ-ences. It is possible that the summations were made by the veguer ’s agents, rather than the notary or his scribes. See the discussion of this inquiry in chapter 2 .

49. AHCB Fons Municipal, Pergamins 160. This charter, dated August 11, 1289, responds to an order by the Infant Pere (brother and lieutenant of Alfons II) addressing complaints about the work and fees of the nota-ries at the court of the veguer of Barcelona. The city’s governing council in conjunction with the lieutenant of the veguer of Barcelona attempted to establish working standards for the notaries, including a price list for recording contracts as determined by type.

50. AHTN 8629, AHTN 8631, AHTN3804, AHTN3812 and AHTN3821, provide coverage of a differing period of their respective administra-tive years, due to the material survival of the protocols. Only Signum 3821, the register for 1304–1305, provides records for a full year, from March 25, 1304, to March 24, 1305. The other two full registers cover partial years: Signum 3804 from June 29, 1293, to March 25, 1294; and Signum 3821 from October, 8, 1312, to March 25, 1313. The earlier protocols appear to be fragments of larger registers. Signum 8629 comes from 1276–1277, with the first transaction dated June 24, 1276, but the remaining 117 records dated from the period between September 7, 1276, and January 21, 1277. Signum 8631 is a fragment that cannot be defini-tively dated. An analysis of the transaction clusters, and some internal evidence regarding the probate of Pere III de Queralt’s interests after his death (Pere III was lord of Queralt from 1276), suggests 1287 for its 32 transactions, stretching from July 22 to September 8, in this register. However, any year from 1282 to as late as 1292 is possible. The period of time covered by each protocol affects the analysis of commercial activ-ity in Santa Coloma. An extrapolation of the numbers of acts in Signum 3804 and Signum 3821, using Signum 3812 as a baseline for the annual pattern of activity, provides a means for comparing changes in business frequency for each register. The percentage of transactions recorded in it for the same periods of the years covered by the other two registers shows that 70.1 percent of its transactions occurred in the period between June 29 and March 25 corresponding to the part of the years covered by Signum 3804 (for 1293–1294); 44.6 percent of its transactions occurred in the period between October 8 and March 25, corresponding to the part of the years covered by Signum 3821 (for 1312–1313).

Some interesting facts emerge. First, the total number of transactions varies by only 7 percent between 1293–1294, with an extrapolated total

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of 1,775 transactions, and the 1,654 actually recorded for the entire 1304–1305 protocol. However, by 1312–1313, the amount of business recorded surged. When an estimated total is extrapolated, the market participants in Santa Coloma would have conducted approximately 2,725 transactions over the entire year, an increase of 160 percent from a decade earlier. While these extrapolations can only approximate the total number of acts recorded, they point to a sharp increase of commercial activity in Santa Coloma between 1293 and 1313, with a particular surge over the last ten years of the period. Continuing the extrapolation for the two major categories, credit sales and loans, only the percentage of credit sales in 1304–1305 stands out as exceptionally high because of the extremely active animal market that took place in that year. Otherwise, the number of loans and credit sales remain in proportion for all three registers, with both categories ref lecting the sharp increase in activity in 1312–1313.

51. Segura i Valls, Història , 91, and repeated in Assis, The Jews of Santa Coloma , 21. Assis states that the Jews must have been present earlier, but no evi-dence of this is provided.

52. Secall i Güell, Le Comunitat de Santa Coloma , 17 argues that the original Jewish settlement in Santa Coloma was administratively part of the aljama of Cervera, with perhaps the initial migration of a few Jewish families coming from Tarragona.

53. Ibid., 20–26; Assis, The Jews of Santa Coloma , 31–32.

4 A Financial Market

1. AHTN3804, f. 159v, “secondum quod scriptura est in libro curie.” 2. A recent study, Chris Briggs, Credit and Village Society in Fourteenth-

Century England , (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2009) takes a serious look at the role of credit within English rural communities.

3. See M. M. Postan, “Credit in Medieval Trade” and “Private Financial Instruments in Medieval England” in Medieval Trade and Finance (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1973) 1–27, 28–64 and Robert S. Lopez, The Shape of Medieval Monetary History (London: Variorum, 1986). Raymond de Roover, Money, Banking, and Credit (Cambridge, MA: Mediaeval Academy of America, 1948) focuses on Italian merchants, Lombards, moneychanging, and pawnbroking, while credit in the mar-ketplace is merely portrayed as a problem for the consumer; Jacques Le Goff, Marchands er Banquiers examines the issue of large-scale trade with his usual excellence, but does not turn to the details of exchange at the local level. See also Carlo Cipolla, Money, Prices and Civilization in the Mediterranean World (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1956).

4. Following Bloch, Les caractères originaux de l’histoire rurale française , (Paris: A. Colin, 1931), which examines the agrarian world without reference to markets or credit, Georges Duby’s comprehensive study, published in English as Rural Economy and Country Life in the Medieval West , trans. Cynthia Postan, (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1998),

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mentions debt in rural society in only one section, pp. 252–257, noting the increase in peasant debt primarily as a further oppressive element of peasant life. The contemporary work of J. Ambrose Raftis, Tenure and Mobility , examined tenancy on English manors, without noting the effects of commercial market exchanges. These lapses might ref lect the types of source material available for northern Europe, quite differ-ent from the notarial traditions of the south. However, 20 years later, Robert Fossier’s Peasant Life , while attempting to incorporate all of west-ern Europe, ignored market activity altogether. Studies of the concept of money and the role of credit in the late Middle Ages by medieval historians have tended to concentrate on the economy of cities and large-scale, mercantile trading. See Vicens Vives, An Economic History of Spain ; P. Guichard, “Les communautés rurales en Catalogne et dans le Pays Valencien (IXe milieu XIVe siècle)” in Les communautés villageoises en Europe occidentale du Moyen Age aux Temps modernes , (Auch, France: Comité Départemental du Tourisme du Gers, 1984), 79–115; Garcia de Cortázar, La sociedad rural en al España Medieval .

5. Money in the Middle Ages has been studied along two primary approaches. First are the numismatic studies, focusing on the metallic content and minting of coinage. Examples of such for Spain are: Thomas N. Bisson, Conservation of Coinage: Monetary Exploitation and Its Restraint in France, Catalonia and Aragon (ca. a.d. 1000–ca.1225), (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979); Problems of Medieval Coinage in the Iberian Area , 2 vols., ed. Mario Gomes Marques, (Santarém, Portugal: Instituto Politécnico de Santarém, 1984); J. Botet i Siso, Les monedes catalanes (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 1908); M. Crusafont i Sabater, Numismática de Corona-Aragonese Medieval (Madrid: Editorial Vico, 1982). Of the many numis-matic studies for the rest of Europe, see Etienne Fournial, Histoire monétaire de l’Occident médiéval (Paris: F. Nathan, 1970); Arthur J. Rolnick, Francois R. Velde, and Warren E. Weber, “The Debasement Puzzle: An Essay on Medieval Monetary History,” Journal of Economic History , 56, no. 4 (Dec. 1996), 789–808; Peter Spufford, Handbook of Medieval Exchange (Suffolk: Boydell and Brewer, 1986); idem, Money and Its Use in Medieval Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988). The second approach includes studies focused on the establishment and the consequences of change in prices and wages, but not directly investigating the money supply. Typical for Spain, see Earl J. Hamilton, Money, Prices, Wages in Valencia, Aragon, and Navarre, 1351–1500 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1936). General European studies include de Roover, Money, Banking and Credit ; Cipolla, Money, Prices, and Civilizations ; Postan, “Credit in Medieval Trade” and “Private Financial Instruments”; Christopher Dyer, “The Consumer and the Market in the Later Middle Ages,” Economic History Review , n.s. 42, no. 3 (Aug, 1989): 305–327, as well as his Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages: Social Change in England c. 1200–1520 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1989). These two approaches are combined within economic history, but tend

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to push the discussion toward issues of fiscal policy: inf lation, debasement of coinage, monetary policy, and the availability of gold and silver.

6. Marc Bloch discusses incorporating the study of money into social his-tory in his Esquisse d’une histoire monetaire de l’Europe (Paris: A. Colin, 1954) discussed in John Day, “The History of Money in the Writings of Marc Bloch,” in Problems of Medieval Coinage , vol. 2, 15–16.

7. Cipolla, Money, Prices and Civilization , 38–51. 8. Spufford, Money and Its Use , especially 411–414. 9. Cipolla, Money, Prices, and Civilization , 38.

10. Cipolla, “Currency Depreciation in Medieval Europe,” Economic History Review , n.s., 15:3 (1963): 413–422, argues that depreciation has been a constant of economic activity and provides a list of causes for the medi-eval period. See his table, p. 422, comparing the depreciation over time of currencies in England, France, Genoa, Milan, Venice, and Florence. Unfortunately, Catalan currency is not considered.

11. Bisson, Medieval Crown of Aragon , 76–79; also Anna M. Balaguer, “Statutes Governing Coinage in Iberian Kingdoms During the Middle Ages,” Problems of Medieval Coinage , vol. 1, 128–129; Botet i Siso, Les monedes catalanes , vol. 1, 38–43 and 68–69; Crusafont i Sabater, “Thirteenth Century,” Problems of Medieval Coinage , vol. 1, 147–171 as well as his Numismática .

12. Vicens Vives, Economic History , 224–226; Cipolla, Money, Prices, and Civilization , 13–26; Spufford, Handbook of Medieval Exchange .

13. Comparison to coinage in France and England can be made with Arthur J. Rolnick, Francois R. Velde, and Warren E. Weber, “The Debasement Puzzle: An Essay on Medieval Monetary History,” Journal of Economic History , 56, no. 4 (Dec. 1996): 789–808, especially 793; Harry A. Miskimin, “Price Movements and Specie Debasement in France, 1295–1395,” Yale Economic Essays , vol. 1 (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1961), republished in Money, Prices and Foreign Exchange in Fourteenth Century France (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1963); and Joseph Strayer, The Reign of Philip the Fair (Princeton,: Princeton University Press, 1980). French coinage was debased 123 times after 1285, the same year the Catalan croat was introduced. England, to a lesser extent, faced repeated devaluations of its coinage in this period. The Italian city-states, each producing their own coinage, faced monetary f luctuations quite frequently, probably due both to the dynamics of economic competition between cities, and to the political instability of their institutions. In the Iberian peninsula, the monetary policies in Castile-Leon were closer to the model of the rest of Europe than to Catalonia, see Octavio Gil Farres, Historia de la moneda española (Madrid: Apartado, 1959), and Felipe Mateu y Llopis, La moneda española (Madrid: Editorial Alberto Martín, 1946).

14. The leading citizens of Barcelona gained the right to oversee the coin-age of Catalonia from Jaume I in 1258. See Bisson, Medieval Crown , 79; Balaguer, “Statutes Governing Coinage,” 128; and Crusafont i Sabater, “Thirteenth Century,” 160–162.

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15. “vel precium earum sicut plus valebit usque in primis messibus venturis (in primo venturo festo Sante Marie Augusti)” or “secundum quod vos vendatis illud quod vobis remanet de eodem frumento.” See documents #05 and #06 for examples of wheat loan-repayment arrangements.

16. “et hoc sit in eleccione vestra.” 17. Cipolla, Money, Prices, and Civilization , 38–51; Spufford, Money and Its

Use , 411–414. 18. Arguments that medieval commerce served as the foundation for capi-

talism include: Henri Pirenne, Economic and Social History ; Le Goff, Marchands et Banquiers ; Robert S. Lopez, The Commercial Revolution ; Lester K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe , (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1978); see also Peter Spufford, Power and Profit: The Merchant in Medieval Europe . (New York: Thames and Hudson, 2003).

19. As noted in the registers ad mensuram mercati Sancte Columbe , “at the mea-sure of the market of Santa Coloma.”

20. In AHTN3804, f. 80v, one migerias equals 7 solidi , 10 denarii , later on the same folio one migerias equals 8 solidi ; on f. 159, one migerias equals 8 solidi , 4 denarii .

21. In AHTN3812, f. 12v, one migerias equals 9 solidi ; in f. 51 the same equals 8 solidi , 4 denarii ; in f. 123v one migerias is equal to 12 solidi . The value of 14 solidi for one migerias in f. 27v must be exceptional.

22. In AHTN3821, f. 24, one migerias equals 9 solidi , 6 denarii ; in f. 38, one migerias equals 10 solidi in one record and 9 solidi , 6 denarii in the following record; on f. 54 one migerias is back to 10 solidi .

23. “vel precium earum sicut plus valebit usque in primi messibus venturis.” 24. “ secundum quod vos vendatis illud quod vobis remanet de eodem frumento.” 25. Vicens Vives, Economic History , 220–222; David Abulafia “Catalan

Merchants” esp. 214–226. For the roots of the comanda contract see Pryor, “The Origins of the Commenda,” Speculum 52, no. 1 (1977): 5–37.

26. AHTN3804, f. 53v, “A. Pedro, iura, de Carines et Bg. Cotiyoc de Zagoda [debemus] vobis Jucer Franch judeo Sancte Columbe Lxv sol[idi] Barch. Terni in primo venturo festo natalis domini racione mutui . . . dies ut supra [xiiii kalendas novemrbis].”

27. AHTN3812, f. 104v, “A. Vidal de Belprat debeo vobis Vitali Cresques judeo Sancte Columbe C et v sol[idi] Barch. terni racione mutui solvere ad Scam. Ma. Augi . . . . [xvii kalendas febrii].”

28. See my earlier article for a detailed examination of the manipulation of the credit contracts relating to the religious identity of the creditors: Gregory B. Milton, “Christian and Jewish Lenders: Religious Identity and the Extension of Credit.” Viator 37 (2006): 301–18.

29. Jacques Le Goff, Your Money or Your Life: Economy and Religion in the Middle Ages , trans. Patricia Ranum (New York: Zone Books, 1998), 17–32, and 65–84, argues that church authority in the thirteenth and fourteenth cen-turies considered usury as a corruptive threat to the spiritual well-being of Christians; see also Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy , 34–41,

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146–169, and 197–217; while Jeremy Cohen, The Friars and The Jews , (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1982), 82–84, and Marc Meyerson, Jews in an Iberian Frontier Kingdom: Society, Economy and Politics in Morvedre (1248–1391), ( Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 2004), 189–194 and 203–205, argue that medieval morality might have shaped concern over economic life, especially usurious transactions, but did not necessarily originate in the real experience of the people involved in economic activity.

30. Le Goff, Your Money or Your Life , 31. 31. The medieval Church’s interest in the issue of usury corresponds for the

most part with the commercial expansion of the eleventh, twelfth, and thirteenth centuries, as one would expect. One early prohibition against usury was included among the canons of the Council of Nicea in 325, but focused on actions of the clergy only, stating that any cleric “taking interest” or “dealing in usury” should “be deposed and removed from his order.” The ecumenical councils of late Antiquity and the early Middle Ages made no further mention of usury. While occasional secular and/or local prohibitions before the twelfth century did repeat this earliest pro-hibition, usury was not an economic phenomenon of great concern until after the commercial expansion. Nicea I (325), Canon 17 in Conciliorum Oecumenicorum Decreta, 3rd ed., Huberto Jedin, ed. (Bologna: Istituto per le Scienze Religiose, 1973). English translations from Decrees of the Ecumenical Councils , 2 vols., ed. Norman P. Tanner, S.J., (Washington, D.C.: Georgetown University Press, 1990). Canon 17 of Nicea I is found in Decrees , vol. 1, 14.

32. Lateran II (1139), Canon 13, Decrees , vol. 1, 200. 33. The Third Lateran Council of 1179 condemned “notorious usury,”

Lateran III (1179), Canon 25, Decrees , vol. 1, 223; in 1215, the Fourth Lateran Council, acting “to protect the Christians against cruel oppres-sion by the Jews,” attempted to end excessive usury between Jews and Christians, Lateran IV (1215), Constitution 67, Decrees , vol. 1, 265–266; the two councils in Lyon, in 1245 and 1274, again attempted to regulate Christian usury, Lyons I (1245), Constitution 1 of the second collection of decrees produced by the council, Decrees , vol. 1, 293–295, and see the discussion of the decrees in the introduction to this council, 273–277; and Lyons II (1274), Constitutions 26 and 27, 328–330.

34. Vienne (1311–1312), Decree 29, Decrees , vol. 1, 384–385. 35. John T. Gilchrist, The Church and Economic Activity in the Middle Ages

(New York: Macmillan, 1969), 4–10, and 138–139. Gilchrist examines Church attitudes to economic activity as a method of countering the arguments of Max Weber and R. H. Tawney, which place development of capitalism in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries; see Max Weber’s The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism , Stephen Kalberg, trans. (Chicago: Fitzroy Dearborn, 2001) and Tawney’s The Acquisitive Society , (New York: Harcourt, Brace, and Howe, 1920). Gilchrist prefers to see the development of capitalism, in a commercial rather than industrial form, as a continuous process after the year 1000.

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36. The equating of moneylending and Jews has a long history both in the cultural anti-Judaism of medieval and modern Europe as well as, unfor-tunately, in the scholarship of Jewish and economic studies. Gavin I. Langmuir surveys the treatment provided Jews in historical studies in “Majority History and Post-Biblical Jews” in Toward a Definition of Antisemitism , 21–41, a republication of his article in Journal of the History of Ideas 27, no. 3 ( July–September, 1966): 343–364. See especially 34–36 for the consistent association of Jews with moneylending as the only dis-cussion of Jewish history in the Middle Ages by modern surveys. Earlier surveys, such as Cecil Roth’s quick summary of the state of Jewish studies up to 1961 stated directly that Jews and moneylending were equivalent categories, see “The Economic History of the Jews,” The Economic History Review , n.s. 14, no. 1 (1961): 131–135.

37. Averages were calculated for the protocols with sufficient numbers of loans: AHTN3804 (1293–1294), AHTN3812 (1304–1305) and AHTN3821 (1312–1313). The average principal is only from those loans which specified the amount of interest charged separately. The interest percentage is relative to the amount of capital for these same records and is not a rate over time.

38. For example, William C. Jordan, “Jewish-Christian Relations in Mid-Thirteenth Century France: An Unpublished Enquête from Picardy,” Revue des études juives 138 (1979): 47–55, and “An Aspect of Credit in Picardy in the 1240s: The Deterioration of Jewish-Christian Financial Relations,” Revue des études juives 142 (1983): 141–152 demonstrates that the Capetian monarchs in France justified their seizures of Jewish loans on moral grounds; that excessive interest charged by Jews oppressed their Christian debtors. As with many medieval polemics concerning Jewish lending, this justif ication stressed the high interest rates involved, which has greatly inf luenced the discussion by historians. Joseph Shatzmiller, Shylock Reconsidered: Jews, Moneylending and Medieval Society (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990), 72–79, while investigating two competing cultural concepts of the Jewish moneylender in early four-teenth-century Provence, described an economic society in which lend-ing and interest by Jews occurred regularly, where interest rates of 33–50 percent were the norm. Within the boundaries of Shatzmiller’s study, total repayment figures often reached four or five times the original amounts of debts. In Iberia, complaints and royal legislation focused exclusively on claims of similar excessive interest and its consequence, again leading historians to accept this “reality” of lending. See Yitzhak Baer, A History of the Jews in Christian Spain , 2 vols. (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1961), especially 116–118 and 201–208; Yom Tov Assis, Jewish Economy in the Medieval Crown of Aragon, 1213–1327: Money and Power , (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1997).

39. “iv denarii pro libra in mense” see AHTN3804, f. 55, f. 165v, f. 166, and f. 172v. Two contracts listed interest as continuing fees: AHTN3804, f. 10, giving 7 denarii per week and AHTN3821 f. 116, giving 2 denarii per

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week. The interest of these two contracts would continue until the full debt was repaid. These two charges represented very different values compare to the principal. If repayments were on time, the interest charges for the for-mer would come to 130 percent, while the latter would be under 8 percent, based on the amount of the principal and the time period for each loan.

40. The interest charged by Jewish lenders was limited to 20 percent, to accrue for no more than two years, and not to exceed the capital of the loan, see Jean Régné, History of the Jews in Aragon: Regesta and Documents 1213–1327 , ed. Yom Tov Assis ( Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1978), #4, 9 and 10. Hereafter cited as Régné #.

41. Régné #28; see also M. Cinta Mañé and Gemma Escribà in The Jews in the Crown of Aragon Regesta of the Cartas Reales in the Archivo de la Corona de Aragón , vol. 1, Sources for the History of the Jews in Spain 4 ( Jerusalem: Hispania Judaica, Hebrew University of Jerusalem, 1993), #5.

42 . It is important to look beyond the category of Jews and lending in order to understand how all lending worked. The study by Yom Tov Assis, The Jews of Santa Coloma de Queralt , 34–45, demonstrates clearly the role of Santa Coloma’s Jews in moneylending. However, this fine study of all the records involving Jews found in six of the notarial books from the 1290s only reinforces the stereotypical connection between moneylending and Jews. Assis found only 21 instances of Christian loans in his six notarial registers, because he only examined those records involving Jews. What he has uncovered were the occasions when Christians lent to Jews, not all occasions when Christians were lenders. Because Assis was studying the town’s Jews and not the entire community, his findings take Jewish lending activity completely out of context.

43. Bensch, Barcelona and Its Rulers, 282–304, and Elka Klein, Jews, Christian Society, and Royal Power in Medieval Barcelona , (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2006), 162–191, describe a similar dynamic of Christian and Jewish credit in Barcelona. Meyerson, Jews in an Iberian Frontier Kingdom , 180–194, 203–208, demonstrate the uneconomic origin of anti-Jewish polemic concerning usury. See also Nina Melechen, “Loans, Land, and Jewish-Christian Relations,” in Iberia and the Mediterranean World of the Middle Ages , edited by Larry J. Simon, (Leiden, Netherlands: Brill, 1995), 185–215.

44. Teófilo F. Ruiz, “Trading with the “Other”: Economic Exchanges Between Muslims, Jews, and Christians in Late Medieval Northern Castile” in Medieval Spain: Culture, Conf lict and Coexistence. Studies in Honour of Angus MacKay , ed. Roger Collins and Anthony Goodman, (Basingstoke, England: Palgrave Macmillan, 2002), 63–78; Juan Carrasco Pérez, “Fiscalidad, moneda y crédito en las juderías navarras del Camino de Santiago: Monreal (1266–1406)” in La Pervivencia del concepto: Nuevas ref lex-iones sobre la ordenación social del espacio en la Edad Media , ed. J. Ángel Sesma Muñoz and Carlos Laliena Corbera. (Zaragoza, Spain: Universidad de Zaragoza, Grupo de Investigación de Excelencia, 2008), 299–379; Mark D. Meyerson, Jews in an Iberian Frontier Kingdom , especially chapter 4 ,

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“The Yoke of Usury,” 176–209. See also my essay, Gregory B. Milton, “Jews and Finance in Medieval Iberia,” in The Jew in Medieval Iberia , ed. Jonathan Ray, (Boston: Academic Studies Press, 2011).

45. Business partnerships are discussed with greater detail in chapter 5 . 46. AHTN3812, f. 21. 47. AHTN3812, f. 57, “in deposito seu pura comanda.” 48. AHTN3812, f. 105v. 49. AHTN3812, f. 22v. 50. AHTN3812, f. 46. 51. AHTN3812, f. 81v. 52. Jucer Franc was the most active lender with 1,582 solidi and 1 migerias fru-

menti lent over the entire year. Samuel France lent 400 solidi and Mosse de Carcasona lent 144 solidi , 10 migerias frumenti, and 6 migerias ordei (Mosse also bought 6 migerias frumenti during the year). Of course, these calcula-tions only account for loans recorded by the Santa Coloma notary, and do not ref lect any lending without record or contracted elsewhere.

53. AHTN3812, f. 17. 54. AHTN3812, f. 128v. Jucer held the investment “in deposito seu pura

comanda.” 55. AHTN3804, f. 159v. 56. AHTN3812, f. 83, “racione debiti scilicet xxx vii sol[idi] quod predicti Pi. de

Concabela et Saurina uxor eius et Ma. filia eorum debebant predicto nobili racione census.”

57. AHTN3812, f. 70v–71. 58. AHTN3812, f. 74. 59. AHTN3812, f. 83v. 60. AHTN3812, f. 85, the difference between a trocium and sortem seems

insignificant, the latter perhaps indicating the plot of land was part of a larger estate—as it was in this case, since it came from the plana of Na Concabela—although the terms are used interchangeably in other records of sales.

61. AHTN3812, f. 88v and AHTN3812, f. 107. 62. AHTN3812, f. 77v, “quod dictus baiulus nec curia Sancte Columbe noluit facere

fieri juris complemetum dicto P. Bovet.” 63. Ibid., “dictus Bn. de Meyans retinuit spacium duorum dierum et minime

respondere.” 64. AHTN3812, f. 77v. Pere Bovet gave all of his rights to collect the 100

solidi from Na Mieta, handing over the debt instrument to Perico Medici of Santa Coloma.

65. AHTN3812, f. 83. 66. AHTN3812, f. 83v.

5 Commercial Crossroads

1. An early draft of this chapter was presented to the Faculty and Graduate Research Seminar on February 19, 2009, in the Department of History

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at the University of South Florida. I would like to thank Frances Ramos and Anne Lawtosky for their useful insights and direction for the revision of this chapter.

2. Masschaele, “The Public Space of the Marketplace,” 383–421. 3. Economic studies of late medieval England have utilized systematic wage

and price information extensively, such as in D. L. Farmer, “Prices and Wages,” in Agrarian History of England and Wales , ed. H. Hallam (London: Cambridge University Press, 1988), 715–817; also Dyer, Standards of Living in the Later Middle Ages . For Spain, Vicens Vives, Economic History , 223–227 charts inf lation in Spain based on grain yields and prices.

4. Kowaleski, Local Markets and Regional Trade, discusses the specialization of Exeter marketplace as a cattle exchange.

5. Sales of real property, truly a distinct type of transfer, are not included in table 5.1. Real property sales, making up 164 further sales, were paid for in full at the time of sale and were recorded by the notaries in order to document the transfer of title rather than the existence of debt. Table 5.1 counts the number of items sold, rather than the number of transactions.

6. AHTN8629, fol. 5, “ra(cione) xx unam ovium quas a vobis emi . . . Lxx et unum sol. B.t.”

7. . AHTN8629, fol. 9, AHTN3804, fol. 40v, fol. 55v, and AHTN3821, fol. 102, respectively.

8. Most of the scholarship on sheep herding in Iberia concentrates on the Castilian Mesta, for example, Vicens Vives, Economic History , 250–257, and Julius Klein, The Mesta: A Study in Spanish Economic History 1273–1836 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1920). The latter brief ly ref-erences pastoral issues in the Crown of Aragon, 17, 141, and 299–300.

9. AHTN3804, f. 98, for the sale of “pannorum Francie racione xxxiii sol[idi]” from Berenguer and Nicholas de Vergos of Cervera; AHTN3804, f. 146, in which Giner and Arseno Clerezo bought “pannorum Francie ad opus Gi. de Sancte Columba” for 61 solidi , 3 denarii ; and finally AHTN3821, f. 29.

10. For the capes: AHTN3812, f. 14v, f. 92, f. 127, and AHTN3821, f. 58; for the shirts ( caligarum ): AHTN3804, f. 2 and f. 5; for the coat: AHTN3821, f. 89v; and for the tunic: AHTN3812, f. 26v.

11. AHTN3821, f. 17 and f. 17v. 12. For example AHT3812, f. 92, “unius cape de vermyl, tint de Narbona.” 13. AHTN3804, f. 159v, “ . . . quod emperaverat xii migerias frumenti dicto janu-

ario quae sunt in opsicio d’En Roqueta . . . ” 14. Klein, Mesta , 30–48; Postan, “Credit in Medieval Trade,” 238–244; and

Pamela Nightengale, “Knights and Merchants: Trade, Politics, and the Gentry in Late Medieval England,” Past and Present 169 (2000): 36–62.

15. Pere Verdés i Pijuan, “Una Espècia autòctona: El Comerç del safrà a Catalunya durant el segle XV.” Anuario de estudios medievales 31, no. 2 (2001): 758–759.

16. AHTN3804, f. 167v, “Jucer Franc judeus Sancte Columbe confiteor vobis P. Gili de Mirailles quod teneo in deposicione vestra cccc sol[idi] Barch[inone] terni racione, triginta et duas libra brini safrani nquas recepi a vobis quos den[arii] promito vobis

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reddere statim quandocumque a vobis requisitus.” This record is closest in form to a futures contract, and thus, very rare in this period from Santa Coloma, although it indicates that the saffron has actually changed hands from the seller to the middleman, with the price of the saffron to be paid later.

17. These few records dealing with saffron usually indicate a difference between “cabecia/e” (bulbs) of saffron and “brini” (threads) of saffron. The former normally was connected to an amount of saffron in relation to a plot of land, which probably ref lects the amount of plants on the land. The latter seems to indicate saffron picked and prepared for use or trade, as a dye or spice.

18. “Ad faciendum ibi safranum” or “ad plantandum saffrani.” See, for example, AHTN3812, f. 101v or AHTN3821, f. 46.

19. Verdés i Pijuan, “El Comerç del safrà,” 768, 770, 783, and see his transcrip-tion of the 1444 ordinance for saffron, 779–780.

20. Altogether, these partners accounted for 624 animal sales in 1276–1277, 1293–1294, 1304–1305, and 1312–1313. They normally acted as sellers in pairs, although occasionally three or four partners might be repre-sented in a contract. A very few sales were made by a single partner. One problem tracking the partnership comes from the multiplicity of Bernat Moxos. There were at least two—the Bernat Moxo (2), son of G. Moxo, and Bernat Moxo (3), father of Jac. Moxo—related but not imme-diate family, and possibly two more. However, the 110 instances a Bernat Moxo (1) served as partner without indication of familial relationship could be either of these two or others, while the Bernat Moxo (4), son of Bernat Moxo, could be another member of the family altogether.

21. AHTN3812, f. 23–26v. 22. AHTN3804, f. 84 is one sale of mestayl for 7 solidi ; f. 109 is a sale of bladi

for 7 solidi ; f. 77 is a sale of ordei for 10 solidi ; sales at 14 solidi include f. 61v and f. 93 of bladi , f. 87v and f. 92v of mestayl ; f. 71 is a sale of bladi for 15 and a half solidi ; and finally, f. 85 is a sale of 5 quarteries of bladi without a monetary price.

23. AHTN3804, f. 101 is a sale of mestail for 21 solidi ; f. 107is the sale of ordei for 48 solidi . The estimated price of one measure of grain ranged from 9.5 to 11 solidi , based upon the rare contracts which provide some comparison between price and quantity of grain.

24. AHNT3812, f. 28Av; f. 28Av; f. 30; f. 42v; f. 51v; f 57; and f. 59v. 25. In partnership with Ramonet Soler: AHTN3821, f. 43v; f. 69v; f. 70;

f. 113v; f. 114; f. 114v; f. 118v; f. 122; f. 122v; f. 123; and f. 124. In part-nership with Poncius de Vergos, see f. 124.

26. AHTN3804, f. 20, “unius rocini pili bag” ; f. 77v, “unius muli pili bru” ; and f. 98v, “unius muli pili rubei.”

27. AHTN3804, f. 18, “unius rucini pili bag” ; and f. 84, “unius asini pili bag.” 28. AHTN3804, f. 88 and f. 111v for sales of pannorum Illerde for 13 solidi ;

f. 90v and f. 92 for sales of the same for 12 solidi . 29. AHTN3812, f. 81, “unius ma[n]telli panni de Sarzil” ; and f. 92, “unius cape

de vermeyl tint de Narbona.”

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30. AHTN3812, f. 26v, “unius tunice blaue.” 31. AHTN3812, f. 27. 32. AHTN3821, f. 58 and f. 89v. 33. AHTN3804, f. 12, “unius muli pili nigri” ; f. 48, “unius muli pili bag” ; f. 89v,

“unum trocium terre” ; f. 101, “unius muli pili nigri” ; f. 108v, “quodam trocium terre” , f. 142, “unius asini pili rubey” ; AHTN3812, f. 47, “unius muli pili bru” ; f. 58v,, “unius muli pili nigri” ; AHTN3821, f. 9, “muli pili nigri” ; f. 36v, “unius muli pili nigri” ; and f. 118, “unius asini pili albi.”

34. AHTN3804, f. 12. 35. AHTN3812, f. 52. 36. AHTN3812, f. 80v, “in tus civitatem Barch[i]n[one] scilicet ad operatorium

Petri Judicis ypochetarii.” See also f. 50 and f. 84v. 37. AHTN3804, f. 129v, “dictus P. Soler promito vobis P. Mercer quod simus bonus

et fidelis sint nuntius debet esse ad seyor et procambo bone negotia vestra secundum suem omnia ingrinum meum.”

38. AHTN3812, f. 21v. 39. AHTN3812, f. 27, “medietatem tintorie” ; f. 6v is a debt owed for “illius

tinturie” which Jafuda and Loba Aven Abez owed to Jacef Fuster. 40. AHTN3804, f. 156 and f. 173v and f. 156. 41. AHTN3821, f. 30v, “Bnge. filia A. Ginera de Sancta Columba affirmo me

vobiscum P. Sutora que alias nominatur P. Castel dicti loci ad adiscendum minste-rium sucoria.”

42. AHTN3821, f. 95v, “affirmo me vobiscum P. Castel adsuendum vobiscum seu administerium vestrum de suturia seu officiam zabaterie . . . et cum hoc presenti publico instrumento affirmo vobis Bng. Fratrum meum a primo venturo festo omnium sanctorum ad quatour annos ad adiscendum dictum ministerium seu offi-cium de zabateria.”

43. Table 5.5 shows the number of male and female sellers and buyers based on the records in AHTN3804, 3812, 3821. The percent of sales is determined based upon the total 1,521 sales, including 164 sales of real property.

44. Marie A. Kelleher, The Measure of Woman: Law and Female Identity in the Crown of Aragon (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010), 48–80 provides an insightful discussion of the strategies and claims of men and women in relation to property within the legal structures of thirteenth and fourteenth century Catalonia.

45. AHTN3821, f. 42. 46. AHTN3804, f. 137. 47. Hilton, “Medieval Market Towns”; Masschaele, Peasants, Merchants,

and Markets ; Kathryn Reyerson, “Ref lections on the Infrastructure of Medieval Trade,” in Trading Cultures: The Worlds of Western Merchants: Essays on Authority, Objectivity, and Evidence , ed. Jeremy Adelman and Stephen Aron (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 2001), 7–34; Marci Sortor, “Saint-Omer and Its Textile Trades in the Late Middle Ages: A Contribution to the Proto-Industrialization Debate,” American Historical Review 98, no. 5 (1993): 1475–1499. James R. Farr, “On the Shop Floor: Guilds, Artisans,

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and the European Market Economy, 1350–1750,” Journal of Early Modern History 1, no. 1 (1997): 24–54. Some scholarship has attempted to con-sider the economic role of women, as producers, of course. See Barbara A. Hanawalt, The Ties That Bound: Peasant Families in Medieval England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1986); Martha C. Howell, Women, Production, and Patriarchy in Late Medieval Cities (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986); and Judith M. Bennett, Ale, Beer, and Brewsters in England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1996).

48. See Christopher Dyer, “The Consumer and the Market in the Later Middle Ages,” Economic History Review, n.s. 42, no. 3 (1989): 305–27, esp. 32–321. For a brief discussion of shopping for households by women, as well as women going to market to sell dairy products, Kowaleski, Local Markets provides an updated view of consumers in the market updating Hilton’s take on it in “Medieval Market Towns”; while Sortor, “Saint-Omer and Its Textile Trades,” 1492, discusses production for domestic consumption. Other aspects of the activity of women as consumers can be found in Jordan, “Jews on Top”; Marjatta Rahikainen, “Ageing Men and Women in the Labour Market—Continuity and Change,” Scandinavian Journal of History 26, no. 4 (2001): 297–314; and Rebecca Lynn Winer, Women, Wealth, and Community in Perpignan, ca.1250–1300: Christians, Jews, and Enslaved Muslims in a Medieval Mediterranean Town (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2006).

49. AHTN3804, f. 44v; AHTN3812, f. 56v; f. 57; and f. 80. 50. AHTN3804, f. 18v, “unum trocium terre” ; f. 98, “pannorum Francie” ; f. 146,

“pannorum Francie ad opus” ; AHTNH3812, f. 5Av, “fru[menti]” ; f. 15, “unius asini pili albi” ; f. 26v, “unius asini pili nigri” ; f. 65v, “unius somere pili ros” ; and AHTN3821, f. 29, “pannorum Franchee.”

51. AHTN3804, f. 044v. Gillemona Solera came from the village of Manzo de Soler in the termé of Aguilo to buy this ox. Uniquely, she is not iden-tified in relation to any male relative (such as father, brother, son, or deceased husband) as is the case in most incidents of women acting in their own name within the notarial record. The fideiussor (guarantor) for this purchase was R. Soler of Santa Coloma, possibly a (male) relative.

52. AHTN3812, f. 008v, “Ga. Blancha d’Aguilo debeo vobis Po. filio Ffi. Sola de Cervaria ii miger avene ad mensuram Sancte Columbe solvere ad festum S[anc]torum P[etr]i et Felicis in tus villam predictam Sancte Columbe racione empcionis.”

53. AHTN3812, f. 028v, “Ga. Blancha d’Aguilo et Jac. Blanch eius filius debemus vobis Ro. x sol[ildi] et viii den[arii] racione bladi solvere ad S[anc]tam M[ariam] Aug[ust]i.”

54. AHTN3812, f. 045, Giner dez Val, son of Giner dez Val dez’Asisquela Cervarie, confirms “confiteor vobis Ge. Blanch d’Aguilo et vestris me bene esse paccatum a vobis de omnibus debitis que vos vel Bn. Blanch maritus vester condam mihi ve patri meo predicto debueritis . . . ”

55. AHTN3812, f. 045, the fact that the quitclaim from Giner dez Val indi-cates the resolved debt originally was owed by the married couple suggests that Bernat, Geramona’s husband, had died recently.

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56. There seems to be no family relation between Gerau Ferran, Bernat Ferran, or Jacobus Ferrarii (see below). Ferran, or Ferrar, is one of the most common surnames in Baixa Segarra. Periconus Ferran is given as a diminutive (little Pere), which suggests a youth possibly related to one of the scribes. This can only be a hypothesis.

6 Power, Status, and Economy

1. Thomas N. Bisson, “Medieval Lordship,” Speculum 70:4 (October, 1995): 749.

2. Ronald Witt address the traditional approaches to economic f lexibility among the nonurban elite, especially the rural, military nobility in “The Landlord and the Economic Revival of the Middle Ages in Northern Europe, 1000–1250,” The American Historical Review 76:4 (October, 1971): 965–988. However, Witt considers only land-based economic activity, not commercial exchange in the marketplace, which did in fact form an important part of lordship in and around Santa Coloma.

3. Bisson, “Medieval Lordship,” 757. 4. Susan Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe 900–1300 ,

2nd ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997), 129–136 and 158–168, discusses the development of communal ideals in rural villages in the ninth and tenth centuries and the commercial development of self-governing urban communities; Mercé Aventin and Josep Maria Salrach Marés, ”Mercat i comunitat dinamisme econòmic a la vila de Terrassa i la seva àrea d’inf luència (segle XIII)” in, Acta historica et archaeologica mediaevalia 25 (2004), 107–108, 114, considers the commercial development of Terrassa in the mid-thirteenth century as a community based upon a market and its activity.

5. Vicen Vives, Economic History , 170–173; Bisson, Medieval Crown , 76–80; Bensch, Barcelona and Its Rulers , 313–325.

6. Bisson, Medieval Crown , 79. AHCB Fons Municipal, Pergamins 41 is the original grant by Jaume I to the city of Barcelona in 1258, while AHCB Fons Municipal, Pergamins 63 repeats the grant in 1269, authorizing the regulation of a silver coin, the croat , desired by the Infante Pere. The delegation of the minting and regulation of the coinage to the city of Barcelona was confirmed by subsequent count-kings at the beginning of the their reigns: AHCB Fons Municipal, Pergamins 130 (Alfons II, 1286); AHCB Fons Municipal, Pergamins 205 ( Jaume II, 1295).

7. See for example, AHCB, Fons Municipal, Pergamins 125 (1286), 139 (1287), 160 (1289), and 201 (1289).

8. AHCB Fons Municipal, Pergamins 109 provided an expanded recogni-tion of the rights and obligations of Barcelona and its official in a grant made by Pere II and the Infante Alfons in 1284, including the roles of the proceres , the council, and other officials and institutions of municipal government.

9. Assis, Jews of Santa Coloma , doc. VIII, p. 116.

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10. Ibid., doc. XII, p. 119. 11. In AHTN3812, f. 57Av, Pere IV de Queralt and En Cresques reconciled

their accounts. In AHTN3821, f. 109v, Cresques along with the rector Bernat Ferran and Ramon de Tornabous, jurisperite of Cervera, arbitrated a dispute between Berenguer Pelicer and Giner Clerezo. Interestingly, Berenguer Pelicer was the current baiulus for Guillem de Santa Coloma while Giner Clerezo was the previous holder of that office.

12. Assis, Jews of Santa Coloma , 104. 13. AHTN3821, f. 21 and f. 34. 14. AHTN3812, f. 60–60v, Ramon Mor was baiulus in Aguilo for Francisco

de Timor in 1304. In 1312–1313, Ramon Mor was still baiulus for the manumissores of Francisco, AHTN3821, f. 15.

15. Berengarius Alio was appointed baiulus in Pontils for Francisco de Timor in AHTN3812, f. 24v.

16. AHTN3812, f. 50v, AHTN3821, f. 88, and f. 126 in which Berengarius Forcadel was baiulus in Guialmon for Pere Arnau of Pontils. Earlier that same year, 1312–1313, he was listed as baiulus for Berenguer Arnau, miles , possibly Pere Arnau’s brother or son, in Guialmon, AHTN3821, f. 64.

17. AHTN3812, f. 96v–97, Pere IV de Queralt and Guillem de Santa Coloma “ordinavimus in . . . divisores et distributores dictorum bonorum jam ad hec et ad alia dividenda et ordinanda deputatos et juratos in villa Sancte Columbe per pro-ceres dicti loci scilicet Guillm. de Sentgenis, Gm. Boveri, Bng. Ff. et predictum Giner Clerezo qui G. de Sentgenis, G. Bover, Bng. Ff. et Giner Clerezo predicti ex oficio suo et de mandato nostro et nobilis Pi. de Queralt et Gi. de Sancta Columba dixerunt et pronunciarunt in dicti divisione habito consilio sapientum primo et procerum hominum et secundum intencionem dictorum iiii juratorum quod dictus Jacobus et uxor sua Barchin[on]a haberent et posiderent in perpetuum.”

18. AHTN3812, f. 11v, “nobis acomodasis ad opus operis valli et pontis ville de Sancta Columba . . . manulevamimus (sic) ad opus tocius universitatis dicte ville.”

19. “in libro curie.” 20. AHTN3812, f. 99, “Bn. Feran rector Sancte Columbe comando vobis P. Medici

totam scribaniam mean Sancte Columbe in presencia Bn. de Meyans et Gi. de Sancta Columba curie Sancte Columbe.”

21. AHTN3812, f. 104v–105, “facimus vos Bng. Ff., Giner Clerezo, G. Bover dicti loci certos procuratores nostros.”

22. AHTN3812, f. 116. 23. AHTN3821, f. 75v, “En Cresques, Astruch de Carcasona, Izach de Montealbo,

Astruch Vidal, Vidal Cresques, Abraham Brunel, Astruch Mifael, Bonjach Abraham judei et proceres Sancte Columbe actoritate tocius universitatis calyame Sancte Columbe.”

24. AHTN3821, f. 79. 25. AHTN3804, f. 67, “ad opus tocius universitatis de Gialmon.” 26. AHTN3804, f. 85v, “habitatores de Gialmon per nos et per totam universitatem

dicti loci de Gialmon confitemur vobis Jucer Franc et Vidale Franc filio vestro judeis Sancte Columbe quod in presenti die venimus ad legale compotum de quodam debito mille cccc sol[idi] et cxx et v sol[idi].”

N O T E S208

27. AHTN3812, f. 50v, “quatuor proceres de Guialmon super animam ipsorum sic ipsi extimarent et darent sive declararent.”

28. AHTN3804, f. 98 for the sale of “pannorum Francie racione xxxiii sol[idi]” from Berenguer and Nicholas de Vergos of Cervera; AHTN3804, f. 146 in which Giner and Arseno Clerezo bought “pannorum Francie ad opus Gi. de Sancte Columba” for 61 solidi , 3 denarii ; and finally AHTN3821, f. 29.

29. AHTN3804, f. 18v. 30. AHTN3804, f. 159v, the grain belonging to Giner Clerezo was kept

“in the holding of Master Roqueta,” although the original source of the wheat was not identified.

31. AHTN3812, f. 5Av. 32. AHTN3821, f. 32v. 33. For example, when forfeitures were taken in order to resolve debts, the

baiulus involved gained the advice of sagione et probono hominium of the area first.

34. AHTN3821, f. 32v. The Clerezos sold “quintam partem expletorum trocii Conesie” for a period of 6 years, but did not sell the land.

35. Because of the nature of the records in which Cresques and his family participated, only Bonfat and Regina are directly identified as children of En Cresques. Bonfat is associated with her father Cresques in docu-ments concerning her marriage arrangements and inheritance issues, see AHTN3804, ff. 48–49 and AHTN3812, f. 65. However, Assis, Jews of Santa Coloma , doc VII, pp. 116–117, has mistakenly identified Bonfat ( filie Bonfada ) in AHTN3804 f.176v as a son named Bonjuda. Regina is noted as Cresques’s relatives for purposes of identification: Regina, daughter of Cresques, extended a loan in her own name in 1295, see Assis, 37 and 66. Astruc Cresques, Vidal Cresques, and Samuel Cresques participated in primarily economic transactions as male adults. Therefore, their famil-ial relationships did not require listing and must be determined through naming patterns and patterns of common activity.

36. AHTN3812, f. 65. 37. Segura i Valls, Història , 141–142. 38. AHTN3821, f. 109v for the latest record listing Cresques as baiulus for

Pere IV on February 26, 1313. 39. AHTN3812, f. 17 and f. 17v; AHTN3821, f. 31. The trocium terre , pur-

chased from En Giner, was not identified by location or neighborhood. 40. AHTN8629, f. 7. 41. AHTN3812, f. 118. 42. AHTN3804, f. 46. Assis, Jews of Santa Coloma , 36–37 identified Jafia

Vidal as one of the most important moneylenders new to Santa Coloma, along with his father Vidal, in 1296 and 1297.

43. AHTN3812, f. 57Av. 44. Assis, Jews of Santa Coloma , doc. XII, p. 119–120. 45. AHTN3812, f. 58 and f. 83. 46. AHTN3821, f. 109v, the overlap in titles of the three principal arbitrators

is interesting: “B(er)n(at) Ff(er)andi rector Sancte Columbe et procuratore nobil(i)

N O T E S 209

Pet(ri) de Queralto et En Cresques baiulo dicti nobilis et R(aymund)o Tornabous jurasperite Cevarie et assessore dicti loci Sancte Columbe et pleribus aliis homini-bus fuit conventum componitum inter dictas partes.”

47. AHTN3812, loose leaf, “in presencia mei not(arii) . . . constitus [sic] in loco de Santa Columba in mercatali eiusdem loci.” Unfortunately, Cresques’s response simply states that a date to hear the dispute was set, without anything more specific.

48. AHTN3812, f. 71v. Cresques was one of three testes for the written ver-sion of the proceedings. The other two witnesses were Christians.

49. AHTN3821, f. 75v. 50. AHTN3821, f. 65, “per curiam Sancte Columbe.” 51. AHTN3804, f. 51, “ . . . cum omnibus juribus suis sicut consuetum est . . . excepto

gladio abstracto et sanguine.” 52. AHTN3804, f. 86. 53. AHTN3804, f. 103v. 54. Assis, Jews of Santa Coloma , 105, notes the purchase of the market rights in

1297, and mentions the purchase of all feudal dues for the following year. The extent of this latter purchase is not described.

55. AHTN3821, f. 45v. 56. Klein, Jews, Christian Society, and Royal Power , 162–183, demonstrates that

lending was often the means with which rising-status Jewish families in Barcelona gained sufficient resources to establish themselves among the new elite of the Barcelona Jewish community, yet once established, this elite—like the older elite being replaced—looked to office, control of real property, and inf luence for economic and political position.

57. In AHTN3821, ff. 122–122v, Geralda de Claret “condam prime uxore mee qui ab intestato dedissit” had died while their son, Jacmono, was still very young and assigned guardians for his mother’s property.

58. AHTN3812, f. 1v for two migerias frumenti worth 32 solidi ; f. 3 for frumenti bought for 21 solidi ; f. 5Av and credit-sales of frumenti for 32 solidi and 16 solidi respectively; and f. 8 for 16 solidi worth of frumenti . Assuming that the first record indicates the price per measure used consistently by Bernat de Claret for all f ive sales, his wheat was quite expensive at 16 solidi per migerias . This could be due to a seasonal f luctuation. Wheat would be most scarce in late winter/early spring, and all f ive of these sales were in March 1304. However, other explanations for the high price are possible, such as the wheat being of a very high quality or the sales involving more than plain wheat.

59. AHTN3812, f. 119 is a purchase of pannorum Francie for 42 solidi and f. 131v is another for 20 solidi .

60. AHTN3812, f. 5A, “ad faciendum et construendum ibi quoddam columbar-ium prout videbitur faciendum exabisso usque ad celos quod trociolum terre est de dominicatura nostra sicut afrontat de omnibus partibus in dominicatura nostra pre-dicta et faciatis nobis de censu due paria columbarum quolibet anno in festo S[anc]te M[ari]e Aug[ust]i.”

61. AHTN3812, f. 100v.

N O T E S210

62. The loans in saffron are AHTN3812, f. 1, f. 2, and f. 3. The wheat-loans are AHTN3812, f. 27v and f. 28v.

63. AHTN3812, f. 69v, “quendam babtizatum meum nigrum vocatum Petrum,” is pledged along with a mule, both of which could be sold or pledged by the creditor if the debt was not resolved, with animal and human slave treated equally as property. The existence of slavery in medieval Europe, especially around the Mediterranean littoral, is recognized although it has not been as thoroughly examined as it warrants. Very little evidence of slavery in the Santa Coloma area is provided by the notarial protocols, although two of the identified Muslim inhabitants might also have been slaves formerly. In all of these cases, the slaves belonged to members of the area’s nobility.

64. AHTN3812, f. 38v, “totam raffuriam [sic] de Sancta Columba . . . predictam rafuriam vobis vendimus in hunc modum quod nullus homo ludere nec mutuare nisi vos in villa seu terminis dicti loci nisi in domibus vestris nisi hoc fecerit de voluntate vestra ad [nllr.] ludum de graescha d’altileva nec arifa.”

65. AHTPergCP, #3 from 1270 concerns Arnau de Meihans in a negotia-tion over a donation. By 1292, but probably by the late 1280s, Arnau had died, leaving a widow who would remarry the notary-priest Bonanat de Muntayola, Segura i Valls, Història , 67 and 273.

66. Bernat de Meihans was active throughout AHTN3812. 67. AHTN8631, f. 5v and f. 6, AHTN3804, f. 19. 68. AHTN3812, ff. 35v–36 is Pere Piquer’s appointment as a priest in the

church of Santa Coloma and as a scribe in the notariate. AHTN3812, f. 67 is the grant of the chapel of St. John the Evangelist in the castle of Santa Coloma.

69. AHTN3812, f. 54 and f. 54v. 70. Regne, History of the Jews in Aragon: Regesta and Documents #2717.

Epilogue: The Annual Fair of September

1. ACA, Diversos y Coleciones, Condes de Queralt, Volumes. vol. 53, p. 71, “ . . . ad humilem supplicationem nobilis et dilecti consiliarii nostri Petri de Queralto . . . ”

2. Ibid., 71, “ . . . crimen lese Magestatis, homicidiis, raptoribus, seu latronibus, et aliis majoribus criminibus.”

3. Ibid., 71. “ . . . afectatoirum [sic] locum suum de Sta. Columba suscipere incrementum. . . . ”

4. Ibid., 71, “Iram et indignationem nostram et penam quingentorum aureorum absque remedio se novent Incursurum dampnis illatis prius et plenarie restituti.”

5. Maria Dolores López Pérez, “Comprar y vender en Cataluña: mercados, ferías y lonjas (ss. XII–XV)” in Fiere e mercati , 331–333, does not even include the fair at Santa Coloma among those established in Catalonia during the fourteenth century, let alone consider it among those that prospered into the fifteenth century.

6. Pere Verdés i Pijuan, “El Comerç del safrà,” 757–85.

N O T E S 211

7. This current study examined three protocols and two fragments of proto-cols for a period spanning 50 years, providing over 4,270 recorded trans-actions. Within that same period, there are another 15 protocols, two fragments of protocols, and three books of wills which have not yet been examined fully.

8. The analysis of Marie A. Kelleher as applied to the utilization of law by Catalan women in The Measure of Woman suggest a way to proceed for considering the economic records in notarial collections. See also Winer, Women, Wealth, and Community.

9. Secall i Güell’s La comunitat hebrea de Santa Coloma de Queralt documents the fourteenth-century community in Santa Coloma. Works such as Meyerson’s Jews in an Iberian Frontier Kingdom and Klein’s Jews, Christian Society, and Royal Power suggest the potential directions of further study for Jewish life and Jewish-Christian relations in Santa Coloma.

Appendix: The Documents

1. “or the price of them as it is best valued at the first approaching harvest.”

2. “as those you will sell which remain to you from that wheat.” 3. The term foro in this context implies that the debtor can accept the best or

highest price once from one session of the regular wheat market. 4. Capecia refers to an unidentifiable measure for saffron, possibly referring

to a container rather than a quantity as, unlike the wheat measure mige-rias , there is never a number of capecia indicated.

5. Assis, Jews of Santa Coloma , 87–90. 6. John H. Pryor traces the comanda or commenda contract to exchanges

involving Muslim merchants, with particular emphasis on maritime trade, “The Origins of the Commenda Contract,” Speculum 52:1 ( January, 1977): 5–37.

7. Isaac de Montealbo was a Jewish citizen of Santa Coloma. 8. A copper coin minted in large quantities for the purpose of everyday

transactions. The obels was a fraction of a diner , probably valued at one-fourth of a diner , which would mean there were 16 obels to one solidus .

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Zimmermann, Michel. Écrire et Lire en Catalogne (IXe–XIIe siècle) . Madrid: Casa de Velázquez, 2003.

agriculture, 12–14 , 16 Aguilo (district), 109 d’Altet, Ramon, 43 , 48 Alt Gaía (Baixa Segarra), 15–18 animal sales

by locals, 107–8 as major product, 98–9 on May 18 , 1304 , 116 , 120 Moxo family and, 104–6 , 146 ,

154–5 , 203n20 numbers of, 99–100 space for, 7 , 63

apprenticeship contracts, 9 , 112 , 162 , 163 , 166–7

Argençola (village), 109 Ars Notariae (de Perugia), 34 artisans. See craft trades Assis, Yom Tov, 3 , 128 , 156 , 175–6n25 ,

180n69 , 189n7 , 200n42 authority. See lordship ; officeholding

bailiffs (baiulus), 9 Bernat de Claret as, 140 class and, 124 , 132 Cresques as, 30 , 128 , 135 ,

136–7 default and, 93–5 dual, 128 , 136–7 , 180n69 duties of, 29–30 , 127–9 Giner Clerezo as, 128 , 132–4

Baixa Segarra (Alt Gaía), 15–18 Barcelona, 14 , 126–7 , 209n56 Bensch, Stephen, 34 , 182n9 de Bianya, Bernat, 43 , 44–5 , 61 ,

65 , 186n49

de Bianya, Jaume, 37 , 40–5 , 61 , 65–6 , 145 , 192n45

Bisson, Thomas, 123 , 125 , 175n23 blacksmiths, 24–5 , 28 , 57 Bloch, Marc, 3 Boraz, Bernat, 94 , 95 Bort, Berenguer, 137 Botet, Pere, 43 , 65 Botini, Bernat, 37 , 44–5 , 45–6 ,

47 , 66 Bover, Guillem (mayorali), 141–2 Bover, Guillem (proceres), 129–30 , 142 Bover family, 141 Bovet, Pere, 93 , 94 Brenner, Robert, 5 Britnell, Richard, 4 butchers. See carniceria buyers

local, 108–9 , 147 married couples as, 115–16 on May 18 , 1304 , 120 nonlocal, 62 women as, 114–15

calyame ( Jewish body of governance), 31 , 90 , 131 , 135

Campbell, Bruce, 4 cancellation of records, 38–9 ,

182n12 capitalism. See commercial capitalism de Carcasona, Abraam, 24 , 56 , 90 ,

131 , 137–8 de Carcasona, Astruc, 90 de Carcasona, Mosse, 89–91 , 110 ,

136 , 152 , 201n52

INDEX

I N D E X238

Carcellar i Barrabeig, Gerard, 3 carniceria (butcher shops), 7 , 63 ,

111 , 161 Castel, Pere, 112 castellans

authority of, 25–7 , 29 , 124 bailiffs for, 30 , 124 , 128–9 , 132–3 commerce and, 28–9 , 89–90 , 124 in conf lict with townspeople, 131 dues owed to, 23 Timor-Queralt family and, 20 titles for, 178n54

Catalonia, 11–15 decline of, 147 population of, 175n23 , 175n24

census (dues). See rents census (population count).

See population Cervera

notariate of, 64–5 , 185n31 as regional trading town, 6 , 15 , 104 route to, 17 Santa Coloma notariate and, 41 scribes of, 192n43

Christians, 8 as lenders, 82–9 , 89–91 , 110–11 ,

200n42 percentage of population, 89 sharing role of bailiff with Jews,

128 , 136–7 Church, 85 , 198n31 , 198n33 church of Santa Coloma, 27–8 ,

39–40 Cipolla, Carlo, 73 de Claret, Bernat, 9 , 111 , 128 , 130 ,

132 , 139–41 , 162 class. See social status Clerezo, Arseno, 132 Clerezo, Giner, 9

as castellan’s bailiff, 128 cloth trade and, 101 , 132 involved in dispute, 136 , 207n11 leadership of, 132–4 as proceres, 129 , 130 , 133–4 protestatus against, 71 , 93 status of, 140

clergy, 8 appointment/regulation of, 64 authority of, 27–9 class and, 141–2 network of, 45–9 notariate and, 41–2 , 190n29 ,

192n45 terms for, 188n60

cloth as major product, 8 , 98–9 purchase of by Pere IV, 130–1 sales of, 101 , 103 , 108 , 155

cloth trade in Catalonia, 14–15 Giner Clerezo in, 101 , 132 members of, 111–12

comanda (investment contracts), 80–1 , 156–7 , 159

Comi, Bernat, 48 commerce

castellans and, 28–9 , 89–90 , 124 in Catalonia, 14 lordship and, 147 rural economy and, 146 studies of, 3–5

commercial capitalism development of, 171n14 , 198n35 importance of, 4–5 merchants and, 171n15 rural commerce and, 1 in Santa Coloma, 145–6

commercial development, 51–70 expansion of community and,

67–70 lordship of Queralt and, 52–8 , 125 merchants and, 171n14 notariate and, 64–7 weekly market and, 58–64

community, 7 , 146 Comunitat de Preveres (Community of

Priests), 45–9 , 187n50 de Concabela, Gilelma, 95 de Concabela, Na Mieta, 8 , 93–5 ,

136 , 164–5 Conde, Rafael, 41 , 42 Conesa (town), 109

I N D E X 239

contracts, 7–8 for apprenticeships, 9 , 112 , 162 ,

163 , 166–7 for investments, 80–1 , 156–7 , 159 number of, 67–8 prices for, 66 types of, 9 , 76–82

Councils of the Church, 85 , 198n31 , 198n33

craft trades, 14–15 , 111–12 , 113 credit, 71–95

attitudes toward, 77 currencies and, 72–6 debt management and, 91–3 default on debts and, 93–5 in market, 8 partnerships and, 89–91 records of transactions and, 76–82 religion and, 82–9 studies of, 71–2 See also credit sales ; debt

creditors Christian, 82–9 , 89–91 , 110–11 ,

200n42 debt management and, 91–3 Jewish, 89–91 , 110 , 135 , 199n36 ,

199n38 , 200n40 , 200n42 partnerships of, 89–91 See also debt

credit sales in appendix documents, 154–6 defined, 78–9 , 154 as element of economy, 146 on May 18 , 1304 , 116 numbers of, 36 , 77 , 87

Cresques, En, 9 as arbitrator of dispute, 207n11 as bailiff, 30 , 128 , 135 , 136–7 family of, 208n35 leadership of, 134–9 as proceres in Jewish community,

31 , 131 as prominent citizen, 132 rights to forum and, 24 , 56

Cresques, Vidal, 110 , 135 , 208n35 Cresques family, 135–6 , 208n35

Crown of Aragon, 12–15 curia (town council)

duties of, 30–1 , 129–31 notariate and, 64 , 130 social status and, 29 , 126

currencies, 7 , 72–6 in loans, 79–80 selection of, 72 , 73 , 74–6 , 83–6 See also money loans ; wheat loans

debt, 1 consolidation of, 81 , 92 default on, 8 , 9 , 93–5 , 162 management of, 91–3 records of, 76–82 transfers of, 81 , 92 , 158–9 types of, 35–6 See also credit

default on debts, 8 , 9 , 92–3 , 93–5 , 162 Denarii, Pere, 93 deposicione/deposito (investment

contracts), 80–1 , 156–7 , 159 Duby, Georges, 3 , 194–5n4 dues. See rents

L’économie rurale et la vie des campagnes dan l’occident médiéval (Duby), 3 , 194–5n4

employment contracts, 162 , 166 See also apprenticeship contracts

fair, annual, 9 , 54 , 143–4 Falconera, Arnau, 48 Ferran, Bernat, 37 , 45 , 46 , 64 ,

130 , 206n56 Ferran, Gerau, 48 , 121 , 206n56 Ferrarii, Jacobus, 121 , 206n56 Ferrer, Berenguer, 129 , 130 Ferrer, Jaume, 47–8 , 111 fideiussores (guarantors), 120 , 130–1 ,

154 f inanciers. See creditors foreign merchants, 8 , 62–3 , 101–2 ,

103–6 , 145 , 147 forum (public market). See market

( forum)

I N D E X240

Fossier, Robert, 3 , 195n4 Franc, Jucer, 89–91 , 102 , 110 , 131 ,

157 , 201n52 Franc, Samuel, 90–1 , 201n52

Gaía River, 16 , 18 gambling, 140 Garcia de Cortázar, José Angel, 4 gender. See women Gilchrist, John T., 85 , 198n35 Gimeno, Francisco, 41 , 42 government

of Barcelona, 127 in Catalonia, 12 of Santa Coloma, 126 , 127–30 See also curia (town council);

officeholding grain

as major product, 8 , 13 , 98–9 sales of, 101–2 , 103 , 107 , 111 See also wheat measures

grants of annual fair, 143–4 of land, 162 from lords of Queralt, 52 numbers of, 36

guarantors ( fideiussores), 120 , 130–1 , 154 Guialmon (village), 131 Gurb-Queralt family, 12 , 20 , 124

Hilton, R. H., 4 , 171n15 Història de Santa Coloma de Queralt

(Segura i Valls), 3 , 173n2

Igualada (town), 6 , 15 , 17 inquests, 163–5 interest

determining of, 86 Jewish lenders and, 200n40 masking profit from, 82–5 , 89–91 money loans and, 75 religion and, 83–5 usury and, 198n31 , 198n33

investment contracts (deposicione/deposito/comanda), 80–1 , 156–7 , 159

investments, 89–91 , 156–7

Jaume I, 14 , 34 , 86 , 181n6 , 189n4 Jaume II, 24 , 143–4 Jewish community

bailiffs and, 128 of Barcelona, 209n56 commercial development and, 148 Cresques’ role in, 31 , 131 , 134–8 establishment of, 52 , 68–70 , 189n7 governance of (calyame), 31 , 131 officeholding and, 134–9 population of, 175–6n25

Jews as bailiffs, 128 , 136–7 as lenders, 82–9 , 89–91 , 110 ,

199n36 , 199n38 , 200n40 , 200n42

number of, 68–9 population and, 19 , 20 , 89 status of, 180n69 as witnesses, 38

labor service, 20–1 , 21–2 , 54 Lateran Councils, 85 , 198n33 leases. See rentals/leases lenders. See creditors loan periods, 81–2 loans, 8

in appendix documents, 151–4 defined, 79–80 made by Bernat de Claret, 139–40 as majority of transactions, 78 , 79 manipulation of transactions and,

83–5 numbers of, 36 , 87 See also money loans ; wheat loans

locals as consumers, 108–9 , 147 as merchants, 8 , 9 , 106–8 , 147 as producers, 110–12 , 147

local sales, 113 Lorac, Guillem, 128 lordship, 9

of castellans/milites, 25–7 , 29 , 124 of clergy, 27–9 commerce and, 147 officeholding and, 123–6

I N D E X 241

lords of Queralt authority of, 20–5 , 124 castellans and, 26 commercial activity and, 125 income of, 20–5 , 54 lesser nobility and, 27 See also under Queralt

Mager, Guillelmus, 44 Maler, Pere, 71 , 93 market ( forum), 8 , 58–64 , 97–121

activity at, 58–61 components of, 6–7 defined, 51–2 development of, 97–8 , 189n4 foreign merchants at, 103–6 gender and, 112–16 locals at, 106–12 one day at, 116–21 physical space for, 6–7 , 62–3 , 98 products sold at, 98–103 regulation of, 24 , 25 , 56–7 , 61 ,

137–8 social role of, 97 tax associated with, 44 , 138 , 186n44 villages represented in, 107 , 109

marriage arrangements, 9 , 36 , 82 , 162–3

married couples as buyers, 115–16

May 18 , 1304 , 9 , 105 , 116–21 de Meihans, Arnau, 142 , 192n45 , 210n65 de Meihans, Bernat, 93–4 , 128 , 137 ,

142 , 164–5 mercantile capitalism. See commercial

capitalism Mercer, Pere, 111 merchants

of animals, 9 , 63 , 107–8 capital economy and, 171n14 of cloth, 108 foreign, 8 , 62–3 , 101–2 , 103–6 ,

145 , 147 of grain, 111 local, 8 , 9 , 106–8 , 147 women as, 112–13

miles (lesser nobility), 7 , 25–7 , 29 , 89–90 , 124 , 178n54

mills, 25 , 28 , 57 Miloz, Bartolomeus, 44 de Mirailles, Galcerandus, 25 , 124 , 142 Miro, Arnau, 48 Monday transactions, 58–60 monetary currency, 72–6 , 83–5 moneylending. See creditors money loans, 79–80 , 152–3

interest and, 75 religion and, 83–5 repayment of, 80 , 151

Montblanch (town), 6 , 15 , 17 de Montealbo, Isaac, 110 Montesuperbo (village), 27 , 131 de Montesuperbo, Bartolomeus, 24 ,

25 , 124 , 142 de Montesuperbo, Jaume, 27 , 131 Moxo family, 9 , 104–6 , 116–20 , 146 ,

154–5 , 203n20 de Muntayola, Bonanat, 142 , 153 ,

210n65 de Muntayola, Pere, 43 , 47 , 186n39 Muslims, 19 , 20 , 83 , 88

names, proper/place, 10 nobility

commercial development and, 51 officeholding and, 124 , 142 power of, 141 See also castellans ; lordship ; lords of

Queralt ; nobility, lesser nobility, lesser, 7 , 25–7

authority of, 124 commercial business and, 89–90 in partnerships with lenders, 29 titles of, 178n54 See also castellans

nonnoble elite, 7 , 8 , 9 development and, 145 officeholding and, 29–31 , 124 ,

132 , 141 See also proceres (leading citizens)

notarial records market activity and, 58–61

I N D E X242

notariate, 7–8 , 33–49 appointment/regulation of, 64 , 130 of Cervera, 185n31 , 192n43 Cervera and, 41 , 64–5 clerical network and, 45–9 clerical scribes in, 41–2 commerce and, 64–7 curia and, 130 establishment of, 181n6 number of notaries in, 182n9 office of, 181n5 practices of, 33–5 , 146–7 , 182n12 professional, 145 royal authority and, 12 rural vs. urban, 33–5 Santa Coloma protocols and,

35–9 , 37 scribania and, 39–45 value of, 41–2 , 43 , 66

officeholding, 9 , 123–42 authority and, 29–31 Bernat de Claret and, 139–41 class and, 124 , 141–2 Cresques and, 134–9 farming of offices, 24 , 30 , 56–7 Giner Clerezo and, 132–4 Jewish community and, 134–9 lordship and, 123–6 structure of, 126–32

ovens, 25 , 57 , 166

partnerships of animal merchants, 107–8 of creditors, 8 f inancial, 89–91 of foreign merchants, 104–6 lesser nobility and, 29 to regulate forum, 137–8

Pelicer, Berenguer, 136 , 207n11 de Perugia, Rainerius, 34 Piquer, Bartolomeus, 46 , 130 , 142 Piquer, Pere, 46–7 , 142 Piquer family, 46 , 142 Pirenne, Henri, 4–5 , 171n14 Plaça de les Eres (Plaça Major), 62

Plaça de l’Om (Plaça de la Iglesia), 62 , 69

plazas, 6–7 , 62 , 69 pledges, 9 , 80 , 84 , 140 , 156 , 157–8 Pontils (village), 18 , 109 population

of Catalonia, 175n23 , 175n24 growth in, 67–8 , 144–5 Jews in, 19 , 20 , 89 of Santa Coloma, 18–20 ,

175–6n25 power. See lordship ; officeholding proceres (leading citizens)

class and, 124 Cresques as, 135 , 137 duties of, 129–31 Giner Clerezo as, 129 , 130 , 133–4 of Jewish community, 131 as members of council, 30–1 social status and, 29 , 126 , 132

procurators, 130 production, local, 110–12 , 147 products. See animal sales ; cloth ;

grain profit, masking of, 82–5 , 89–91 property sales

in appendix documents, 160–1 debt default and, 94 lesser nobility and, 26 lordship and, 23–4 numbers of, 36 paid in full, 202n5 profits from, 54–5 saffron and, 103 See also rentals/leases

protestatus appeals, 9 , 71 , 92–3 , 137 , 162

Na Mieta case and, 93–5 protocols, 5–6 , 8 , 35–9

See also notariate

Queralt, Bernat, 22 de Queralt, Francesca, 20 , 57 , 126 ,

148 , 166 de Queralt, Margelina, 20 , 25 , 48 ,

125–6 , 148 , 176n26

I N D E X 243

de Queralt, Pere II, 52 , 176n26 , 189n4

de Queralt, Pere III, 20 de Queralt, Pere IV

annual fair and, 54 , 143 arbitration of conf lict by, 131 bailiffs of, 136 , 140 employment of cleric by, 46–7 family descent of, 176n26 Jaume II and, 24 as lord of Queralt, 20 mills and, 25 , 57 Montesuperbo and, 27 purchase of cloth by, 130–1

de Queralt, Pere V, 176n26 de Queralt, Pere VI, 176n25 quitclaims, 9 , 81 , 157 , 159–60

Raftis, J. Ambrose, 3 , 195n4 records

of debt, 76–82 , 156–60 miscellaneous, 162–7 number of, 40

Reg, Martin, 56 , 57 , 71 , 128 regulation of market ( forum), 24 , 25 ,

56–7 , 61 , 137–8 regulation of weights and measures,

7 , 56 religion. See Christians ; Church ; Jews rentals/leases

documents regarding, 161–2 of land for saffron, 103 See also property sales ; rents

rents collection of, 136 lords of Queralt and, 20–1 , 22–3 ,

54–5 in rent book, 21–2 , 177n28

repayment of credit transactions, 79 , 81–2 , 154 default and, 92–3 of investment contracts, 81 of loans, 76 , 80 , 151

rights of law and lordship, 23–4 Roover, Raymond de, 5 royal concession of 1282 , 41–2

rural economy commerce and, 146 commercial capitalism in, 1–2 study of, 3–4 See also agriculture

saffron, 8 , 13 , 54 , 102–3 , 145 , 146 , 147 , 203n17

de Salerno, Master Johan, 111 Samuel, Mair, 24 , 56 , 137–8 Sánchez Martínez, Manuel, 4 de Santa Coloma, Guillem, 25 , 26 ,

28 , 133 Santa Coloma de Queralt

commonness of, 2 decline of, 147 development of, 7 , 9 , 15–20 , 97 ,

143–7 expansion of, 52–4 , 67–70 origin of, 173n2 political/economic context of,

11–15 population of, 18–20 studies of, 3 topography of, 15–18

Santa Maria de Bell-loc (convent), 28 , 43 , 141–2 , 179n64

scola (school), 46 Scolaris, Jaume, 47 scribania (place of employment of

notaries), 7 , 39–45 benefits of employment in, 48–9 change in, 185n30 as commercial business, 64 ecclesiastical, 39–40 establishment of, 40–3 , 65–6 , 145 on May 18 , 1304 , 121 supervision of, 43–5

scribes, 8 of Cervera, 192n43 clerics as, 190n29 ecclesiastical, 39–40 employment of, 45–9 market day and, 58 on May 18 , 1304 , 121 names of, 47–8

I N D E X244

Secall i Güell, Gabriel, 3 Segura i Valls, Joan, 3 , 43 , 173n2 ,

176n25 , 176n26 , 186n39 , 189n4 de Sentgenis, Berenguer, 142 de Sentgenis, Guillem, 129 , 130 , 142 de Sentgenis family, 142 de Sentoliva, Berenguer, 27 Sera, Bernat, 47 sheep, 100 shipping, 14 shoemakers, 114 sisa (tax on market activity), 44 , 138 ,

186n44 slaves, 140 , 210n63 Smith, Robert, 19 , 175n24 social authority, 134 social status, 29 , 124 , 126 , 132 , 140–1 ,

141–2 , 147 See also nobility ; nobility, lesser ;

nonnoble elite La sociedad rural en la España Medieval

(Garcia de Cortázar), 4 Soler, Pere, 111 Steve, Bernat, 47 , 48

tailors, 112 , 113 Talavera (village), 109 testes (witnesses). See witnesses (testes) de Timor, Arnau, 20 , 176n26 Timor-Queralt family, 20 , 52 , 124 ,

176n26 topography of Baixa Segarra, 15–18 de Tous, Galcerandus, 29 , 89–91 transactions

fully paid, 77–8 manipulation of, 82–5 on May 18 , 1304 , 116–21

on Mondays, 58–60 number of, 67–8 , 145 , 193–4n50 in protocols, 35–7 records of, 76–82 See also debt ; property sales

travel, ease of, 16–18 , 98

usury. See interest

Vela i Aulesa, Carles, 4 Vicens Vives, Jaime, 4 , 13 , 175n23 Vidal, Astruc, 110 , 153 Vidal, Berenguer, 137 Vidal, Bernat, 47 , 48 Vidal, Ferrer, 137 Vidal de Compredó, Jafia, 136 Vives, Astruc, 110 , 136 , 152

wheat loans, 75–6 , 79–80 , 83–5 , 151 , 153–4

wheat measures, 72 , 74–6 , 83–5 wills, 36 witnesses (testes)

Bernat de Claret as, 140 Cresques as, 137 Giner Clerezo as, 133–4 on May 18 , 1304 , 121 in protocols, 38 scribes as, 47

women agency of, 148 in craft trades, 112 , 113 as creditors, 88 in marketplace, 112–16 power of, 125–6

Zanou, Bernat, 25 , 29 , 89–91 , 124