RIKKYO University

“COEXISTENCE AND PEACE IN ASIA THROUGH INTER-FAITH AND

INTER-CULTURAL DIALOGUE” �

�� The Implementation and Future in Asia of the UN Project “Alliance of Civilizations” ��

April 2011 �� August 2013

SPONSORED BY Rikkyo University Graduate School of Christian Studies, Tokyo JAPAN

Rikkyo University Special Fund for Research (SFR), Tokyo JAPAN

COOPERATED WITH Asian Health Institute (AHI), Aichi JAPAN

Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC), Tokyo JAPAN Nonviolent Peaceforce Japan (NPJ), Tokyo JAPAN

Nagdilaab Foundation Inc., Isabela, Basilan PHILIPPINES Partnership for Development in Kampuchea (PADEK), Phnom Penh CAMBODIA

INSAN Iraqi Society, Kirkuk IRAQ

SUPPORTED BY NIWANO Peace Foundation, Tokyo JAPAN

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Ⅰ．OUTLINE OF PEACE STUDY

Efforts to build peace through the nonviolent activities of local people have rarely been recorded until now. Almost all of what remains in recorded history has been written from the vantage point of the policy-makers and power-wielders of the time.

To help rectify this imbalance, an independent research project (representative: Yoshinori Ikezumi), sponsored by the Rikkyo University Graduate School of Christian Studies (chairman: Soichi Takehara) and the university’s Special Fund for Research (SFR), focused on the nonviolent peace-building efforts, of grassroots people in Asia, which had previously been neither recorded nor discussed. Moreover, with the cooperation of the Niwano Peace Foundation, the project conducted, for two and half years (April 2011 to August 2013), research in which the researchers sought out and recorded the views of such grassroots people and analyzed the processes involved in their efforts.

The project focused on one region each from the Philippines, Cambodia, Sri Lanka and Iraq: four countries where, for various reasons, wars, civil wars and other conflicts have occurred and are still continuing. Its main purpose was to research how local people are trying, through nonviolence, to restore and build peace in their respective regions; and to study what can be learned from such practical efforts.

The theme of the research was “Coexistence and Peace in Asia through Interfaith and Intercultural Dialogue.” The research was an undertaking in which three professors from this university – which specializes in such fields as Anglicanism, theology, comparative religion, regional development, and peace studies – worked together with three NGOs (Asian Health Institute, Japan International Volunteer Center, Nonviolent Peaceforce Japan) possessing abundant experience in Asia and with their overseas counterparts, and these various parties sought to integrate their diverse experiences and knowledge and achieve a higher synthesis.

In 1974, in collaboration with UNICEF, the World Health Organisation (WHO) selected ten sample cases from different parts of the globe where success was believed to have been achieved with community health programs conducted by the local people. The WHO identified initiatives by those peoples, recorded the process involved, and investigated and analysed the principal causes of success. The results revealed that basic health services, such as providing clean water supplies and simple medical treatments to the largest number of residents in the community, were in greater need and easier to provide than specialised medical services to small numbers of people. The results also revealed that community residents who were the actors in the health projects participated as responsible principals.

These findings were published in 1975 in Health by the People (Kenneth W. Newell (Ed.), WHO), and in response to this report and its proposals, in September

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1978 countries were invited to an international conference on primary health care (PHC) in Alma-Ata (now Almaty), the capital at the time of the former Soviet Republic of Kazakhstan. This conference was attended by representatives from more than 140 countries, and the Declaration of Alma-Ata that it issued subsequently became a major guideline for public health and medical services around the world and for developing countries in particular.

This research project will be not Health by the People but rather a sort of Peace by the People, a ‘peace’ version of that report. 1. TITLE

“Coexistence and Peace in Asia through Interfaith and Intercultural Dialogue” – The Implementation and Future in Asia of the UN Project: Alliance of

Civilizations 2. SPONSORED BY

a) Rikkyo University Graduate School of Christian Studies b) Rikkyo University Special Fund for Research (SFR)

3. SUPPORTED BY

NIWANO Peace Foundation, Tokyo JAPAN 4. PERIOD

April 2011 ～ August 2013 (2 years and 5 months) 5. RESEARCHERS

There are six researchers. They include three specially appointed professors from the Graduate School of Christian Studies (which specializes in the fields of Anglicanism, theology, and religious studies) who have NGO experience in regional development and building peace in Asia, Africa and Latin America, and three non-university individuals related to Japanese NGOs who have extensive practical experience in Asia. Using their respective and extensive abilities and knowledge, they aim to integrate their diverse experience and knowledge from inside and outside the university and produce a higher synthesis.

1) Mr. IKEZUMI Yoshinori (Prof., Rikkyo University), Representative Researcher 2) Mr. NISHIHARA Renta (Rev. Prof., Rikkyo University), Researcher 3) Ms. UI Shiori (Asian Health Institute), Researcher 4) Mr. HARA Bunjiro (Japan Volunteer Center), Researcher 5) Mr. AKI Yukio (Nonviolent Peaceforce), Researcher 6) Mr. KUBOTA Hiroshi (Prof., Rikkyo University), Cooperator

6. ORGANIZATIONS COOPERATING WITH THE RESEARCH

1) Asian Health Institute (AHI), Aichi JAPAN 2) Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC), Tokyo JAPAN 3) Nonviolent Peaceforce Japan (NPJ), Tokyo JAPAN

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4) Nagdilaab Foundation Inc., Isabela, Basilan Province PHILIPPINES 5) Partnership for Development in Kampuchea (PADEK), Phnom Penh

CAMBODIA 6) INSAN Iraqi Society, Kirkuk IRAQ

7. PURPOSE AND CONTENT OF RESEARCH:

The UN project “Alliance of Civilizations”(1) aims to foster a spirit of cooperation between different religions, cultures and peoples through thoroughgoing dialogue, and to promote coexistence and peace based on a foundation of mutual tolerance and respect. The purpose of this research is likewise to foster a spirit of cooperation among different communities, religions and groups and to promote coexistence and peace built on mutual tolerance and respect. The method for achieving that purpose is not military but rather thoroughgoing dialogue.

This research is not affiliated with the UN project, but could be called its “Asian version.” It focuses on the practices of people (indigenous knowledge) and on the practices of Asian NGOs and educational and research institutions. In particular, it concentrates on four initiatives that are currently being implemented in four Asian countries: the Philippines, Cambodia, Sri Lanka and Iraq. The initiates include “overcoming inter-religious and intercultural conflict, opposition and discord,” “promoting mutual tolerance and respect,” and “constructing a framework for coexistence.”

In cooperation with Japanese and Asian NGOs, this research analyzes and examines the initiatives in order to clarify the particular and universal ideas, principles and methodologies necessary for promoting coexistence and peace in Asia. The results of those efforts are then organized into concrete proposals, thereby clarifying the future role that Japan should play to achieve that end. a) Establishing peace in Basilan Province in the Philippines’ Autonomous Region

of Muslim Mindanao This research focused on the peace-building efforts which, in Basilan Province in

the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao, a local NGO, the Nagdilaab Foundation (Basilan Province, Mindanao Island), is carrying out in cooperation with a Japanese NGO, the Asian Health Institute (AHI; Nisshin City, Aichi Prefecture).

This is a region where, since around 1970, armed conflict has continued between, on the one hand, groups demanding self-rule and independence and, on the other, the Philippine Army, resulting in numerous casualties and enormous devastation, as well as deep sadness, anger and distrust between communities. The government tried to end the conflict through military power, but failed. Next it tried to quell the conflict through a government-run development project, but local people were not involved in it, and saw it as no more than a charitable enterprise.

Given this situation, Nagdilaab predicated its approach on the idea that, in order to achieve a lasting peace, local people need to be involved; they need to get rid of their weapons and trust each other; and they need to work together to improve living conditions. Accordingly, Nagdilaab has promoted peace-building at the grassroots level, focusing in particular on educational activities aimed at creating a “culture of peace.”

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The related research studied, recorded and analyzed how, in Basilan Province, where armed conflict is still continuing, Muslim residents, Christian residents, Nagdilaab and AHI have worked, in cooperation with various relevant parties, to build peace by nonviolent means. b) Improving Villages and Promoting Health in Northern Siem Reap Province,

Cambodia Three communes in Siem Reap Province, which includes border regions and other

regions formerly controlled by the Pol Pot faction, were selected for this initiative. The research on it took it up as an example of peace-building activities which, as in the Philippines, a local NGO, Partnership for Development in Kampuchea (PADEK; Phnom Penh), is conducting in cooperation with the Asian Health Institute (AHI).

Beginning in the 1960s, Cambodia went through more than 20 years of civil war, followed by the Khmer Rouge era (Pol Pot era), which lasted three and a half years. As a result, it became a society where trust waned; people lost confidence, and trust was even lost within families and communities. Amid this situation, PADEK formed a conflict resolution committee with the aim of resolving regional conflicts and problems within the region, and has been conducting activities to incorporate the elements of peacemaking into village development activities.

The related research studied, recorded and analyzed the peace-building efforts which have been carried out through the cooperation of self-help groups built up by PADEK over nearly 10 years, local governments, PADEK itself, and AHI. c) Efforts to Resolve Ethnic Disputes in Sri Lanka through Nonviolence Although ethnic conflict in Sri Lanka formally ended in mid-May of 2009, even now

there is a mountain of problems, and the Buddhist Sinhalese, who comprise about 70% of the population, and the Hindu Tamils, who constitute about 20%, are still at loggerheads. This research observed how, amidst this situation, an international NGO, the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP), worked with local people toward achieving a nonviolent resolution to the antagonism. The end to the roughly 26 years of civil war (July 1983 – May 2009) was brought about not by peaceful discussions but rather by military suppression by the Philippine Army.

For approximately nine years – June 2003 to the end of 2011 – during the latter half of the civil war, NP conducted third-party nonviolent intervention aimed at lowering the level of violence; increasing civilian safety during the process of the peace talks and increasing the possibility of civilian participation in the talks; preventing a recurrence of violent conflict; etc. It focused its effort on peripheral support activities necessary for creating a “space” and an “environment” in which local people would feel secure enough to advocate their views and conduct nonviolent activities for peace. It operated thus from the sidelines because it believes that advocacy and action for conflict resolution should be carried out by local people; that people from the local region or country should play the leading roles in conflict resolution. The related research studied and analyzed those activities, which NP conducted with local people. d) Building Peace from the Grassroots in the Kirkuk Region of Iraq

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The Rapareen region of Northern Kirkuk – where people of various ethnicities (Arabs, Kurds, Turkomens, Assyrians, etc.) and religious backgrounds live together; where there is concern about conflict arising from historical circumstances and rights to oil resources; and which is one of the most dangerous regions in all of Iraq – was selected for this initiative. It is a region where, due to political motives outside the region, ethnic and religious differences are highly inflamed, producing needless conflict.

In this region, a Japanese NGO, Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC; Tokyo), and a local Iraqi NGO, INSAN Iraqi Society (Kirkuk), have been conducting activities as partners since 2009. INSAN and JVC have cooperated to create opportunities for local people, through discussion, to affirm “what they can share” rather than their “differences” and thus obtain a sense of unity. Moreover, so that the children who will sustain Iraqi society in the future can transcend their ethnic and religious differences and experience the importance of peace, INSAN and JVC conducted a “Workshop for Creating Regional Peace with the Children.” In the related research, such activities were studied, recorded and analyzed. 8. CHARACTERISTICS OF THIS RESEARCH 1) Research and recording of the efforts of grassroots people

Local people’s efforts to promote peace through nonviolent means have been little recorded until now. What has been recorded and left to history has mainly been written from the perspective of the rulers and power-wielders of the time. This research seeks to discover, record and analyze grassroots people’s nonviolent efforts for peace that have not been previously recorded or publicized. 2) Ecumenical education and research

Research that creates guidelines for building peace not just from ideas and theories but also from the practices of different religions and different peoples – that is, research that arises from practices, that is directly connected to practices, and that will contribute to the real world – is the kind of research being conducted. 3) Integration of text and context, process and content

This research is also a valuable opportunity for Japanese students, graduate students and researchers; it will provide them with a practical education that integrates the Bible (text) and reality (context), learning and practice. Moreover, it places emphasis on learning from both the research process and the content of research. It aims to create people who, in the way they live, embody diversity, a multifaceted sense of values, and multiple viewpoints; who limitlessly respect other peoples, other religions and other cultures; and who seek to foster coexistence and peace through dialogue, without reliance on the military or violence. 4) An open and transparent research process

This research is linked to small, grassroots NGOs involved overseas. It aspires to be participatory research, places importance on the openness and transparency

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of the research process, and its activities are promoted through recruiting the participation of students, graduate students, and a broad range of citizens who are interested in the research.

＊ ＊ ＊

＊The United Nations “Alliance of Civilization” Project ＜Background of establishment＞

The United Nations “Alliance of Civilization” (UNAOC) is a project of the United Nations aimed at cultivating the spirit of cooperation not by military operations but by holding dialogues between different religions, cultures, and races and to create coexistence and peace as a common base of tolerance and esteem, which is one of the activities of the United Nations, to unravel conflicts between the civilizations of Europe and of the United States of America, based on Christianity, and Islamic countries.

The background of the establishment of the UNAOC can be traced to the existence of “Dialogue among Civilizations” brought up by the former Iraqi President Mohammed Khatami at the 1998 UN General Assembly. At that time, the concept of “Conflict of Culture,” meaning that Western civilization is threatened by Islamic civilization, was widely known. Such a concept was only an excuse for continuing the presence of military alliances after the downfall of the Soviet Union. President Khatami suggested “Dialogue among Civilizations” as a countervailing measure. His assertion was supported in many countries and by UN agencies. However, in 2001, which was the United Nations Year of Dialogue among Civilizations, the event of September 11thoccurred. After that, a series of terrorist acts happened, including the Afghan War in October 2001, the Iraq war in March 2003, and the serial train blasts in Madrid, Spain in March 2004, which derailed the movement of “Dialogue between Civilizations.”

However, under such circumstances, Spanish Prime Minister Zapatero started moving forward in rebuilding the “Dialogue between Civilizations.” He insisted on the necessity of successfully managing diversification in our globalized world to set back intolerance, radical activism, and fundamentalism. In September 2004, he propounded the establishment of the “Alliance of Civilization" (UNAOC) at the UN General Assembly held in September 2004. After that, Turkish Prime Minister Erdogan joined as a co-founder and officially founded the “Alliance of Civilization” as a UN project at the 59th UN General Assembly held in 2005. The Secretarial Division was established at the United Nations Headquarters in New York City. The "Alliance of Civilization" is an activity to enhance dialogue between Western society, based on Christianity, and the Islamic society of the Arab nations, and to mend the cleavage and conflict between them that became public after September 11, 2001, so as to establish peace in the world.

<Subsequent development> UNAOC announced in May 2007 the following action plan: to organize the Group of Friends by

nations and by international organizations, and to establish an alliance trust fund or the like. The group now consists of 110 nations and regions from around the world. So far, the forum of the UNAOC has already been held thrice in the past, and dialogues are now being conducted to avoid conflict between civilizations.

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The first forum was held in Madrid, the capital city of Spain, in January 2008, where representatives of international agencies and of private organizations of 80 countries, as well as hundreds of people in the fields of politics, religion and the mass media met. In that forum, they sought methods of enhancing international cooperation to oppose those in power who inflame extreme polarization of the world, and to promote instead ultraism as well as respect for the diversification of religions. Thus, to avoid “Conflict of Civilization,” twelve concrete plans were decided about the field of education, about the youth, about emigrants, and about the media.

A second forum was held in Istanbul, Turkey, in April 2009. A third one was held in Rio De Janeiro, Brazil, in May 2010, and a fourth one was held in Ad-Dawhah (Doha), the capital city of Qatar, in December 2011. In the fourth forum in Doha, over 2,000 people of more than 130 countries, including political leaders, corporate executives, civil activists, and people of religions met. At the opening speech of that forum, UN secretary-general Ban Ki-moon emphasized the importance of Middle Eastern and North African nations where political situations are changing, that conflict and violence should be prevented by promoting dialogues through the UNAOC and by establishing basic mutual understanding. Also, the High Representative for the "Alliance of Civilizations," Jorge Sampaio (the previous President of Portugal),stressed that diversification of society does not mean social segmentation or isolation, and that differences between cultures and religions never cause violence or conflict unless prejudice and discrimination remain firm.

In the 21st century, concerning the event of September 11, 2001 that led both the United States and the United Kingdom military to attack Afghanistan and Iraq, this “Conflict of Civilizations” stands opposite the “Alliance of Civilizations” and describes the situation of Europe and the United States based on Christianity as being opposed to the Islamic world. The "Alliance of Civilizations" is now attracting attention as a movement for becoming a platform to establish guidelines for the next decade (between 2011 and 2020) and further into the 21st century.

＊＊For Further Information:

Rikkyo University Graduate School of Christian Studies 3-34-1 Nishi-Ikebukuro, Toshima-ku, Tokyo 171-8501 JAPAN (Phone: 03-3985-4779 Fax: 03-3985-4790）

(Email: ikezumi@mtb.biglobe.ne.jp )

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Ⅱ．CASE STUDIES

A: PHILIPPINES Case Study of Grassroots Peacebuilding by Nagdilaab

Foundation Inc., Basilan

Miriam l. Suacito, Jocelyn S. Zabala, Rosalina S. Dellosa (Nagdilaab) Shiori UI, Melisanda Berkowitz (Asian Health Institute )

1. Introduction

Since around 1970, Mindanao, the Philippines has been the site of armed conflict between organized groups seeking autonomy and the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP). While the fighting has decreased since the Government collaborated with these groups to establish an autonomous region in parts of the island, armed conflict is continuing. The violence has not only taken civilian lives, but also forced many residents to leave their homes, disrupted local economy, and most of all, left sadness, anger and distrust between communities.

Behind this armed conflict is a long legacy of injustice in governance and economy against small-scale farmers and fisher folk, women, and indigenous peoples. In particular, one of the main roots of conflict between indigenous peoples (mostly Muslim “Moro”) and newer settlers (mostly Christians) is disputes over land ownership.

The government has tried to end the fighting through military force, with little success. Even in efforts to quell the conflict by promoting development, government programs have often been perceived as no more than charity from Manila, not

involving the people. Learning from those past experiences, a different approach was adopted by the NGOs in Mindanao. The NGOs see that to achieve lasting peace, local people must be involved, to put down arms, learn to trust their neighbors, and work together to improve living conditions. In other words, they are promoting grassroots peacebuilding and educating for a culture of peace.

Ms. Miriam Licera Suacito

(Director, Nagdilaab Foundation Inc.)

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This study reports on the experiences of one such NGO, Nagdilaab Foundation, Inc. (hereafter NFI or Nagdilaab) and its grassroots partners in building peace in its main working area of Basilan, Mindanao. NFI collaborated with a Japanese NGO, the Asian Health Institute (AHI), to document stories of common people in Basilan, to describe NFI’s activities have contributed to grassroots peacebuilding, and to inform future peacebuilding efforts.

In the Philippines, many have said nothing good comes out of Basilan. In stark contrast to such negative views, the experiences of the people in this study show how people in Basilan are organizing their communities, building human and institutional capacity, and empowering themselves for peaceful development.

In the field research, a team of NFI staff members conducted focus group discussions (FGD) and key informants interviews (KII) in two barangays (villages, the lowest local government administrative unit in the Philippines), namely Barangay Sta. Clara and Barangay Lumutun, both in Lamitan City, Basilan Province, between July, 2010 and October, 2011. Respondents, formal and informal community leaders were asked to recount their experiences of conflict and grassroots peacebuilding, and the lessons they learned. Relevant experiences from other barangays were also collected.

The study consists of six sections: introduction, background information on the conflict in Basilan, outline of NFI’s peacebuilding activities, findings of the field research, discussion, and lessons learned by NFI and the informants, to inform other struggles for grassroots peace. 2. Background 2.1. Overview of Basilan, the Philippines

Basilan is one of the island provinces of the Autonomous Region of Muslim Mindanao (ARMM), which was created in August, 1989 by Republic Act No. 6734.1As of 2010, Basilan is composed of two cities and nine municipalities and is a home to about 300,000 inhabitants, mostly from three ethnic groups. The Yakans, considered natives of the island, comprise about 43%, the Taosug (from nearby Sulu) about 25%, and the remaining one third are mostly Catholic migrants from other islands. The majority of the Yakans and the Taosug are Muslim. Main income sources are fishery and agriculture, and the major crops are coconut, rubber, coffee, cassava, banana, and corn. The socio-economic status of people in Basilan is one of the lowest in the Philippines, largely due to the prolonged armed conflicts. 2.2. Background to the Conflict

Mindanao only became a part of the Philippines when the US took over colonial power from Spain at the turn of the 20th century, and the Muslim area was never completely controlled by the Catholic Manila government. Conflict grew in the 1960s when the central government supported migration by Filipino Christians to Mindanao, 1After two plebiscites, the ARMM is now composed of six provinces: Basilan, Lanao del Sur, Maguindanao, Shariff Kabunsuan, Sulu and Tawi-Tawi, and two cities: Marawi (in Lanao del Sur) and Lamitan (in Basilan).

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exacerbating conflicts over land and natural resources (Schiavo-Campo and Judd, 2005).

Figure 1. Map of the Philippines showing Basilan

Figure 2. Map of Basilan showing Lamitan City

In the early 1970s, modern Moro (Muslim) armed groups formed to fight for

autonomy, the Moro National Liberation Front (MNLF), then the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) a split of MNLF claiming for the independent state from the Philippines, and the Abu Sayyaf Group (ASG). ASG is based in Basilan, and after the leader was killed, the group became a group of bandit groups, ding kidnapping for ransom. Further, clan conflict (Rido) among Muslim groups has been a persistent threat to security in Basilan.

Basilan

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The current social background to conflict in Mindanao is exploitation by wealthy elites and continuing marginalization of poor farmers, fisher folk, and Lumads (indigenous peoples). Despite broad initiatives, the conflict has not been entirely quelled. Some Moro people yearn for more autonomy, and Lumads claim ancestral domains now owned by settlers. Poverty, poor health, and poor security continue to plague the island.

2.3. Past Approaches to Conflict Resolution in Mindanao

The Philippine government’s conventional response to armed conflict in Mindanao has been, first, retaliatory force to keep the integrity of the state and second, relief services to the displaced people. The military approach has caused many human rights violations, and the victims are civilians living in the conflict area. Further, conventional efforts to stem conflict by promoting development have treated the people as service recipients rather than empowering them to take active roles and address the root causes of armed conflict.

Moreover, although, the Islamic principles of misuwara (consultation) and ijma (consensus) play a crucial role in peacebuilding, traditional Muslim methods of conflict resolution have not been sufficient to maintain peace among the various ethnic and religious groups. 3. NFI’s Peacebuilding Work

Given the limitations of conventional approaches, NGOs and other institutions working for peace saw the need for holistic people-centered mechanisms for reconciliation.NFI was established in 2003 to improve the capability of communities to be active partners in promoting peace and development in Basilan. Most staff were Catholic workers and lay leaders involved in organizing Basic Christian Communities (BCCs) since the 1980s.

NFI’s comprehensive activities include community organization, capability building, micro-finance, literacy training, peace advocacy, and the protection of the environment. It also facilitates inter-religious activities for peace and development, serving Muslim and Christian communities in 45 rural and urban barangays of Basilan.

The foundation’s programs are based on three major conceptual frameworks: conflict transformation (grassroots peace education), human security (support for economic security and governance reform), and Bridging Leadership (training for participatory leadership). 3.1. Collaboration with Partners and Networks for Peace Advocacy

NFI collaborates with various peace advocacy networks in Basilan, Zamboanga area and Mindanao, in particular, Mindanao Peacebuilding Institute, Mindanao Week of Peace, Mindanao Peace Weavers, and the Asian Institute of Management, described below.

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MINDANAO PEACEBUILDING INSTITUTE: Mindanao Peacebuilding Institute (MPI), based in Davao City, offers training to peace builders since 2000. More than 1,200 participants from over 40 countries have joined the course. MPI strategically invites persons from various sectors to promote multi-cultural, multi-sectoral learning. NFI’s Executive Director has played a leading role in MPI’s development, and in sending participants from various sectors, including a military officer. MINDANAO WEEK OF PEACE: Mindanao Week of Peace(MWP), started in Zamboanga in1997, is now a Mindanao-wide celebration, backed up Presidential proclamation 127, enjoining all sectors to celebrate peace. At the local level, NFI acts as convenor to the event. MWP has been organized every year, even in years when severe military conflicts occurred in the area. Activities involve the general public, schools and other institutions. The finale is a peace march. In 2011, approximately 20,000 people joined the march though Zamboanga City. INTERFAITH DIALOGUE: NFI facilitates grassroots interfaith dialogue to promote reflection and sharing as a path to peace on personal as well as social levels. In Basilan, to coordinate dialogue, Muslim and Catholic couples formed a volunteer council, which also works on concrete issues, such as preparing end of year gifts to poor families. MINDANAO PEACE WEAVERS: In May 2003, during the “Peace in MindaNow” Conference, around 300 Mindanao peace advocates representing at least seven peace networks2 converged in Davao City and established the Mindanao Peace Weavers (MPW). The group runs joint advocacy campaigns and engages all conflict actors, from the international community to Mindanao’s citizens. PAGTABANGAN BASULTA (PB): MULTI-SECTORAL COLLABORATION ON SPECIFIC ISSUES IN BASILAN: PB is a program run in partnership with various NGOs and Asian Institute of Management (AIM) to train top and middle level local leaders in peacebuilding. Under the framework of Bridging Leadership, the program trains leaders to build coalitions and collaborate with multi stakeholders for peace and development.

In 2004 NFI served as the Basilan Secretariat, working with thirteen conveners, all heads of government line agencies, local government, NGOs, religious organizations, military and police commanders, and heads of agrarian reform communities. The program brought stakeholders together around sectoral themes such as health and livelihood. Although NFI is no longer directly involved, experience with PB has

strengthened local governance institutions in Basilan. 4. Survey Findings: People Building Peace in Lamitan 2Agong Network, Consortium of Bangsamoro Civil Society, Inter-Religious Solidarity Movement for Peace, Mindanao Peace Advocates, Mindanao Peoples’ Caucus, Mindanao Peoples Peace Movement and the Mindanao Solidarity Network

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4.1. Profile of Lamitan City, Basilan The original residents of the area were Yakans, and the settlement of Lamitan was

established by a Spanish leader in the late 1800s. The city, made up of 45 barangays including Sta. Clara and Lumutun, is predominantly agricultural.

Figure 3. Map of Lamitan City

4.2. Sta. Clara

4.2.1. Profile of Sta. Clara Barangay

Sta. Clara, the largest of the barangays in Lamitan with a population of 5328, is an upland area suitable for rubber, coconut, and other staple crops (Executive Legislative Agenda of the City).The area was long owned by the University of the Philippines to finance universities near Manila. As part of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program after the downfall of the Marcos dictatorship in 1986, the rubber plantation area in Basilan was redistributed to workers and landless farmers who were organized to run cooperatives. In Sta. Clara, this was the Sta. Clara Agrarian Reform Beneficiaries Integrated Development Cooperative (SCARBIDC) (SCARBIDC Comprehensive Plan and Barangay Development Plan, 1990).SCARBIDC workers and their families are mostly migrants from the same place in the Visayan Region. Because of their experience in coop management, residents participated actively as NFI partners since the foundation arrived in 2004.

Sta. Clara

Lumutun

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In 2004, conflict issues were characterized as follows: family relations and domestic violence; organizational problems of the SCARBIDC; kidnapping, ambush, landmines, threats from the lawless groups; displacement of families; unstable work and unemployment. To address peace and development, Sta. Clara residents and NFI set up a range of programs and basic services. In particular, women leaders, organized as the Sta. Clara

Women’s Cooperative, have contributed to grassroots peacebuilding at family and community level. Further, as a participant in PB, SCARBIDC and the barangay as a whole have achieved more collaborative governance. 4.2.2. People Building Peace in Sta. Clara

Nanay (Mother) Sylvia Biton (79), a retired schoolteacher in Sta. Clara, served for many years as a volunteer with NFI and women’s organizations. Her main contribution was as a workshop facilitator, educating adults in communication and mediation, as a basis for communal peace. She says, “…In this family life work I have earned the credit of being a peacemaker of families.”

Mr. Elvis Tindoc (51) was a Church youth leader for many years, and later served as Chairman of the Board at SCARBIDC from 2003 to 2008, credits his PB training in collaborative leadership with improving management at the cooperative and thus contributing to peaceful development. He states,

“The best gift given by NFI to the cooperative and to Barangay Sta. Clara was the knowledge on Bridging Leadership, which resulted in fast healing of broken relationships of officers and members that made them work as a team (and) …resulted in us accessing resources for community and cooperative development.”

In focus group discussions, one woman leader summarized how the community has learned a “culture of peace” through NFI interventions:

“Long ago when we heard that our company guards were slain…, we wanted to retaliate…Over and over, every time there was news like this we were enemies with Muslims here, though they are not the perpetrators. Now, the culture of peace has a big impact on us…Instead of reacting we can find ways to talk …without condemning our Muslim neighbors”

Another participant reported that although people “have buried the memories of pain, every time we hear about Abu Sayyaf atrocities, it triggers anger and impatience, especially among men.” Thus, although Sta. Clara residents have found non-violent means to pursue peaceful development at personal and institutional levels, FGD participants called for continued grassroots peace education.

Mr. Momoy A. Cohombo

(Project Officer, Nagdilaab Foundation Inc.)

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4.3. Lumutun

4.3.1. Profile of Lumutun Barangay

Lumutun, with a total population of 1,189, is mostly an agricultural area. The soil is very fertile and can produce good quality crops as well as raising livestock. Once they enjoyed abundant river fish and shellfish, but these have now vanished due to environmental degradation. The inhabitants have diverse ethnic origins and languages; about 70% are Christian and 30% are Muslim (Yakan and Tausog). Yakan people have lived in the area, and the first record of Christian settlers is from 1954 (Executive Legislative Agenda of the City).

At first, settlers and indigenous peoples lived together in harmony. However, as the number of settlers increased, the Muslims came to resent them, and in 1961 a Christian was hacked to death. This marked the start of the cycle of mistrust and violence between the two communities that has continued on and off until now.

In the 1970s, Lumutun residents evacuated to central Lamitan in fear of military operations, and became dependent on government relief distribution. “We had to evacuate in order not to be caught in crossfire and also to avoid suspicion from the military” one respondent narrates. The situation became increasingly chaotic as farmers, especially Christians, were issued guns for self-defense. Many farmers were killed, and it is still unclear whether the perpetrators were the government military, Moro armed groups or others. The government deepened ethnic divisions in Lumutun by organizing the Civilian Home Defense Forces (CHDF) most of whom were Christians, with a detachment within the barangay. Also, Christian civilians organized a vigilante self-defense group called Illagas (means “rats”) so they could farm.

In fear, many Yakan residents fled, leaving the Christians opportunities to squat land the Yakans had tilled for decades without land title. From the late 1970s, many Lumutun people finally decided to return to their homes, and most of them started again from nothing. Then, land conflict again emerged as some Yakans tried to reclaim occupied lands. In 1989, conflict became intense again, and the Barangay Captain called a meeting through the help of community elders, and after a series of dialogues, the dispute was resolved by sharing the land. However, even during these dialogues, in a nearby barangay, the Abu Sayyaf attacked leaving 10 farmers dead, burning schools and houses, and reigniting mistrust between Muslims and Christians throughout Basilan.

In this area, the main conflict is resource-based, specifically on land ownership, between native Muslim Yakans and Christian settlers, and the slow provision of basic social services has exacerbated conflict. During the research, informants narrated their stories with emotion, as though they happened yesterday. Armed conflict is ongoing; during the field research, a 17 year old youth was kidnapped in the barangay. 4.3.2. People Building Peace in Lumutun

Respondents’ report there were various efforts at grassroots peacebuilding in Lumutun long before NFI came in 2003. The land dispute dialogue noted above is one example. The Catholic church also ran two interfaith peacebuilding programs in the

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barangay since the early 1980s. Ruben Panganiban(56), the former barangay captain who led land dispute

dialogues in the 1980s, reflected that at the time he lacked both understanding of the conflict and skills for mediation. “With our biases we even complained at first why the church was helping the Muslims, and it is only now I understand it was for peace.”

Ruben witnessed atrocities committed by armed Christians and Muslims, and experienced the pain of having to evacuate Lumutun for five years. He identified both faith-based peace education and community organizing as keys to his efforts to reconcile the two groups.

“I had to double the effort of reaching out to the elders (Yakans), because before the conflict these people had a good relationship with us. My father told me they worked together and were good friends. My formation in the Basic Christian Community helped me a lot…Community organizing was another precious thing I remember. With the community organizers, there were times that we ate only banana and dried fish with tomatoes, but the work was so fulfilling, and I treasure them in my heart.”

Ruben is no longer the barangay captain of Lumutun, but he still renders his service as an official in some people’s organizations and serves as Justice of the Peace in the Barangay, a nationwide system to conciliate and mediate disputes at the barangay level, as a civilian volunteer to peace. (The current Barangay Captain is Romy, a Yakan, who involved in the inter-religious dialogue and worked for the community as a youth group leader for many years.)

Momoy Cohombo(32), a Yakan, represents the next generation of Lumutun leaders. As a child, he witnessed the gap between Christians and Muslims, and grew up feeling angry and insecure. As a high school student, at times, he wore a barong (traditional Moro knife symbolizing leadership), and Christians tagged him as violent. Nevertheless, when the Catholic church organized interfaith activities for Lumutun youth, Momoy joined out of curiosity, and became passionately involved as a Muslim youth leader for peace.

Momoy had the opportunity to participate in various development training courses. In 2003, after serving as a facilitator in adult literacy in Lumutun, he became a regular staff member at NFI. He is proud of his work as a facilitator for the Make a Connection Project, serving 50 out-of-school youths in Sumisip Municipality, a Yakan area very much affected by violence. The main thrust of the project was to nurture the personal and social life of the young people, mainstreaming leadership and preserving the Yakan culture.

While Christian workers sometimes cannot travel in Basilan because of the fragile security, Momoy is trusted by people of any sector and can move around freely, serving as a bridge among people with various backgrounds. Momoy emphasizes,

“My younger days’ experiences nurtured my personal and social life, but I no longer live in the past. I have to see the now and the tomorrow…I need to work and carry peace within me for a better tomorrow.”

5. Discussion

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The conflict experiences of Lumutun and Sta. Clara are quite different, because the

actual events differed, and because the populations in the two barangays differ in ethnicity, culture, occupation, education and economic status. The experience of Santa Clara has to do with socioeconomic conflict, the external conflict of continuing threats from lawless groups, and past armed conflict between the MNLF and the Philippine army. In contrast, Lumutun people speak with passion because they have directly experienced the pain of displacements and armed violence, and the terror of seeing soldiers and lawless groups in the vicinity.

Lumutun’s experience shows how violence escalates. Elders remember from their youth the good relationships among local ethnic groups. However, armed struggle by the MNLF for Moro rights triggered mistrust among the Christian and Muslim communities. By arming Christian residents, the state added to Moro people’s mistrust and hatred of Christians. Resource-based conflict turned into conflict between ethnic groups, and the current generation has grown up in this environment of mistrust.

Nevertheless, in both barangays many individuals are eager to resolve the conflict, and they have contributed to the peace effort in many ways. At all levels, respondents pointed out the importance of building alliances and networks, especially in sectoral organizing. Several respondents identified community organizing as a starting point to allow people to own the problem and help solve it. Respondents also called for continuing efforts at peace education including personal reflection and transformation. 6. Lessons Learned (1) Interventions vary according to the community, culture, history and experiences of

the people. (2) Peace efforts should include education so that people at all levels can understand

root causes of conflict, feel as common responsibility, and learn concrete skills to achieve peace.

(3) Community organizing is a starting point for grassroots people to become actively involved in development and peace.

(4) Local government unit and other government institutions should be prime actors in promoting transparency, collaboration, and ownership to regain the trust and confidence of the people.

(5) Multi-stakeholder collaboration and networking are effective at achieving peaceful development, particularly in working on concrete common issues to be solved.

(6) Proper documentation of events, stories and histories create our identity and aspirations.

(7) Dismantling the culture of violence and changing into the culture of peace is a long term process, and requires lifetime great commitment of the peacebuilders.

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References City of Lamitan. Executive Legislative Agenda (2007_2010) , pages 10-15 Province of Basilan. Provincial Executive Legislative Agenda –Basilan (2007-2010),

pages 9-11 SCARBIDC. 1990. SCARBIDC Comprehensive Plan – 1990. Schiavo-Campo, Salvatore and Judd, Mary. 2005. The Mindanao Conflict in the

Philippines: Roots, Costs and Potential Peace Dividend. World Bank Social Development Papers, Conflict Prevention and Reconstruction, Paper No. 24.http://www-wds.worldbank.org/Accessed 20 October, 2012.

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B: CAMBODIA

Case Study of Grassroots Peacebuilding

by PADEK, Siem Reap, Cambodia

Kannaro KEP, Sarik HENG, Sokunthea SOK, Sokha EM (PADEK) Shiori UI, Melisanda BERKOWITZ (Asian Health Institute)

1. Introduction

Through this research, Partnership for Development in Kampuchea (PADEK), with Asian Health Institute (AHI), a Japanese NGO, aimed to document the experiences of communities where PADEK has been working to build trust and peace, conflict resolution and alternative dispute resolution mechanisms. In particular, this research sought to reflect with community people on changes they observed in their lives, including changes due to community development and health activities, to revisit their concept of peace, and to review PADEK’s work on trust and peacebuilding.

Cambodia experienced over two decades of internal civil war since the late 1960s and three and half years of the genocidal Khmer Rouge regime. Due to this prolonged conflict, Cambodia became a low trust society as people lost confidence and trust within the family and in the community as a whole. Recovering trust and confidence remains a key to reconstruction and development of Cambodia.

In contributing to restore trust and confidence, PADEK integrated a peacebuilding component into its community development model by establishing a Conflict Resolution Committee (CRC) in each target commune. This peace building project as part of the development program of PADEK focuses on facilitating out of court dispute resolution for minor conflicts.

Research was conducted between December 2010 and March 2012 by PADEK staff in three project area communities in Siem Reap Province, using focus group discussions, individual interviews and community consultation meetings. Respondents reported overall positive improvements in their lives since the end of armed conflict, and argued that concrete indicators of a peaceful community include not only lack of war, but also access to basic livelihood, health and education, human rights, and methods of resolving disputes peacefully. 2. Background

2. 1. Cambodia and its History of Conflict Cambodia experienced a bitter civil war and internal conflict over three decades

since the late 1960s. Internationally, it is considered that peace was attained after the

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Paris Peace Accord in 1991 and UN supervised general election in 1993. However, internal armed conflicts still continued. In general, people in Cambodia perceived peace prevailed only in 1998 when the last of Khmer Rouge soldiers surrendered to the government (Boua, 2002).

Under the Khmer Rouge Regime (1975-1979) one out of five Cambodians lost their lives due to overwork, malnutrition, sickness, and direct execution by the Khmer Rouge. Even neighbors and family members were forced to inform against one another, destroying trust in the most basic relationships (Meas,1995; Pran, 1997; Ui 1993, 2007). Further challenges include a legacy of corruption, lack of an independent judicial system, and lack of leadership to guide social moral values. Distrust within government sectors and among the people, the government, and civil society makes Cambodian society unstable and susceptible to violence.

One basic cause of this mistrust, especially at the grassroots, is lack of appropriate venues for discussion or expression of discontent in order to address grievances. Combined with Cambodians’ poor ability to express themselves and poor education, this produces fertile ground for violent outbursts. Further, the official judicial system is costly, time-consuming, and is often seen to favor the powerful.

2. 2. Profile of PADEK and its Strategies PADEK was established in 1986 by a consortium of 5 international aid agencies, and

in 2008 PADEK was registered as a local NGO. It works with local community groups in rural and urban areas to manage and coordinate resources for development, with the aim of strengthening grassroots civil society organizations and linking them to government and other sectors. After initial years of emergency and rehabilitation work, PADEK focused on agriculture and food security. From the late 1990s, following its Integrated Community Development Model (PICDM), PADEK has aimed to establish three development actors in each working area: People’s Organizations composed of self-help groups (SHG), Development Coordinators composed of Village and Commune Development Committee (VDC and CDC) and various Expert Groups/Committees or local resource persons with specific knowledge and skills serving the community as volunteers (PADEK 2005, 2009). (See Figure 1)

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Figure 1. PADEK Integrated Community Development Model

Though community-level capacity building and empowerment through organization is a pre-condition for achieving justpeace, or peace with justice, it is also essential to engage government as many conflicts are beyond the control of local communities. This is especially critical in post-conflict countries such as Cambodia where the government is still fragile and its functions are weak. A parallel approach for capacity and trust building at various levels of the government is necessary. In collaboration with wider civil society networks PADEK is involved in policy advocacy at the higher levels to tackle structural causes of conflict, such as misdistribution of resources and power. Figure 2, modified from Lederach (1997) summarizes PADEK’s conceptual framework for multi-sector peacebuilding.

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Figure 2. Multi-Sector and Multi-Level Approach

Although higher level peacebuilding is also essential, the current research focuses on PADEK's work at village and commune level. At the village level, PADEK starts working by organizing small groups of 10-20 members called Self Help Groups (SHGs). The SHG helps the poor as a saving and credit group as well as being a small forum for members to the express their opinions, to talk about the past, and to discuss their past and present problems. In order to solve the problems discussed in the SHGs, expert volunteers for each issue (such as livestock raising, health and agriculture) are selected and trained by PADEK. These expert volunteers then share their practical knowledge and skills with the SHGs. Representatives elected among SHG members organize a Village Development Committee (VDC) which handles development in the village including planning and resources mobilization. Likewise, the expert volunteer groups at the village level form commune expert committees, including the Commune Conflict Resolution Committee (CCRC).

The CCRC focuses on peace-building and solving conflict in creative ways. Its role is to engage in conflict prevention, resolution, and trust building through regular dialogue with stakeholders. In each commune, a CRC is established with 6 members from the community -- usually 3 from local authorities at village and commune level, and 3 from the community level (such as people’s organization leaders, elders, and heads of monks in the pagoda for example). Women are also encouraged to join and

Modified by UI Shiori, based on a figure by Lederach (1997)

Level 1: Top Leadership Military/political/ religious leaders with high visibility

Level 2: Middle-Range Leader-ship Leaders respected in sectors Ethnic/religious leaders Academic /intellectuals Humanitarian leaders (NGOs)

Level 3: Grassroots Leader- ship Local leaders Leaders of indigenous NGOs Community developers Local health officials Refugee camp leaders

Focus on high-level negotiations Emphasizes cease-fire Led by highly visible, single mediator

Problem-solving workshops Training in conflict resolution Peace commissions Insider-partial teams

Local peace commissions Grassroots training Prejudice reduction Psychosocial work in postwar trauma

PersonalÆRelationalÆCulturalÆStructural

Advocacy

Participatory Local Governance

Conflict Resolution Com. People-Centered Community Development

Trust Building Capacity Building

Linking groups across sectors

Linking/Approaching actors at various levels

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bring actual cases to the CRC. The CRC members receive training by PADEK on identifying causes of conflict, how to engage parties in conflict resolution, and to establish options for solving conflicts peacefully. (See Table 1)

Table 1. Topics of Conflict Resolution Training for CRC3

1. Introduction to conflict - What is conflict? - Definition of conflict - Identify causes of conflict by using Square formula

2. Root causes of conflict - Interpersonal communication - Prejudice - Perception - Suspicion /Mistrust - Discrimination - Stereotype - Power and Powerlessness

3. Analysis of conflict - Why we need to analyze conflict?

- Tools for analysis - Stages of conflict - ABC Triangle - Mapping - Timeline

4. Conflict Intervention - Negotiation - Mediation - Arbitration

Their main roles are to assist people in the community to solve disputes by using win-win methods outside the court system. The CCRC seeks ways to build trust between people, local authorities and other relevant bodies. Through the CCRC model, PADEK is therefore helping to educate people to build peace at the grassroots level. 3. Research outline

3.1. Profiles of Research Sites Research was conducted in 3 communes in 2 districts in the north-west of Siem

Reap Province: Prasat Commune and Svay Sar Commune in Varin District, and Tasom Commune in Angkor Chum District4. (See Map 1) While armed conflict ended in most parts of Cambodia in the early 1990’s, fighting between the State of Cambodia, Khmer Rouge soldiers and paramilitary/supporters of US-backed groups continued in this area until 1998. Development assistance started only after 1999 when the areas were fully integrated under the government.

PADEK started working in Varin District in 2004 and Angkor Chum District in 2007 to address the livelihood needs of the community. During a community study PADEK identified many causes of poverty including: fragmented social structure, social insecurity, availability of small arms, landmines, low agricultural productivity, poor agricultural and commercial infrastructure, illiteracy, prevalence of diseases, and poor water and sanitation conditions. Almost half of the households were identified as poor or ultra-poor with little agricultural land. 3 PADEK training curriculum on Conflict Resolution at the community level 4Prasat Commune is composed of 5 villages (population of 4,000), Svay Sar Commune is composed of 6 villages (population of 4,600), and Tasom Commune is composed of 13 villages (population of 9,200). These areas are predominantly Buddhist and almost 95% of the population are rice farmers.

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Map 1. Location of the Research Sites

3.2. Research Methods and Process To begin, PADEK’s research team selected 3 research communities in the former

fighting zone. Target communities were consulted on the research objectives and process. The PADEK team selected and interviewed 150 respondents 5 who had experience in facilitating negotiation processes and could reflect on past history and changes in the community. These included: people’s organization leaders, elders, former civil servants and demobilized soldiers (23), and village and commune chiefs (27), and the rest 100 were residents without special roles or positions in the community. Out of 150 respondents, 80 respondents (or 53%) were women.

In the individual interviews, respondents were asked to compare their lives and situation in three stages of time -- (1) before 1998, during the armed conflicts between the government and Khmer Rouge factions; (2) between 1998 to 2010, after integration; and (3) at present, at the time of research (in 2010) -- in order to see the changes in their livelihood under different socio-political situations. The interviewees were also asked their opinions on conflict resolution and their perceptions of peaceful community. Out of those interviewed, several persons were selected for in-depth interviews to document cases of alternative conflict resolution.

In addition, PADEK presented key results of the study to communities in 3 reporting meetings held in March 2012. Some comments from these meetings have been incorporated below. 4. Results and Discussion

4.1． Changes in Livelihood, Education and Health x Rice Productivity and Food Sufficiency

As most of the respondents are rice farmers, their first concern is rice productivity and food sufficiency. The number of people facing food shortages has substantially 5 Prasat 48 respondents, Svay Sar 48 respondents and Tasom 54 respondents.

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decreased (Figure 3). A slight increase of food shortage at present was, according to the respondents, due to recent frequent flooding and droughts.

Figure 3. Year Round Food Sufficiency

Since 1998 the main reason for more adequate food supply is more local involvement in agriculture, especially now that landmines have been removed. Some people have also benefited from their Village Rice Bank program: “We can borrow rice from one another in the group.”

Rice productivity has also increased due to the introduction of new agricultural techniques, largely thanks to NGOs like PADEK. While most people still learn farming from their elders, at present, more than half of respondents also reported learning techniques from NGOs. Even after the war officially ended, while the area did not receive government assistance, PADEK responded to people’s needs by providing agricultural training to village volunteers.

x Education

Most interviewees were concerned about their children’s education and perceived very clear improvement in educational opportunities. Before 1998 children had less chance to go to school with no safe school building or teachers available. After 1998 and up to the present, most children go to school. (See Figure 4)

Figure 4. Children Going to School

Further, government, NGOs and communities have collaborated to improve access to education. Together they have raised funds for school buildings through local temple events. Some respondents also mentioned that Parents Teachers Association (formed with assistance from NGOs) had motivated parents to get involved and helped children of poor families to attend school free. x Health

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The respondents mentioned that they often suffer from common ailments such as headache, fever, respiratory diseases and high blood pressure, while others need care for tuberculosis and HIV/AIDS. Treatment was from a variety of people or places as shown in Figure 5.

Figure 5. Management of Health Problems

The survey results showed a clear shift from using non-biomedical, non-trained

healers (traditional medicines and healers, or soldiers with experience but little formal training in curative care) towards seeking services at public health centers, hospitals and some private doctors. However, during the community reporting meetings, some participants noted that villagers still often seek help from traditional healers before going to formal health care providers.

Recently, a government referral hospital was newly built and health services are provided more regularly. Before, fighting hindered health personnel, and supplies and medicines were very limited. Now, government has also introduced a mechanism for people’s participation in health center and hospital management. Many CBO and village leaders trained by PADEK serve as health volunteers and participate in those health committees.

Although government health services have improved, cost is a big concern and a major cause of debt or severe poverty, especially in cases requiring long-term hospitalization. Nevertheless, in general respondents reported that people are now more knowledgeable on health care thanks to their health volunteers, NGOs and health centers, and more people have clean water and use mosquito nets at night.6

x Livelihood in General

Most respondents reported a gradual improvement in their overall livelihood, although in a few cases respondents felt poorer due to, for example, their husband’s drinking and lack of work. (See Figure 6) The main reasons given for this positive change included: no war, farming with new techniques, more travelling rights, increased opportunities for other business, better education and health. The

6 Toilet usage is still limited to one-third of respondents.

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respondents have also learned how to save and plan for their future needs through the rice bank and self-help groups.

Figure 6. Changes in Livelihood

4.2． Conflict Resolution x Occurrences of Conflicts in Own Village

The respondents reported a decrease in observing conflict in their villages, from 89% (before 1998) to 67% (in 2010). They identified various causes of conflicts, from individual behaviors (such as drinking, gambling, laziness and jealousy) to wider socio-economic issues (such as low education, no jobs, poverty, land and asset disputes, discrimination, and unequal share of interests in organization). x Changes in Conflict Resolution Methods

Traditionally, parents or elders respected by the community acted as counselors to resolve conflicts. The elder in the community, usually a man, was considered a good person whom everyone could relate with. Teaching values based on Buddhist beliefs, elders aimed to change personal attitudes and behaviors (Hughes, 2002).

However, during the Pol Pot Regime, such tradition was totally abolished. Anyone who did not follow the rules set by Onkar, a shadowy revolutionary committee, was exterminated by local Khmer Rouge leaders (sometimes child soldiers) without discussion or trial.

Now PADEK is helping villagers set up Conflict Resolution Committees (CRCs) with trained persons based on the traditional method. Respecting the elders’ roles in the community, a group of mediators educates community people on laws and human rights. These mediators are trained on conflict analysis, resolution and prevention. People also try to solve conflicts in self-help groups, when the problems are still small scale, consulting other members and asking for help outside their immediate family. Only when problems are not solved in the self-help group, they seek assistance from village leaders or village level conflict resolution experts (volunteers). If necessary, they approach the commune level Conflict Resolution Committee (CCRC). People prefer not to bring the issues to the police or official legal system.

In the previous traditional way, individuals consulted elders for advice and mediation. Now there are more alternatives. PADEK members have their own groups to consult, or they can bring the issue to CRC. More persons are involved with multiple views. Further, instead of seeing the issue as a personal matter, the CRC takes it up as a common concern to prevent recurrence in the community.

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x Opinions on Different Methods of Conflict Resolution

Respondents expressed their opinions, both strengths and weaknesses of alternative conflict solving method, which is a new way introduced by PADEK based on traditional practice, and official conflict solving method through existing judicial system.

Most of them had negative views of the judicial system, because of time, cost, and “the rich always win after all.” They also felt that by bringing an issue to court, the parties break their relationship for life. Nevertheless, some appreciated that courts provide a clear outcome and clear contract documents.

Regarding the alternative methods, most of their views were positive, for three main reasons. First, it is less costly than courts. Second, many persons participate in discussion for solution. Third, since there are no clear winners and losers, the parties can maintain relations. However, some respondents felt that because there is no clear winner or loser with clear legal agreements, the conflict could recur.

4.3. Respondents’ Definitions of a Peaceful Community Responding to the questions, “What is peaceful community?” and “What are

concrete indicators of a peaceful community?” villagers noted the following points. First, the majority mentioned “no war or no violence.” Second, many spoke of basic infrastructure and services such as schools, hospitals, houses, and basic needs such as food, health, and income. Many also noted knowledge and children going to school, good environmental protection, freedom from domestic violence, protection of local authority, and freedom of speech (especially related to political party affiliation) as indicators of peace. “Solidarity among people” and “sharing experiences for progress among groups” was also noted as indicators of a peaceful community.

Respondents’ opinions were divided on whether their community was peaceful at present. Some answered yes, citing the following reasons: no war, no starvation, people have skills for income generation, protection by police or local authority, and good relationships between community people and local authority.

Those who answered “No” or “Not yet” cited violence at family and individual levels up to community, and wider social problems: robbery, domestic violence, not enough food for some, low education, lack of knowledge and obedience to law, land conflict, pressure from powerful people, lack of human rights, lack of participation in community, and lack of solidarity among people.

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In response to the question, “What needs to be changed or improved in order to build peaceful community?” respondents noted points ranging from individual behaviors, to development efforts, human rights and social justice: Stop drinking and corruption, allow children to go to school, more development activities such as improving irrigation system and providing technical training for income generation, educate

people on health, human rights, laws and violence prevention, prevent people misusing their power, and enhance good cooperation with local authorities.

During the community reporting meetings, some respondents said their views of “peaceful community” had broadened after hearing other people’s ideas. That is, during the interview they said that yes, the community was peaceful because the armed conflict had ended, but after hearing more ideas they wished to change their answers to “No, not yet.” They agreed that their villages still have conflicts in terms of domestic violence, land disputes, lack of cooperation among villagers, and school dropout. Dialogue broadened their understanding of peace and peace building. They realized that remaining issues to make their villages more peaceful were livelihood improvement, work toward self-reliance, education, protection of human rights and environment, and realization of social justice.

4.4. Cases of Conflict Solving by the Community

Case 1: Relationship between the Husband and Wife in Prasat Commune, Varin District7.

Mr. Chhoen Kaing (62 years old) lives in Prasat Village. Before 1983 Mr. Kaing was a common villager, but after 1983 he has served as a leader of his community and is now the chief of the commune council (from 2002 to present).

Mr. Kaing often assists people in solving conflicts. He recently successfully mediated one case of domestic violence between couples, where he intervened three times in the conflict. Mr. Kaing and the other five committee members (a primary school principal, a village elder man, a temple elder, a people’s organization leader, and a village chief) all sat down together at the couple’s house. Their intervention included discussions by the mediator on the concept of “good and bad” in Buddhism -- good is

7 There was no official conflict resolution committee in Prasat Commune, but under the leadership of Mr. Kaing they formed a group of people to solve conflicts in the commune after receiving training from PADEK on conflict resolution.

Left: Mr. Kannaro Kep (Director, PADEK)

Right: Mr. Ya Bean(Ta Som Commune Chief, Angkor Chum

District)

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that both husband and wife assist with family tasks, especially for earning money, working on rice fields, and taking care of their children; while bad means doing wrong to somebody, causing conflicts and unhappiness, uncomfortable feelings, and dishonor. Three days later, Mr. Kaing also invited more people to discuss and help the couple settle the conflict (two self-help group leaders and a clerk from commune council). According to Mr. Kaing, both wife and husband decided to live together after more discussions. The clerk made an official letter of agreement, one to keep in the commune council office and one copy for the wife. After two months, Mr. Kaing followed up on this case and found that the couple was living happily together.

Mr. Kaing learned conflict resolution methods from PADEK and another NGO. Before receiving such training, Mr. Kaing used to talk about laws and explained to the conflict parties to solve the problem according to laws. After the training, he tries to listen to the persons in conflict and give more advice for reaching mutual understanding and agreement without talking about laws. Up to now, there has been only one case, a land dispute that could not be mediated and had to be sent to the court. Mr. Kaing clearly explained his role: “I am not the person to decide for them. I just educate people and mobilize more people to help.” Case 2: Domestic Violence in Tasom Commune, Angkor Chum District. (Village level and Commune level Conflict Resolution Committees set up by PADEK.)

Ms. Ream Pi (53 years old) is an active village health volunteer in Bram Domloeng Village. Once armed conflict ended in her area in 1998, some NGOs including PADEK started working in Bram Domloeng Village, and Ms. Pi joined several of their short training courses. In 2007 she was elected a vice chief of village and appointed in charge of health promotion. She educated villagers on sanitation, birth spacing, and other health issues, and also became a member of the Conflict Resolution Committee, where she participated in eight cases of alternative dispute resolution.

In one case, Ms. Pi helped Ms. Champa with her husband, who drank, beat her and did not work. Three committee members at the village level (village chief, deputy chief and Ms. Pi herself) went and helped Ms. Champa. They met twice with Ms. Champa and her husband. The second time the committee invited the couple’s parents to sit together. The couple was advised to think about their children, and was reminded of the costs of court divorce. In the end, the husband came back to live with his wife and the village chief made an official letter of agreement between the two parties. Ms. Pi regularly follows up this case, and the problems have not recurred.

Domestic violence was also addressed by a commune gender training team which has mainstreamed issues of domestic violence and gender equality. Ms. Pi says, “Nowadays, I am very happy because I have enough food to eat, money for treating health, and time for doing business. I am living with family and helping other people.” She feels good about the changes in her community. Case 3: Burning Neighbor’s Watermelon Field in Tasom Commune, Angkor Chum District.

Mr. Chum Chha (43 years old) is the village chief of Bram Domloeng Village and a member of his local CCRC. Mr.Chha attended training courses on conflict resolution

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organized by PADEK, and is often invited to assist in mediation in his commune. One conflict Mr. Chha helped mediate was after Mr. Sok complained that his

watermelon field was burned by Mr. Chea. Mr. Chha invited all CCRC members (six members including commune and village chiefs, vice village chief, and three representatives of villagers) to meet with the conflict parties, observe the situation and estimate the damage. Later on, Mr. Chha negotiated with the parties about payment. Through discussion, it emerged that the fire had been an accident as Mr. Chea only wanted to burn his own rice field. CCRC negotiated with Mr. Sok to lower his price. A compromise was reached, and the parties maintained positive relations. 4. Conclusion and Lessons Learned

The study investigated general changes in the lives of villagers from the conflict period to the present, their definitions of a peaceful community, and their views on PADEK’s alternative conflict resolution methods. First, survey results showed that despite continuing problems, livelihood, health and education have improved significantly since the end of armed conflict in the area. Second, respondents’ indicators of peaceful community included not only absence of war, but also basic needs such as food, health and education, as well as human rights and social justice. Third, both the survey and in-depth interviews suggest that the out-of-court conflict resolution methods promoted by PADEK are successfully resolving minor conflicts, and thus contributing to grassroots peacebuilding.

Peace cannot be realized when people lack basic needs. However, fulfillment of those needs is not sufficient for genuine peace, because, as the villagers expressed, peace is not merely absence of war, but involves wider aspects of social development with justice. In that sense, Cambodia is still facing conflict and is still in the process of peacebuilding. Grassroots peacebuilding and conflict resolution should be integrated into community activities not only during or in the post-conflict period, but also at times without armed conflict.

While top level leaders and systems change, Cambodian villagers stay on their land. Establishing stronger people’s organizations starting with their urgent common needs serves as a stable base for lasting development and peacebuilding. In the process of problem solving for their common goals, group members build confidence and trust in themselves and one another. Introducing an integrated peacebuilding program into this base is effective and sustainable.

As part of the research process, we shared preliminary results in feedback meetings in each commune. Villagers left the meetings with evident satisfaction, happy to know positive changes were indeed occurring in their villages. They deepened their understanding of their own communities by comparing their personal impressions and the results of the PADEK research. For PADEK staff members, it was also a valuable opportunity to analyze, document, and share our work on grassroots peacebuilding.

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References: Boua, C. (2002) Post Conflict Cambodia "TEN YEAR AFTER UNTAC”, UNITAR in

Peace Conference in Geneva. Hughes, C. (2001) An Investigation of Conflict Management in Cambodian Villages

(Phnom Penh: Center for Peace and Development, Cambodia Development Resource Institute).

Lederach, J.P. (1997) Building Peace: Sustainable Reconciliation in Divided Societies (Washington DC: United States Institute of Peace Press).

Meas, N. (1995) Towards Restoring Life: Cambodian Villages, Translated and transcribed by Joan Healy (Phnom Penh: JSRC).

PADEK (2005) PADEK Strategic Plan 2005-2008. PADEK (2009) PADEK Strategic Plan 2009-2012. Pran, D. (1997) Children of Cambodia’s Killing Fields (New Haven: Yale University Press). Ui, S. (1993) As a ‘Co-Worker’ of Cambodian People [in Japanese]. Asia Tsushin, 115,

8-9. (Asian Christian Resource Center, Tokyo) Ui, S., Leng, K.,and Aoyama, A. (2007) Building peace through participatory health

training: A case from Cambodia. Global Public Health, 2(3), 281-293.

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C: SRI LANKA Case Study of Efforts to Resolve the Ethnic Conflict in

Sri Lanka through Nonviolence

IKEZUMI Yoshinori (Rikkyo University Graduate School of Christian Studies)

1. Historical Background and Overview of Sri Lanka

1.1. Ethnic makeup and religious makeup

Located at the southern tip of India, Sri Lanka is a republic with a population of 20.28 million people (as of March 2012). Of these, 73% (14.34 million) are Sinhalese, 18% (3.54 million) are Tamils, and 8% (1.57 million) are Moors, with the remaining 1% comprising other ethnicities. As for religious makeup, 70% are Buddhist (almost all are Sinhalese), 11.3% are Christian (Tamils and Sinhalese), 10% are Hindu (mostly Tamils), and 8.5% are Muslim. Tamils are divided into two groups: Sri Lankan Tamils and Indian Tamils (or Up-country Tamils). The Sri Lankan Tamils have lived in northern and eastern Sri Lanka since ancient times; they comprise about 2.5 million people, or 13% of the entire

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population. During the British colonial period, the Indian Tamils were forced to move from southern India to provide labor power on the tea and rubber plantations in Sri Lanka’s central highlands; they comprise about 1.0 million people, or just over 5% of the population.

1.2. Background to the conflict between the Tamils and the Sinhalese Starting in 1595, Sri Lanka became a colony of Portugal and Holland. In 1802, it

became a colony directly controlled by Great Britain. For over 140 years after that, until it attained independence in February 1948 as “Ceylon,” a self-governing dominion of the British Commonwealth, it was a colony ruled by Great Britain. In its humid, tropical, mountainous region, the British began cultivating coffee in the 1830s, and soon expanded their efforts to the cultivation of tea and rubber by the plantation method. As a result, the British brought about one million Tamils from southern India to Sri Lanka as workers. The British appointed minority Tamils rather than majority Sinhalese to many important administrative and government positions and professional posts and otherwise carried out colonial government policies that favored the Tamils, following a divide-and-rule strategy that had the minority Tamils governing the majority Sinhalese.

It was after independence in February 1948 that Sinhalese consciousness and Tamil consciousness were formed and manifested themselves in ethnic conflict. Following independence, Sinhalese nationalism, centered around Sinhalese Buddhist priests, intensified; there was a resurgence of Buddhism led by the priests; and Sinhala was made the official language. In 1951, S.W.R.D. Bandaranaike, who founded the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), forged a political position that respected the interests of the Sinhalese people, who had been oppressed socially under the divide-and-rule policies of the past.

In the 1956 elections, Mr. Bandaranaike won an overwhelming victory and assumed office as prime minister. He then proceeded to rapidly promote policies that favored the Sinhalese majority: he instituted a Sinhala-only policy that made Sinhala the country’s only official language; made Buddhism, which most Sinhalese believe, the country’s semi-official religion; invested in developing the southwest part of the country; preferentially allowed the Sinhalese to settle new farmland; abridged the civil rights of the Indian Tamils; etc. As a result, the Tamil middle class, which had been preferentially treated in the colonial period, had few opportunities to participate in government, and their dissatisfaction with the dominant ethnic group (the Sinhalese) grew enormously.

The Tamils vehemently opposed the government’s Sinhalese-oriented policies, strengthened their own cohesion as an ethnic group, formed an armed militia, and advanced into combat with the aim of establishing a separate, independent state. In1972, the Tamil New Tigers (TNT) were formed. In 1976, they changed their name to the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam (LTTE). Espousing a homeland for the Tamil people and the attainment of self-rule, the LTTE inaugurated armed conflict that included suicide bomb attacks.

Triggered by such ethnic animosity, Sinhalese riots against the Tamils occurred time after time, in 1977, 1981, 1983 and 1984. The riots that took place in July 1983

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were on a particularly large scale, spreading to the entire country, and developed into a full-blown civil war. Tamil shops in various cities were attacked, robbed and burned. Nearly 100,000 refugees were received in the city of Colombo alone. Subsequently, the Tamil ethnic movement, demanding separation and independence, escalated into further armed attacks. A state of unwinnable civil war continued for 26 years. The government side and the LTTE side together lost over 70,000 people. Around 290,000 Tamils were internally displaced.

1.3. A civil war lasting 26 years India, a major power, with numerous Tamils in its state of Tamil Nadu across a

narrow strait from Sri Lanka, temporarily supported the LTTE. In 1985, however, it began holding discussions for peace with the Sri Lankan government, and in 1987 the two countries signed a peace agreement. To maintain public order in Sri Lanka, India dispatched the Indian Peace Keeping Force (IPKF). However, the IPKF and the LTTE fell into armed conflict, the peace agreement collapsed, and the IPKF withdrew completely from the country in January 1990. In January 1995, following President Kumaratunga’s assumption of office, the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE resumed peace talks and eventually agreed to a provisional ceasefire. However, the ceasefire agreement was not kept and it too collapsed.

Subsequently, in 2000, Norway, which had experience in mediatory diplomacy in the Middle East, was asked to mediate by both sides; and in February 2002, a ceasefire agreement was concluded between the Sri Lankan government and the LTTE. Peace negotiations were then conducted in numerous rounds held in Thailand, Norway, Germany and Japan. One year after the ceasefire agreement, however, the first armed clash occurred, and the negotiations turned extremely difficult. The Sri Lanka Monitoring Mission (SLMM), established by the five Scandinavian countries (Norway, Finland, Sweden, Denmark, Iceland) based on the ceasefire agreement, engaged in monitoring the ceasefire, but after the EU designated the LTTE a terror organization in May 2006, the LTTE opposed the deployment of SLMM members from EU countries. Thus, beginning in September 2006, monitoring activities were conducted exclusively by SLMM members from Norway and Iceland.

Despite the “ceasefire,” which formally began in 2002, the government army and the LTTE continued to attack each other, the former using missiles and other means, the latter employing suicide bombings and more. In August 2005, Foreign Minister Lakshman Kadirgamar, a Tamil advocate of peace, was assassinated. In the same month, Mahinda Rajapaksa, an anti-Tamil hard liner, took office as president. In July 2006, the fighting intensified due to the closing by the Tamils of the sluice gates in the eastern part of the country, cutting off the water supply. Military clashes frequently occurred, including the government army’s recapture of the eastern region in July 2007. The ceasefire existed only in name.

The Sri Lankan army intensified its aggressive action. On 2 January 2008, it seized control of the LTTE’s largest base, Kiranchchi, located in the north. The government decided to abrogate the ceasefire agreement that it had concluded with the LTTE in 2002, formally abandoning it on 1 January 2008. At the end of that month, Mullaitivu also fell under government control. This amounted to a de facto declaration of victory.

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In conjunction with it, the SLMM announced, “There is no military solution to this convoluted conflict,” and withdrew from Sri Lanka.

Backed into a corner, the LTTE pursued a last-ditch defense, using civilians as human shields. But in April 2009, the Sri Lankan army killed the LTTE leader, Prabhakaran; and in May it seized almost all the region effectively controlled by the LTTE, except for the coastal area of Mullaitivu. Then, on May 19, the LTTE announced that it was admitting defeat, and the government proclaimed that the LTTE had been completely neutralized and that the civil war was over.

1.4. After the end of the war At present, the United People’s Freedom Alliance (UPFA), led by President

Rajapaksa, first elected in the presidential election of November 2005, continues to hold power. At the end of the civil war in May 2009, President Rajapaksa’s popularity among the people rose, and he was reelected in the presidential election held in January 2010. In April of that year, he dissolved the Parliament and called a general election in which the ruling UPFA party won a major victory, garnering more than 60% of the seats. In September, a constitutional amendment mainly intended to repeal the term-limit clause prohibiting a third presidential term was passed by the Parliament.

At the time that he proclaimed the end of the civil war, President Rajapaksa declared that he would work to resettle the many internally displaced persons (IDPs) and promote national reconciliation. To promote national reconciliation, he established the Lessons Learnt and Reconciliation Committee (LLRC) in May 2010. The LLRC conducted public hearings in various regions of the country, and listened to the views of a wide range of people, including government officials, experts, former LTTE members, and residents of the northern and southern regions. In November 2011, the LLRC organized its findings into a final report that it issued publicly in the following month. The final report recommended that efforts be conducted to investigate human rights abuses in the terminal stage of the war, to promote national reconciliation, and to improve the human rights situation.

However, the fact that the government army gained control over the anti-government army through military force left behind many obstacles to bringing about national reconciliation. Public safety has improved, as indicated by the abolition in August 2011 of the Emergency Regulations that had continued in effect since August 2005; however, there is still a host of problems to address, such as the resettlement of IDPs and the reestablishment of their livelihoods, and the severe human rights abuses that took place during the closing phase of the war. To bring about national reconciliation, much work and effort are still needed to deal with such problems as how to break the vicious cycle that, even after the end of the civil war, has continued to produce new rifts in society, one after another. 2. Overview of the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP)

2.1. At the time of its founding The Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) is an international NGO that seeks to implement

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nonviolent solutions to regional conflicts. It was formally founded in December 2002. Its international office is in Brussels, Belgium. NP’s purpose is to send international teams to conflict regions and have them cooperate with local nonviolent and peace groups and human rights activists to reduce the intimidation and violence against local activists and residents and enable regional conflicts to be resolved nonviolently by the local people. Heretofore NP has sent international teams to five countries: Sri Lanka (June 2003 – December 2011), Guatemala (April 2007 – February 2008), Mindanao Island in the Philippines (May 2007 –), South Sudan (May 2010 –), and Georgia and North Ossetia (2011).

NP’s international teams, composed of field workers trained for carrying out a nonviolent intervention of approximately two months, are sent to conflict regions, where, as “the eyes of the world,” they reside in rural communities, in border areas and in demilitarized zones. By being such an “international presence,” they send the message to armed organizations that the use of force is internationally considered unacceptable. If there are any activists in danger of being assassinated, kidnapped or otherwise harmed, they accompany them as “bodyguards.” The field workers endeavor to deter violence and create an environment in which the parties can resolve their conflict peacefully. At the same time, they create an environment in which acts of violence are politically unacceptable, thereby inhibiting violence. They show that “the world is watching.”

2.2. Basic principles and rules of conduct There are five rules of conduct to guide the actions of team members in the field.

First, “The parties in the conflict are to be given priority.” A conflict can be resolved only by people directly involved in it. A basic principle is that the role of NP as an international mediator is to support the efforts by the parties to the conflict to resolve the conflict themselves.

Second, the means of resolving conflicts must be unconditionally “nonviolent.” NP will neither participate in nor support any action that causes physical or psychological damage or results in the loss of life. Insisting on nonviolence as a basic principle makes it possible to promote nonviolent behavior and its rules and create a space for local people to endeavor to resolve their conflict. NP firmly believes that the resolution of conflicts between countries or within countries cannot be achieved by violent means.

Third, “Do not take a political position.” NP will not ally itself with any political group, or express or support the political demands and opinions of any party to a conflict. In Sri Lanka, for example, it did not express any opinion about the issue of the future of the Tamil region (it didn’t say whether it favored independence, or self-rule, or letting the parties to the conflict resolve the issue, or anything else). A basic principle for NP is non-partisanship: maintaining an equal distance from all the parties in a conflict.

NP supports the basic principles and values of international laws related to humanity and human rights. If a citizen’s group is committed to nonviolent, nonmilitary, peaceful conflict resolution, NP will endeavor, upon request from the group, to provide a support service, anywhere. NP will devote itself to the safety of anyone, as long as he or she is opposed to violence and seeks justice and lasting peace.

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Fourth is “independence.” NP is independent of all interest groups, political parties, ideologies and religions. Based on its own standards, principles and decision-making processes, NP independently formulates its policies and operational strategies.

Fifth is “human rights and international law.” While aware that the universality of human rights has been called into question by the existence of diverse values, NP believes that the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the other agreements and arrangements related to human rights are the most comprehensive and widely applicable guidelines that people have yet conceived for dealing with human rights. NP abides by such humanitarian laws and principles and pursues and promotes respect for all people’s human rights.

2.3. The standards for intervening in and withdrawing from a conflict region An NP international team is sent to a conflict region when invited by a regional

organization or a nonviolent movement working for nonviolent change and conflict resolution. Effort is made to obtain the approval of all parties to the conflict, and the decision to send an international team is made based on the following standards. ① There is a concrete proposal and the team will have a partner to work with. ② The proposal conforms with NP’s mission and know-how. ③ The proposal will allow NP to maintain its nonviolent, nonpolitical stance. ④ The level of risk to NP’s on-site staff will be acceptable. ⑤ There will be adequate organizational and logistic support, and there is reason to

assume that the organization will have adequate funds and commitment during the period of the project.

⑥ The conflict has been assessed and the assessment provides adequate grounds for assuming that NP’s presence will strengthen regional efforts for conflict resolution and justice.

⑦ There will be no overlap with the activities of another organization that is already in the region.

There are four standards for deciding to withdraw an NP international team and terminate its involvement: a) the project’s purpose has been achieved, or b) the partner that invited NP withdraws the invitation, or c) NP’s continuing to stay in the country would expose the people working with it to danger, or d) NP’s staff is exposed to danger to the extent that their safety cannot be guaranteed. 3. NP’s Sri Lanka Project (April 2003 – December 2011)

3.1. The launching of the project Following the February 2002 ceasefire agreement between the Sri Lankan

government and the LTTE, NP twice sent a fact-finding team to Sri Lanka, in September-October of that year and again in November, during which time the team conducted a study about starting an NP project in Sri Lanka. Based on the team’s report and proposal, and having received an invitation and a pledge of cooperation from a local NGO (Consortium of Humanitarian Agencies for Free and Fair Elections, PAFFREL), NP launched the project (nonviolent intervention by a third party in Sri

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Lanka) in June 2003. The project received the

understanding and blessings of various other NGOs besides PAFFREL, including Sarvadaya, the Movement for Defense of Democratic Rights, the National Peace Council, the National Anti-War Alliance, and the Centre for Society and Religion.

The project’s basic principles included the following: 1) nonviolence: use only nonviolent methods and nonviolent tactics, no matter the situation; 2) non-partisanship: do not take the side of either party involved in the conflict, but instead ensure that the activities conducted by NP can be used by both parties; 3) enter the country at the invitation of local people and conduct project activities only under local guidance; 4) non-interference: except for ensuring that the results of conflict resolution are not violent, do not make any effort that will influence those results; 5) respect: avoid damaging the reputation of any individual or group; 6) oppose violence and endeavor to understand its causes; 7) seek the good will and acceptance of all the parties.

Based on those principles, six objectives were established: 1) reduce the level or the possibility of violence; 2) increase the safety of civilians during the process of the peace talks; 3) increase the possibility of civilian participation in the process of the peace talks; 4) increase the possibility of a fair peace through the participation of civilians; 5) increase the trust and creativity of civilians by increasing their safety; 6) prevent a recurrence of violent conflict.

On 26 December 2004, half a year after the project began, the enormous tsunami generated by the earthquake off Sumatra (magnitude 9.1) occurred, resulting in horrific damage, including in Sri Lanka, where more than 36,000 people died. NP’s basic mission is twofold: support individuals and groups that seek to prevent and reduce violence and to maintain and ensure people’s basic human rights; and support the participation of local people in the peaceful resolution of conflicts. While continuing to pursue that mission in Sri Lanka, NP simultaneously endeavored to deal with the disaster’s aftermath in Jaffna, Mutur, Valachchenai and elsewhere. Based on discussions with its partner, PAFFREL, it worked to deal appropriately with the distinctive conditions in each place, while being careful not to give any political coloration to the distribution of aid or engender any inequality or discrimination in the rescue and reconstruction process.

Specifically, its activities included the following: 1) so that Sri Lankan rescue and reconstruction workers could engage in their work without being subjected to military, political or physical obstacles, NP provided nonviolent protection to affected communities and groups, including the workers; 2) it encouraged and supported communities engaged in rescue and reconstruction activities; 3) it not only promoted

Mr. IKEZUMI Yoshinori (Rikkyo University)

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humanitarian assistance with regard to evacuation centers and providing food, but also worked to further community harmony. Land disputes originating in tsunami damage, and disputes related to rescue and reconstruction, occurred in various regions, and there were times when tension rose to unprecedented levels as a result, but NP firmly maintained its basic principle of non-partisanship, while acting to build strong ties between communities.

3.2. Content of activities NP’s mission is “to send unarmed international civilian peace activists to conflict

regions and create space for local unarmed peace activists and ordinary citizens to pursue a peaceful resolution to conflicts.” In Sri Lanka, NP carried out various activities towards that end: it provided protective accompaniment to former child soldiers and their families and to peace activists and others; provided its presence at meetings and demonstrations; participated in the monitoring of presidential elections; transmitted information on human rights problems and more to the world at large; etc.

As bases for its activities, it established offices in three places: Jaffna, in the north; and Valachchenai and Batticaloa, in the east. It set up its headquarters in Colombo. Then it sent thoroughly trained teams to conduct activities in Kilinochchi and Vavuniya in the north, in Trincomalee in the east, and in other peripheral areas.

The wide-ranging activities that were conducted included international protective activities (providing a protective presence) in four fields: 1) protection of children, 2) protection of peace activists, 3) protection of internally displaced persons and people in resettlement areas, and 4) support for developing the capabilities of locally rooted organizations.

【Protection of children】 War’s effects on children and on youths and families are enormous. The effects that

war has had on the children of northern and eastern Sri Lanka, who has never lived in an environment free of war, is incalculable. Even after the conclusion of the ceasefire agreement (February 2002), child soldiers were frequently recruited or abducted in refugee camps. In cooperation with UN agencies, UNICEF, monitoring agencies, child protection authorities, children’s human rights protection organizations, police, local civilian activists and others, NP conducted activities to protect children.

For example, the NP team in Valachchenai provided a safe meeting place for many parents who alleged that their children had been abducted, and held family support meetings for them. At the meetings, the team distributed, to the parents, copies of the children’s human rights laws, and the codes of conduct, of the LTTE and the TMVP (a militia, composed of the Karuna Group and one of its factions, that opposes the LTTE and supports the government forces), and otherwise contributed to the parents’ efforts to free their children. The team also cooperated in the government’s nationwide campaign, Bring Back the Child, working to raise community consciousness in various ways. For example, it put up banners which proclaimed the preciousness of life and which parents had made with their own hands.

To encourage meetings of all interested parties, including parents, the LTTE, the TMVP and others, the NP team also accompanied members of local citizen support

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groups on visits to TMVP’s offices and elsewhere. As a result of such efforts, many families were able to gather together in single place, enabling the parents to escape their isolation and discuss a strategy for freeing their children. Such activities also contributed to increasing the parents’ confidence in their own group action.

Among protective activities for children, one is particularly important. It is to provide support for reintegrating, into society, children and youth who have had the experience of being in an armed group. In cooperation with child protection agencies and the government, the NP teams in the north conducted activities in which they confirmed the needs and wishes of former child soldiers who had returned to their families, and then followed up by checking whether the means for reintegrating them into society had been secured.

The biggest factor preventing the social reintegration and resettlement of children and family stability is poverty. Because of poverty, children are unable to continue going to school and have to drop out and obtain work. In northern Sri Lanka – Jaffna, Vavuniya, Batticaloa, etc. – NP, upon request from the regional government, carried out activities in which it accompanied former child soldiers from prisons to social reintegration centers and other rehabilitation facilities, and monitored the state of such children’s rehabilitation in the families that accepted them. Moreover, upon request from local administrative authorities, NP, in cooperation with a community job-training center, conducted education and training for reintegrating into society children who had been involved in the civil war. At the same time, NP asked the local administrative authorities to improve the social reintegration program for former child soldiers – including the providing of psychological and social support, job training and workplaces needed by the children – and to improve the efficacy of child protection as well.

These activities were highly regarded nationwide. Thus, the Sri Lankan government, the TMVP and UNICEF ended up formulating a child protection plan for the entire country, and a child welfare department was established as a comprehensive support mechanism for former child soldiers.

【Protection of peace activists】 An important function of NP is to provide support so that local peace activists and

human rights activists can engage in their activities more safely. Accordingly, NP, in cooperation with Sri Lanka’s Human Rights Commission (HRC), provided protective accompaniment to human rights activists so that they could continue to carry out their activities, and in an even wider area. NP also thought it important to encourage action by community leaders, who understood that, with such protective accompaniment, they could support the safety of other people without fear of reprisals to themselves.

Aware that it is local people who must make the efforts necessary to achieve the long-term stability of their communities, the security of the people in the communities and the protection of all people’s human rights, NP carried out protective accompaniment in various regions. Upon request, NP provided accompaniment not only to civilian peace activists but also to government officials conducting a survey of home living environments.

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【Protection of internally displaced persons and people in resettlement areas】 Beginning in March 2008, the government detained, in places that it called “welfare

centers” and “provisional rescue villages,” civilians who had fled from regions controlled by the LTTE. That June, the United Nations reported that, as of that time, 278,263 people were being detained in 40 camps located in four regions: Vavuniya, Manah, Jaffna, and Trincomalee. During the transitional phase following the end of the civil war in May 2009, up to 580,000 people were forced to flee for safety. Based on the Sri Lankan government’s repatriation program, only about 195,000 internally displaced persons (IDPs) were able to return home by August 2010.

Conditions in the camps were horrible. All the camps were overcrowded, food distribution was in disarray, water was inadequate, and sanitary facilities were insufficient. It was also impossible to receive appropriate medical care, and outbreaks of infectious diseases occurred as well. Since the work of removing landmines is still continuing in rural areas, there were also many people who had to leave their homes and stay in emergency shelters.

NP was affiliated with the regional and national regulatory authorities involved with the needs of the IDP camps, including the regions where IDPs had returned home or resettled. When the Sri Lankan government allowed humanitarian aid organizations to enter regions where IDPs were detained, the organizations were asked by people at the regional and national levels to provide monitoring and a protective presence in the regions. For example, in 2009, NP was asked by regional and national authorities to provide monitoring and a protective presence in the Vavuniya region, where 300,000 people who had fled the fighting in the Mullaitivu region were detained. NP intended to dispatch a team to the Vavuniya region if it could secure the necessary financial resources and if access to places where IDPs were detained was allowed by the government.

Beginning in mid-May 2010, the camp management organizations, which were under the jurisdiction of the Sri Lankan army, restricted the number of vehicles and staff members that the humanitarian aid organizations active in the IDP camps could bring into the camps, and imposed numerous other restrictions as well. Moreover, the military refused to allow support groups to enter the camps to conduct protective activities for people, and also prohibited conversation with detainees, so that the IDPs became even more isolated. Journalists were also prohibited from entering the IDP camps.

NP was affiliated with the regional and national regulatory authorities involved with the needs of the IDP camps, including the regions where IDPs had returned home or resettled. When the Sri Lankan government allowed humanitarian aid organizations to enter regions where IDPs were detained, the organizations were asked by people at the regional and national levels to provide monitoring and a protective presence in the regions. For example, in 2009, NP was asked by regional and national authorities to provide monitoring and a protective presence in the Vavuniya region, where 300,000 people who had fled the fighting in the Mullaitivu region were detained. NP intended to dispatch a team to the Vavuniya region if it could secure the necessary financial resources and if access to places where IDPs were detained was allowed by the government; however, because of the abovementioned circumstances,

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this endeavor never came to fruition. Amidst this situation, NP visited families at the transit center at Jaffna who

wanted to be resettled and, together with the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), filed the reports and conducted the support activities necessary for carrying out the procedures and obtaining the permissions required for resettlement. In Jaffna there were 10 IDP camps with 11,000 IDPs. Since the Sri Lankan government built new camps to hold IDPs, two schools that until then had been provisionally used as shelters were evacuated. In consequence, 80 families resettled in a single place, and local government officials requested permission for the resettlement of an additional 122 families. While awaiting a reply, those officials asked NP for support and protection for that group of families, so an NP team, together with UNHCR and security forces, researched the procedures and permissions necessary for resettlement. To understand the situation at a nearby transit center used for resettlement, the team also visited and monitored dozens of families.

NP carried out the same activities at Valachchenai. When there was a problem with IDPs, it would hold an emergency meeting with government representatives and human rights activists to deal with it. It would also accompany IDPs so that they could independently and freely express their wishes about the place of their resettlement and the prospects for their future. In such situations, too, the team acted after first consulting with humanitarian aid agencies. In Valachchenai, it accompanied dozens of youths from the camps to meetings with military leaders, and participated in the meetings and discussed the safety of the youths and their social and psychological needs. These support activities of NP were also highly regarded by the military authorities.

Joint meetings held by the military authorities, regional government officials, community leaders and international NGOs had great significance, especially in regions where Tamils and Sinhalese neighbored each other and resettlement was going on. Tamil government officials asked NP to arrange for them to talk with military leaders about public order and other community problems, and, as a result, the first meeting between Tamil government officials and military leaders took place. It became a valuable first step towards dispelling the mutual distrust that had arisen from more than two decades of civil war.

【Support for developing the capabilities of locally rooted organizations】 In order to bring about lasting peace and stability, it is necessary for regional

creativity and frameworks to be supported and strengthened; moreover, it is necessary to play a coordinating role among local peacemakers and encourage nonviolent solutions when problems occur. To achieve those ends, NP constructed intra-community networks, thereby building relationships of trust with local government organizations, rural development societies (RDSs), other village associations and farmers’ and fishermen’s organizations in the communities where their members live and work.

The early warning network in Valachchenai is one of those networks. About 100 people have joined it. In response to a call, they can immediately work to scotch a groundless rumor; and when a violent situation occurs, they can move to defuse it.

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There was also a network consisting of a grassroots group of Tamils and Muslims. Using a safe space in the NP compound, this network conducted activities aimed at bridging the gaps between ethnic groups. All of its members jointly began to learn Sinhalese, and they conducted activities in which they sent needed clothing to internally displaced persons in IDP camps. In their role of bridging community rifts, they carried out cooperative activities that straddled the borders between ethnic groups.

Due to the ethnic displacements and demographic changes caused by the civil war, resources – land, water, forests, etc. – became a major source of conflict between communities. In response, NP endeavored to provide support for developing the capabilities of individuals and CBOs (community-based organizations). In November 2009, NP signed a contract with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP), as a result of which NP’s Sri Lanka staff became trainers who conducted training in unarmed civilian peacekeeping (UCP). This was done so that villages themselves could undertake the role of ensuring their own safety over the long term. The subjects of the training included mapping conflict and high-tension regions, discovering strategic partners, developing strategies for alleviating conflict, and formulating alternative plans when tensions suddenly arise. Practical, “on-the-job” training was carried out in the final two days of the program.

Training for the purpose of developing UCP capabilities was also conducted in the Batticaloa region (in April 2010). Twenty people – Muslims, Hindus and Tamil Christians, among whom relations were tense – were selected to participate. The goal was for them to understand people of other religions, and gain a new perspective, through role playing and other means. After returning to their villages, they intended to form UCP teams in their respective regions.

Two of the people who participated in this training were summoned by the police. At the request of those two individuals, two staff members from NP accompanied them. It turned out that the police were interested in unarmed civilian peacekeeping, having recognized that it served to reduce tension between ethnic groups and inhibit the occurrence of violence. The police emphasized the importance of ties between regional communities and the police. They admitted that it was extremely difficult for them to build trust with regional communities and find out people’s needs regarding public order, and they asked that they be contacted directly in case anything related to public order occurred. From this meeting, too, it was clear that the training of UCP teams had significance.

NP intended to ascertain the UCP teams’ achievements in the various villages and introduce teams throughout the Batticaloa region. However, the UCP training that NP began together with the UNDP in November 2009 ended up coming to a halt in June 2010.

3.3. Conclusion/phase-out of the project NP’s Sri Lanka Project began in June 2003 and concluded at the end of 2010.

“Space for NP’s essential activities ceased to exist” was the reason given for the decision to conclude the project. It was judged that the activities which NP was conducting at the time could be taken over and continued by its local partner and local

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organizations. In May 2009, with the defeat of one of the parties to the conflict, the LTTE, Sri

Lanka ceased being a conflict region, at least technically. However, due to the increase in IDPs, the worsening of human-rights and humanitarian problems inside the refugee camps, the occurrence of various regional conflicts caused by an upsurge of Sinhalese nationalism, the ongoing restrictions on free speech resulting from the prolongation of emergency rule, and due to other factors as well, the value of the very presence of NP conducting its activities at the grassroots level increased more and more. Nevertheless, because of opposition from the government, NP had to discontinue its core activities: protective accompaniment; providing a presence; and especially support for human rights activists. Beginning in July 2010, NP’s main activities were restricted in two fields: 1) the protection of former child soldiers, and the prevention and resolution of conflicts in communities and between groups of community residents; and 2) education and training related to human rights problems and other matters.

What precipitated the decision to conclude the project was that, in June 2010, the Sri Lankan government revoked the visas of the person in charge of the project (a Canadian) and the person in charge of supporting human rights activists (a Pakistani) and ordered that the two of them be deported from the country. The basis for NP’s activities is sending unarmed international civilian peace activists to conflict regions, and this is impossible without visas.

In response to this situation, NP’s headquarters (in Brussels, Belgium) sent high-ranking members to Sri Lanka, and from the end of 2010 until early 2011, they held numerous meetings with government officials, the embassies of relevant countries, NP’s local partner, and NP Sri Lanka’s entire staff; collected information; and discussed NP’s future options. As a result, NP reached the conclusion that it would be appropriate for it to transfer its know-how, concerning the activities in the two fields restricted by the government, to its local partner and to communities, civilian groups and a government-related organization (the Human Rights Commission), and for them to carry out the activities. Thus, at the end of December 2011, NP completed this transfer and the project ended. 4. Discussion

As previously mentioned, the civil war, which continued for approximately 26 years (July 1983 – May 2009), ended not through peace talks but rather through military conquest by the Sri Lankan army. NP carried out its Sri Lanka Project for approximately nine years, from June 2006, when the civil war nearing its final phase, until the end of 2011. At NP’s inaugural meeting, held in India in November 2002, three countries – Palestine/Israel, Guatemala, and Sri Lanka – were viewed as candidates for NP’s activities. Sri Lanka, where a ceasefire agreement had just been concluded, was selected.

4.1. A pilot project in third-party nonviolent intervention The Sri Lanka Project was considered a pilot project, and was NP’s first

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undertaking. Following the ceasefire agreement in February 2002, assassinations and widespread armed conflict still continued. In January 2008, the Sri Lankan government abrogated the ceasefire agreement and then completely subdued the opposition by military force. It was amidst such harsh conditions that NP conducted its experiment in “unarmed, nonviolent intervention by a third party in an armed conflict.” When the civil war recommenced, and fighting intensified, as a result of the government’s unilateral abrogation of the ceasefire agreement, most international NGOs withdrew from Sri Lanka; however, NP remained and, even amid the difficulties, continued to carry out activities that were desired at the grassroots level.

As this project was considered a pilot project, an important subject for NP has become how to organize and synthesize what was learned, what was gained, and the successes and failures, in nine years of activities in Sri Lanka, and how to use it in carrying out future activities. What NP considers most important is creating and arranging a space and an environment in which local people can feel comfortable enough to advocate their views and act nonviolently for peace. NP limits itself to activities in which it provides the support from the sidelines necessary to achieve that goal. This is because NP believes that the advocacy and actions for resolving a conflict should be carried out by people from the conflict region. NP’s various activities – providing protective accompaniment, providing a presence at meetings and demonstrations, conducting monitoring activities, transmitting information to the world at large – are all undertaken in the service of that belief.

4.2. About the principle of non-partisanship In order to reduce and stop violence in a conflict region and resolve the problems

related to the conflict, it is necessary to obtain the trust of all sides, or else it won’t be possible to convince any side. To make that possible, it is important to act according to the principle of non-partisanship. For NP to enter a conflict region and conduct its activities, visas are necessary, and it is a fact that visas would not be issued if NP were to espouse a particular political position. But more than that, NP wants to make it possible for all nonviolent groups that require NP’s support to be able to ask for it without reservation.

The principle of non-partisanship is also being debated inside NP. For example, it was pointed out that, while not siding with a particular political or religious group might be natural in NP’s position, being silent in the face of violence committed by one group or another runs the danger of appearing to tacitly approve such behavior and thus of becoming political in appearance if not in fact. The idea of exploring diverse approaches and perspectives that would be able to deal with more urgent situations was also broached. But NP has judged that, except for supporting the views and actions of people who nonviolently seek democracy and peace, it should not yield on its principle of non-partisanship and not support any particular cause or position.

Most non-governmental groups and organizations (NGOs) take sides with somebody or some group in carrying out their activities, and do not follow the principle of non-partisanship. For example, they might try to solve problems from the side of people who are discriminated against or oppressed. In such a situation, they represent

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the voice of those people, advocating their views and presenting corresponding requests and proposals to the other side. This is praiseworthy and important.

However, NP is aware that violence, which occurs due to various reasons, usually begets new reasons for violence, and that in order to resolve a conflict, the violence has to be eliminated through nonviolence, or else the chain of violence will only continue. Accordingly, NP doesn’t take the side of any of the parties (government, security forces, militias, police, administrative officials, private organizations, civilians, etc.) in a conflict region; rather, in order to reduce, deter and end violence, it consistently maintains a fixed distance from all the parties and works to build relationships of trust with them. This, it believes, will lead to a resolution of the conflict (to ending and eliminating the violence). Nonviolent action can break the chain of violence. The reason that NP placed importance on constructing a wide-ranging network in Sri Lanka was, it could be said, to build bridges between parties with different standpoints and thus establish a framework for breaking the chain of violence.

4.3. About the visa revocation and deportation order and the conclusion/ phase-out of the project NP concluded it Sri Lanka Project at the end of 2011. As mentioned earlier, the

decision to conclude/phase-out the project was precipitated by the fact that, in June 2009, the Sri Lankan government cancelled the visas of the person in charge of the project (a Canadian) and the person in charge of supporting human rights activists (a Pakistani) and ordered that the two of them be deported from the country. However, the decision was finally taken because NP judged that its local partner and local groups would be able to take over the activities that it was conducting.

The details of why the Sri Lankan government revoked the visas of those two individuals and ordered their deportation are not clearly understood. NP had acted in accordance with its basic principle of maintaining non-partisanship in a conflict region. However, what is presumed to have been behind the government’s action is the fact that the UN and the EU were at loggerheads with the Sri Lankan government over a UN-EU study of human rights problems in Sri Lanka and NP was perceived as having cooperated indirectly with the study, and the fact that NP’s human rights activities had been under scrutiny by the Sri Lankan government since around the beginning of 2010. Another contributing factor may have been that NP was being closely watched not only by the Sri Lankan government but also by the foreign media, and the government didn’t care for the publicity. From the evaluation and review by NP (headquarters: Brussels, Belgium) of its activities in Sri Lanka, there will likely be much that can be learned and applied to NP’s future activities and to other activities aimed at resolving regional conflicts through third-party nonviolent intervention. 5. Lessons Learned and Future Tasks

This research studied and analyzed the experiment in nonviolent intervention into armed conflict which the Nonviolent Peaceforce (NP) carried out as a third party for approximately nine years, from June 2006 until the end of 2011. The research was

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based on records and documents that the researchers were able to obtain and on interviews with some of the participants in that experiment. As a result of the research, the following lessons learned and future tasks were ascertained. 【Lessons Learned】 1) The heroes of conflict resolution are local people. Advocacy and activities for

conflict resolution should be carried out by people from the local region or country. Peace and justice cannot be imposed from the outside. Outside organizations and groups are not the ones who resolve conflicts.

2) Third parties who intervene from the outside are limited to creating and arranging a “space” and an “environment” in which local people can carry out nonviolent activities for peace; they are limited to the peripheral support activities – providing protective accompaniment, providing a presence at meetings and demonstrations, conducting monitoring activities, transmitting information to the world at large – necessary for making the activities of local people possible.

3) For third parties who intervene from the outside, non-partisanship is an important principle and standard of conduct. To resolve a conflict nonviolently through dialogue, obtaining the trust of all sides to the conflict is indispensable.

4) The causes of conflict arise from violence, which occurs for various reasons; and as long as violence is not eliminated through nonviolence, the chain of violence will continue. Unwaveringly following the principle of nonviolence is the only way to promote nonviolent activities and develop the discipline for them and to break the chain of violence.

5) For residents of this conflict region, the conflict is not a matter of opposition between an Islamic group and the Tamils. Rather, it is an economic problem about the sale and purchase of fish, a problem of providing a fixed dwelling area and homes and relief supplies to tsunami victims – it is a matter related to the many problems of daily life. Promoting discussions through dialogue about each of these problems deepens mutual trust and leads to peacemaking.

6) To resolve a conflict nonviolently through dialogue, it is important to create a broad network of parties in the conflict region who have different standpoints: local government officials, farming community development associations, farmers’ and fishermen’s organizations, etc. The key to third-party intervention from the outside is playing the role of “bridge builder” between the different parties.

7) Wars have an especially large effect on children and youths. The effects on children who have never lived outside a war environment are incalculable. It is important to protect children and youths in refugee camps from being recruited or kidnapped and abducted and to support the reintegration into society of children and youths who were formerly in armed groups.

【Future Tasks】 1) It is not easy for a third party to intervene from the outside in a conflict region

locked in a standoff. Nevertheless, for nine years NP conducted “nonviolent intervention” activities in Sri Lanka in order to resolve the conflict through local residents. NP’s efforts to deal with humanitarian crises nonviolently, rather than

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through passive observation or the use of force, can be highly regarded. In certain situations, the methods of nonviolent intervention by a third party are not effective or even possible; but reviewing and analyzing NP’s experience in Sri Lanka, and studying the kinds of situations in which it might be appropriate to apply the methods of nonviolent intervention in the future, is a task that remains.

2) It is important to review and analyze the circumstances and factors that caused NP to conclude its project (to withdraw) at the end of 2011. This is necessary for NP’s future activities and in order for third-party intervention activities to be able to resolve conflicts in various parts of the world through nonviolence. Moreover, the training in unarmed civilian peacekeeping (UCP), which NP conducted together with the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) beginning in November 2009, ended in June 2010, but studying and analyzing its details and salient points will be important for future activities.

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D. IRAQ Building Peace from the Grassroots in the district of

Rapareen, City of Kirkuk, Republic of Iraq

Mr. Aari Najmuldeen Mohammed Mohammed, Ms. Intisar Kareem Ghafour (INSAN Iraqi Society for Relief & Development),

Bunjiro HARA (Japan International Volunteeer Center) 1. Project in Kirkuk

The city of Kirkuk in the north of Iraq is one of the worst areas of its security situation, where people in variety of mixed ethnic and religious backgrounds such as Arabs, Kurds, Turkmen and Assyrians are living and potential of the conflict is in concern due to its history and interest of the benefit of oil under the ground.

Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC) has stated two projects in Kirkuk at the 2nd half of the year 2009. Assistance of the community committee is the first one, which gives opportunities to the representatives and leaders of the local residence to come together and discuss problems in the community to fine their own solution. The other one is the Peace Art Workshop, which gives the children opportunity to share peaceful experience to work with the friends from different ethnicity and religious background.

INSAN had already had ongoing community reconstruction and development projects with the participation of the residences by implementing the PRA method in Kirkuk, which reduces the potential tension between people in different ethnicities. Needs assessment by the team constitute of three different ethnic groups was carried out and its outcome leads to the community meeting to make up working plans to find solution to meet the needs. Community Committee was set up and took responsibility to make the working plan on progress. Knowing about the project running by INSAN with the financial assistance by the United Nations Office for Project Services (UNOPS) at the Rapareen district in the city of Kirkuk, JVC made a plan to give INSAN suggestions to improve the community committee assistance by reviewing

Mr. HARA Bunjiro (JVC, Japan) introducing 3 Iraqi speakers

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and analyzing the records and/or meeting minutes of the community committee activities.

Although people in the local community are seeking for the daily life in peace, political agenda from outside might bring tensions in the community by exaggerating the negative side of the difference of the ethnic and religious groups under the situation of continuous political and social instability since the Iraq War.in 2003. Even in the tough situation like that, local people might be capable of resisting to the political and social turbulence as long as the local residences have opportunity to feel solidarity by recognizing the similarities rather than differences through frequent discussions. JVC made such assumption and started working with INSAN.

At the same timing with the assistance to the community committee, JVC started working with INSAN for the “Peace and Art workshop”, which initially stared as the non-regular class in the school in Rapareen for promoting peace and coexistence, but also improved to have several sessions at the community center (outside of the school) where more variety of students can join the sessions. The peace art workshop also has an agenda to improve solidarity among local residences by getting together families, relatives, and neighbors around the students who participates the workshop.

INSAN was partner to implement the project locally. JVC assisted INSAN for its project planning, project management, and reviewing. JVC put priority to recognize the mechanism in the community to maintain peace in a local level.

The case study for Iraq had primarily importance to the project of the community committee assistance, however, community committee meetings were not held unless INSAN makes special effort in the end of 2010. Then, INSAN closed community committee assistance project in the district of Rapareen after the initial project period with UN was over. On the other hand, peace workshop with children continued since 2010 up to 2012. During the three years of period, 5 times of workshops had held and we saw certain outcome from the workshops. 2. Background in Kirkuk

The oil-rich governorate of Kirkuk is located in Northern Iraq, 295 km far from Baghdad. The city of Kirkuk is a historically and ethnically mixed city populated by Kurds, Arabs, Assyrians, Turkmen and Armenians traditionally living together in peace.

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City of Kirkuk in the Kirkuk

governorate

Characterized by a mixed community population and along its strategic location, Kirkuk has been the scene of ongoing displacement and rising ethnic tensions and conflicts in the last 6 years. Despite the fact that Kurds claim that Kirkuk is part of the Kurdistan Region, in 1975 it was delineated as being outside of the Kurdistan Autonomous Region. Since 2003, following to the fall of the Former Regime, the Kurds have pressed for change in Kirkuk and other mixed population areas in the North, which they claim as part of the Kurdish Region and most of which are rich in oil.

The Transitional Administration Law adopted in 2004 and the Constitution ratified in 2005 both prescribe a reversal of the ‘Arabization’ process conducted in the 1980’s during which tens of thousands of Kurds and other non Arabs were forced out of the oil rich city and nearby villages, replaced with pro-government Arabs from the impoverished South. They provide a process by which the executive authority should complete “normalization, a census and a referendum in Kirkuk and other disputed territories to determine the will of the citizens before 31 December 2007”, which will give the opportunity to inhabitants of these regions to vote for the definition of the status of these areas.

These prescribed solutions have favoured the emergence of tensions and instability in Kirkuk city, in a background of generalized conflict in Iraq, as each community seems to have its own political and social agenda and interests. As of today, no appropriate consensus has been found between political parties which allows for the referendum to take place.

Since April 2003, many Kurdish and other non Arab families, encouraged by the favouring political process, began returning to Kirkuk city to reclaim their property as they were forcefully evicted from their houses and lands. The return of these families led in turn to the displacement of hundreds of other families.

Along the movement of populations caused by the political process, Kirkuk witnessed the influx of thousands of IDPs escaping military operations and hot zones after 2003, similarly as other governorates in Iraq. IDPs in Kirkuk Governorate represent numerous ethnicities: Arabs, Kurds, Chaldeans, Turkmen, and Assyrians.

Although provincial elections occurred in Iraq on January 31st 2009, due to the struggle over Kirkuk, the elections were postponed in this province along as in the

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other 3 Northern provinces controlled by the Kurdistan Regional Government. Elections will be on hold until a special election law is ratified at the central government level. Currently, a committee has been nominated to develop a consensus mechanism for sharing Kirkuk’s Governance and to provide recommendations regarding the election law. However, until now, the committee has failed to keep on schedule and elections in this area will probably have to be postponed until consensus is found.

The political difficulties and tensions have favoured the increase of direct violence in Kirkuk targeting communities. At a grassroots level, it is necessary to promote conflict management mechanisms and peace building in order to prevent the existing conflict to turn into a crisis. (Reference: Publication by INSAN Iraqi Society) 3. Project Situation in Details

Riparian District in the city of Kirkuk （Old name: al-Qadisiyah）

*At the suburban area in the city of Kirkuk （Populations are about 60,000） *After the war in 2003, many Kurds displaced from the area of Arab majorities came to the district of Rapareen.

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Project Outline in Rapareen at the City of Kirkuk

Assistance of Community Committee

Peace Art Workshop

Objectives Community Committee members representing local residence have opportunity to discuss at the Community Committee meetings and find peaceful solution for the problems in the district

Children from different origin of ethnic groups will have opportunity to see and know each other by working together in the same classroom for creative art sessions. Then, they learn how to deal with the situation at the time in conflict Strengthening the relationship among participants’ families, relatives, and neighbors contribute to create peaceful environment in the district

Period

December 2009- December 2010 (Closed after the discontinuation of the Community Committee Meetings)

#1 February-March 2010 #2 August-September 2010 #3 July-August 2011 #4 February-March 2012 #5 June-July 2012

Partici- pants

Representatives of the local residents (Community Committee Members)

40-60 Children living in Rapareen and neighboring districts（3rd-7th grade at primary school） and their families,

School teachers, Local Volunteers

3.1. Assistance of the Community Committee (Local Governance)

Since 2008, INSAN had project funded by United Nations office for Project Services (UNOPS) aiming to promote the planning of community reconstruction and development along with the reduction of the potential conflict in the community by the participation and initiatives taken by the local residence. Youth group constituting of at least 3 different ethnic groups makes a team. Then the team makes home visit and interviewing.

The agenda in the community are presented at the meeting opened for the local residence and prioritized. Thereafter working plans are presented. to solve the problems. Community committee is established as a mechanism to take responsibility to carry out the working plan. What are the local agenda and problems? For example, garbage collection, shortage of school buildings and classrooms, too short business hours at the public health facilities, etc. They are mostly concerned about the daily life issue. Continuous political conflict and social instability disturbs delivery of the public services in Iraq. Even in the oil rich area like Kirkuk, local people feels they are deprived from opportunities to take enough benefit coming from the sales of oil. However, the involvement and participation of the local people to the problem solving process give them feeling satisfied and solidarity with other local residences. In one case, the community committee had advocacy meetings and negotiated with the city council or local authorities so that garbage collection truck became available and area cleaning campaign became in a significant success and the district became much clean.

On the other hand, the national election in the year of 2010 and political

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negotiation games after the election brought significant negative impact to the party members in the local level. The community committee itself is in its origin an independent from political party and far from existing political power or movement. But many of the local representatives belong to political party became busy with the political agenda and had less time to allocate for the community committee activities. Then, there is no regular meeting unless no input from INSAN. Sustainability of the community committee was lost and INSAN closed the project after December 2010 when the initially planned project period with UNOPS fund was over.

According to some reports from INSAN after closing the project, there is no official meeting held, but private networks among community committee members are maintained and some unofficial meetings were held.

For example, INSAN Rapareen community center staff, Mr. Salah become a hub of the communication and there is a move toward reconciliation between people in Howijah district in the governorate of Kirkuk (majority Arabs) and Rapareen in the city of Kirkuk (majority Kurds) and they are trying to find communication channel. So far there is no significant achievement for the reconciliation to go ahead, but the move toward peace are welcomed.

3.2. Peace Art Workshop Project for Children＝Experiencing Peace At the time in 2009, INSAN had already had experience to organize a workshop at

school and provide students opportunities to learn about peace through working together for school paintings and school gardens. However, the workshop inside of school had participants inside of the school only. In Iraq, there is chronically shortage of school facilities so that classrooms are always fully occupied and it is necessary to use two major different languages (Arabs and Kurds) separately based on different ethnic groups, Then it is required to set up different schools or classes for different ethnic groups. In result, students are separated and few opportunities to mingle with students belong to other ethnic groups. While the workshop is organized at school, there is always such limitation.

INSAN and JVC started to organize the workshop at the venue outside of school (=at the Al-Salam community center in Rapareen running by INSAN) so that students of variety of ethnic origin are allowed to participate. The first peace art workshop was organized in February 2010. Up to 2012, fifth workshop was organized and had good reputation of the workshop in the community, number of participants are increased and the areas covered were extended to the neighboring districts.

The objectives at the first and second workshops were to promote cross-cultural experience through group work of drawings and craft making. After the third workshop, INSAN put the variety of group work by playing musical instrument, singing songs, and introducing role playing and games. INSAN introduced the component of peace education to learn how to deal with conflict among children.

Under the security context of ongoing post-war internal violence in Iraq, participants had opportunities to learn what causes violence and how the conflict is reduced before escalating to the violence by showing the simple example of children fighting for toys. Such component of peace education was introduced and expanded by the effort of INSAN local staff teaching children at the community center on daily

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basis. After the earthquake disaster in Japan on March 11, 2011, INSAN organized one

day special workshop at the community center to show solidarity to the Japanese children by writing message on the balloon. This episode shows that Iraqi side has their own initiatives to organize the activities so that they are not fully relying on the assistance from outside like Japan.

Peace Art Workshops（2010～2012）

Period Target Area # of Child Materials Made Remarks

#1 Feb-March 2010

Rapareen only 40 Drawings

#2 Sept-Oct 2010

Rapareen ＋Panja Ali ＋Hurriya

(3 in total)

60 Drawings ＋Crafts

Special March 2011

Rapareen 30 Messages to Japanese kids

INSAN Planned (One time)

#3 July-Aug 2011

Rapareen ＋Hurriya（２in total）

60 Drawings ＋Crafts ＋Music Play

#4 Feb-March 2012

Rapareen＋Hurriya ＋Al-Nashir (3 in total）

45＋15

(OB/OG) Drawings ＋Crafts+

Theater Play

*Paying attention on behavior change of children. *Starting lectures for the parents and post workshop questionnaires on JVC format. *Post evaluation was introduced on INSAN format..

#5 June-July 2012

Rapareen ＋Hurriya ＋Al-Askari ＋

AlaSrawmafqoodeen. （４ in total）

30＋10 (OB/OG）

Drawings ＋Crafts ＋Theater Play

*Paying attention on behavior change of children. *Lectures for the parents and post workshop questionnaires on JVC format. *Post evaluation on INSAN format..

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3.3. Extension of the Peace Art Workshop for Children =Relationship with Local Community

JVC had project objectives to keep watching the situation in Kirkuk through key local persons. To meet these ends, community committee assistance had its importance, but the project of community committee assistance was closed by the end of 2010. So, JVC put more community assistance component to the peace art workshop project.

In addition to the effort by INSAN to introduce peace education component to the workshop, JVC put more focus

on social impact of the workshop to the community. As well as taking the role of financial support to INSAN, JVC gave INSAN

suggestions to extend the social impact of the workshop not only among the children participating, but also to the families, relatives, and neighbors of the children. The potential beneficiaries of the workshop includes volunteers living nearby the community center, school managers, school teachers, and some representatives in the community such as police officer, lawyers, political leaders and religious leaders.

During the program of workshop, INSAN started the pre-workshop & lectures for the parents in advance to the children’s workshop. In Iraq, mothers are taking main responsibility for education of their children. So, lectures for mothers were held to explain the importance of peace education for their children.

For better acceptance of the workshop among schools in the district of Rapareen and neighboring area, lectures for school master, school manager, and school teachers ware introduced as well. After the 3rdworkshop, JVC discussed with INSAN and requested to introduce monitoring and evaluation method to see the social impact of the workshop among the local community.

Monitoring and evaluation method is also introduced to see the outcome of the peace education not only by the improvement of knowledge but also by the change of behavior of children in non-violent and peaceful manner. Afterwards, INSAN made comprehensive review of the workshop and started the monitoring method by the house visit of the participants’ families and neighbors by the INSAN field coordinator (Ms. Intisar) for interviewing with the questionnaire made by JVC.

In September 2012, one day post workshop lecture was held for the parents after the 5th workshop. INSAN encourage the parents to see the change of behavior by the children after participating the workshop. What kind of change, how brothers & sisters recognize the change, how parents recognize the change are the point of evaluation to make sure about the social impact.

Mr. Aari Najmuldeen Mohammed Mohammed

(Director, INSAN Iraqi Society)

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Setting the baseline indicator of the change of behavior by quantity figures is not easy and it is just a matter of impression so far. But, the outcome of the monitoring and evaluation shows some episodes like children positively participated the workshop and the children change their behavior to become more moderate in mind and seeking solution by discussion than fighting.

In the case of mothers, there is a case of advocacy discussion was held after the one day INSAN lecture. At the advocacy discussion with the directorate of education (=local authority) to ask for the improvement of educational condition in the community. This might be the side effect of the lecture by INSAN.

4. Review by JVC = Achievement and Challenges on Community

Assistance

After June 2012, JVC made comprehensive review of the projects (Community Committee Assistance and Peace Art Workshop for Children) in Kirkuk for the purpose of community assistance. Result of Review by JVC 1) It is clear that there are positive recognitions of the outcome of workshop among

family members (parents, brothers & sisters) and neighbors, who has direct and close communication with the children participated the workshop. They recognize the workshop is providing precious opportunities for the children to see and work and make new friends with the children from different origin of ethnic groups who rarely meet each other.

2) It is partly recognized that there is good reputation among the children participated and their family members. They say there are some cases of children try to stop fighting of other children. Such cases are said to be the positive example of the change of behavior after the workshop, but these are just a small part of change and it is still not clear about the impact of the workshop on its level of extension and sustainability. It seems like taking more time (2-3years) to see the social impact and outcome of the workshop.

3) At the beginning of the project, there were ambitious objectives to see the method of the local community to resolve the conflict by organizing the peace art workshops with INSAN. But it is still in the process to improve the method of peace

Ms. Intisar Kareem Ghafour (Staff, INSAN Iraqi Society)

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education in the sessions at the workshop and it is too ambitious to go beyond and know how local people work for building peace. Still our focus is on how effective the workshop is running and how we can measure the outcome.

4) We recognized the community committee was not active like we were expected to become a forum of discussion of representatives from the local residences, but at least we could see the reality of the community committee remaining as such by working with INSAN for the peace art workshop.

Achievement z Although Kirkuk is the place where the security situation is one of the worst in the

unstable Iraq, it is certain that local NGO like INSAN can continue working and bring slow but steady result. They could continue the workshop up to the 5th series of sessions. That is a good outcome. Some parents were skeptical about the process of workshop and its outcome, but once they observe the session, they start recognizing the objectives of the workshop and turned to be more helpful and assist the workshop. Volunteers involved to the workshop become more positive… etc. These are the positive signs of the workshop and the workshop became more popular and known by the people in the community. The effort by the INSAN local staff to improve the sessions was the key factor.

z Although there are some limitation on the impact to the community, the workshop is recognized and in good reputation among the families of the participants and its neighbors. The workshop takes the role to accelerate the communication among families of the different ethnic groups in certain levels. There are some cases observed that children became friends by the workshop and their patents became friends as well and visited their houses each other.

Challenge z The community committee in Rapareen did not become active and the project to

assist community committee was closed at that district. But there are successful case in another district. For example, in the district of Panja Ali, community committee is active and they have regular meetings. It is still unclear what would cause the community committee active, but it seems that there are some people who eager to participate every meeting and take leadership on discussion in the case of success.

z The security situation in Kirkuk is so tight and as a foreigner, Japanese staff is difficult to visit Rapareen. INSAN can manage and continue the workshop on the ground. It is good, but it is not satisfactory enough to measure the impact of the workshop to improve peace in the community: how the workshop contributes to improve interactive communication among different ethnic groups. INSAN try to conduct monitoring and evaluation by the post workshop interview to the participants (children) , their families.(parents) , and neighbors. But there were no third party evaluation. INSAN is evaluating but they are also the organization who is providing benefits to the community. Critical comments do not appear while the same organization is running the project and evaluating.at the same time. So there are some room to improve.

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z It is quite uncertain that the workshop will be continued by the INSAN or local people without assistance from JVC or any other outsiders while the impact of the workshop is difficult to measure.

Lesson learned by the reviewing

The final ceremony of the 5th workshop was organized at the Christian church on July 18, 2012. Muslim children came to visit Christian church and had opportunity to see Christian children to mingle with. Such kind of cross-religious relationship cannot be established without recognition and tolerance among Christian and Muslims in the community. The result of monitoring and evaluation by the interview with the participants’ families and neighbors shows that the children are participating the workshop very positively and some children teach how to deal with the conflict to the other friends at school. That is a positive outcome. In the case of the parents, there are some cases of parents having opportunity of advocacy through direct discussion with the directorate of education thinking that the education is one of the important matter in a community after participating the lecture for parents (especially for mothers).

There are still challenges that the even there are some positive cases observed, The absolute numbers of the cases are small and the impact of the workshop is still uncertain in the community. Also, there is an issue of its ownership of the project. It is still not clear whether the workshop would be continued by INSAN or any other locals once JVC or any outsiders will stop assistance. Reference: “Promoting Peace Building in Rapareen Kirkuk, Iraq Participatory Rapid Appraisal Findings Report“ November 2008 - January 2009 (INSAN IRAQI SOCIETY) http://insaniraq.org/Rapareen%20-%20Kirkuk%20-%20PRA%202009.pdf

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Ⅲ．INTERNATIONAL SYMPOSIUM

A. OUTLINE OF SYMPOSIUM DATES: March 9, 2013 VENUE: Tachikawa Memorial Hall, Rikkyo University 3-34-1, Nishi-Ikebukuro, Toshima-ku, Tokyo 171-8501 JAPAN THEME: “Coexistence and Peace in Asia through Interfaith and Intercultural Dialogue ---Implementation and Future of the UN project ‘Alliance of Civilisations’ in Asia” OBJECTIVES: 1) To analyze/examine 4 different people’s peace-building efforts/struggles as bellow:

a) Philippines Case Study: Establishing peace in Basilan Province in the Philippines’ Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao

b) Cambodia Case Study: Building villages and promoting health in Phnom Penh and the northern region of Siem Reap Province

c) Sri Lanka Case Study: Resolving ethnic disputes in the Trincomalee Districts through non-violence

d) Iraq Case Study: Building peace from the grassroots in the Kirkuk district of northern Iraq

2) To clarify/draw out common principles/values and methodologies focusing on how to overcome inter-religious and intercultural conflicts, how to encourage mutual tolerance and respect, and how to construct a framework for coexistence through non-violence. OVERSEAS PARTICIPANTS: 1) Mr. Ya Bean

Ta Som Commune Chief in Angkor Chum District, Cambodia 2) Mr. Kannaro Kep

Director of Partnership for Development in Kampuchea (PADEK), Cambodia

3) Ms. Miriam Licera Suacito Director of Nagdilaab Foundation Inc., Philippines

4) Mr. Momoy A. Cohombo Project Officer on Sustainable Agriculture, Nagdilaab Foundation Inc.,

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Philippines 5) Mr. Aari Najmuldeen Mohammed Mohammed

Director of INSAN Iraqi Society for Relief & Development, Iraq 6) Ms. Intisar Kareem Ghafour

Staff of INSAN Iraqi Society for Relief & Development, Iraq 7) Mr. Muayad Mohammed Ghafour

Community Representative, Hay Al Askary, Kirkuk, Iraq PROGRAM (TIME SCHEDULE): 9:30 Opening Address by Mr. TAKEHARA Souichi (Prof., Chairperson of

Graduate School of Christian Studies, Rikkyo University) 9:40 Presentation I (PHILIPPINES Case Study): Establishing peace in

Basilan Province in the Philippines’ Autonomous Region in Muslim Mindanao

<Speaker> Ms. Miriam Licera Suacito (Director, Nagdilaab Foundation Inc.) Mr. Momoy A. Cohombo (Project Officer, Foundation Inc.) Ms. UI Shiori (Asian Health Institute, Nagoya, Japan)

10:40 Discussion (Q&A) 10:55 Presentation II (CAMBODIA Case Study): Building villages and

promoting health in Phnom Penh and the northern region of Siem Reap Province

<Speaker> Mr. Kannaro Kep (Director, PADEK) Mr. Ya Bean (Ta Som Commune Chief, Angkor Chum District) Ms. UI Shiori (Asian Health Institute, Nagoya, Japan)

11:55 Discussion (Q&A) 12:10 Lunch Break 13:10 Presentation III (IRAQI Case Study): Building peace from the

grassroots in the Kirkuk district of northern Iraq <Speaker> Mr. Aari Najmuldeen Mohammed Mohammed (Director, INSAN Iraqi Society) Ms. Intisar Kareem Ghafour (Staff, INSAN Iraqi Society)

Mr. HARA Bunjiro (Japan Volunteer Center, Tokyo, Japan) 14:10 Discussion (Q&A) 14:25 Presentation IV (SRI LANKA Case Study): Resolving ethnic disputes

in Sri Lanka through non-violence <Speaker> Mr. IKEZUMI Yoshinori (Rikkyo University)

14:55 Discussion (Q&A) 15:10 Tea Break

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15:25 Panel Discussion on “Coexistence and Peace in Asia through

Interfaith and Intercultural Dialogue” <Panelists> Ms. UI Shiori (Asian Health Institute, Japan) Mr. HARA Bunjiro (Japan Volunteer Center, Japan) Mr. NISHIHARA Renta (Rev. Prof., Rikkyo University, Japan) Mr. KUBOTA Hiroshi (Prof., Rikkyo University, Japan) Ms. Miriam Licera Suacito (Nagdilaab Foundation, Philippines) Mr. Kep Kannaro (PADEK, Cambodia) Mr. Aree Najmuldin Jabari (Insan Iraqi Society, Iarq)

<Coordinator> Mr. IKEZUMI Yoshinori (Prof., Rikkyo University, Japan) 17:25 Closing Address by Mr. NISHIHARA Renta (Vice President of Rikkyo

University) 17:30 Closing

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B. PANEL DISCUSSION DATES: March 9, 2013 VENUE: Tachikawa Memorial Hall, Rikkyo University

3-34-1, Nishi-Ikebukuro, Toshima-ku, Tokyo 171-8501 JAPAN THEME: “Coexistence and Peace in Asia through Interfaith and Intercultural

Dialogue ---Implementation and Future of the UN project ‘Alliance of Civilisations’ in Asia”

PANELISTS:

Ms. UI Shiori (Asian Health Institute, Japan) Mr. HARA Bunjiro (Japan International Volunteer Center, Japan) Mr. NISHIHARA Renta (Rev. Prof., Rikkyo University, Japan) Mr. KUBOTA Hiroshi (Prof., Rikkyo University, Japan) Ms. Miriam Licera Suacito (Nagdilaab Foundation, Philippines) Mr. Kep Kannaro (PADEK, Cambodia) Mr. Aree Najmuldin Jabari (Insan Iraqi Society, Iarq)

<Coordinator> Mr. IKEZUMI Yoshinori (Prof., Rikkyo University, Japan) DISCUSSION: Ikezumi: We should now like to start the panel discussion. The themes that we shall discuss today are “Coexistence and Peace in Asia through Dialogue between Religions and Cultures.” Through this morning and afternoon, we had four case-study reports. From those reports, we set the objectives for this panel to discuss: “What are the important principles, philosophies and methods for grass-roots peace-building by dialogue?” and “What are the views, principles and philosophies for a future guideline?”

Now, let me inform you of the current proceedings for this panel discussion. Firstly, we should like each of the seven panelists to speak for ten minutes. Then, we should like the people here to speak their opinions or suggestions to the panelists rather than asking the panelists more questions. After that, we should like each panelist to The Tachikawa Memorial Hall, Rikkyo University

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make a brief statement regarding the people's opinions or suggestions. We suppose that we have insufficient time for a substantive discussion. However,

we should like to record and summarize all the statements that we shall have said today and then widely issue those statements to those here in Japan and abroad by the end of July at the latest. Also, we should like to send our report and proposals to the Secretariat Division of the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations. Well, then, we should now like to listen to the opinions of Ms. Shiori Ui. ■ The Opinions and Suggestions of the Seven Panelists: Ui: Upon hearing the four reports, I thought that their causes and agendas are in common. We easily think that the cause of conflict is a dispute between (different) religions or (different) ethnic groups. In fact, such conflicts arise from unfairness or misuse of power, from unfairness of learning opportunity, job opportunity or from resource allotment. Yet, such conflicts are replaced with the issue of religion or ethnicity. Therefore, the reason that we try to act to improve the quality of life, as well as to develop the community in which they live, is that it is necessary to change the unfairness of their level of living. I feel that we must work on those different things in parallel.

Secondly, we understand that there are many differences in the difficult situation of conflict, but that there must be somebody living there who wants to do something together with others. From the four reports, I found that the concerned persons try to act initiatively. Such local people who strongly wish to do something new initially. Such people can be young people or women, or maybe children in case of INSAN in Iraq.

Thirdly, we address immediate common issues, especially those that need be solved by common humane collaboration. Such issues include water problems, the improvement of the environment for children to feel safe to study, and local health problems that are to be solved commonly by the people. We also learned that "a space for dialogue" is made in the place where we particularly work together on common concrete urgent issues. Not only the concerned local people but also other concerned people, including those in the government agencies, should be involved in the movement. Eventually, we should encourage the people in the government to engage their role properly. In some situations, we may be unable to work with the government, but it is very important not to miss the opportunity once it Ms. UI Shiori (Asian Health Institute, Japan)

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appears to us. Also, regarding the collaboration of the peace-building and development movement,

it is very important to incorporate the peace-building movement not only into a difficult situation during and immediately after a dispute but also into the various activities of ordinary life, regardless of any specific conflict. Especially, it is very important to instill peace education in the small children from a young age.

Finally, I realize now that it takes a long time to solve the problems in making peace, if there is a long history of conflict, and that a lifetime of a high level of commitment is required of us to do so. We must make strong local-group activists and then educate the leaders who can connect people to people in the future. I understand that it is very important not only to encourage the people now in trouble but also the young people or children of the next generation to work. That is all from me. Hara: In case of Iraq, INSAN is now working on peace-building projects. However, their aim is that the people on site and the local people eventually work together on the peace-building activities. Many different players are forming groups to work together, aren't they? We cannot see the people here at this meeting, for they are on site in Iraq. Then, too, there are activities conducted by Mr. Aree of INSAN there in Iraq. Also, there are our Japanese NGOs here to work with them. I also belong to a connection involved in such activities as establishing peace. Referring to the other reports today, I realized again significantly that I am in such important circumstances.

Out of each country's report introduced here in this symposium, today, the only case is from of Iraq, where the outside NGOs are engaged in the projects of local activities. I think that there are many possible ways to act by the NGOs which are actually outsiders involved in the local projects. How shall the weak who have no power or who are being persecuted by the powerful obtain freedom of choice? Of course, there is the situation of basic conditions such as food, clothing and housing not being satisfied in the middle of conflict or even after the conflict has been resolved. As pointed out just now, such freedom of choice is curtailed by a certain political intention or the like even under peacetime conditions. It is easy to say that people who lack such opportunity should speak out. However, when it is actually very difficult for them to do so, then people who are involved in the problem, and we as NGOs, should be important to them.

I learned from today's discussion that even in Cambodia it was over 20 years ago when the peace agreement was made, and that it has had a commune history for over 30 years, including the period of conflict. That is one of the remarkable

Mr. HARA Bunjiro

(Japan International Volunteer Center, Japan)

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social activities. Also in Iraq, there has been a very long history of conflict. They have always been in conflict, even before the Iraq War broke out about 10 years ago. We believe that we can learn something from the example of Cambodia where people have been operating the activities for a long time before and after the period of conflict.

However, it is difficult for the civil people to be heard in public, so then, as we said, we NGOs offered them assistance. However, it is still impossible to change the fundamentals causing the troubles, despite the activities of our NGOs. The government then or a local administration has its own role to perform. In Iraq, we initially established a local committee to convey the local people's requests to the government, and we worked on activities such as so-called “capacity building” to train the people at the bottom to work their own way out of their problems. We tried this for four years. However, it was not enough. Then, we recognized that it would be necessary to establish a new system in which the upper people acquired a certain level of leadership and would listen to the voice of the people at the bottom and work on their problems. We are now becoming aware of the necessity to train administrative officers or assembly members to do the work.

Among the reports, the case study of the Philippines was very informative to me regarding the education of the children. I recognized today that the system of education in the Philippines is advanced, since, to a certain level, peace education is already incorporated in the public educational curriculum authorized by the government. Unfortunately, Iraq has not yet advanced that far. Under the bad condition there, the number of classrooms and teachers are always short, and their hands are already full in providing the students with just the ordinary subjects, in the Japanese style, such as the national language, arithmetic, science, social studies or the like. Gym or art class, and, even more so, peace education, are regarded as secondary subjects to the main ones, so that they, the teachers are very reluctant to consider them positively. However, as I noticed that peace education is considered as one for public education, it shall be specifically taken into consideration regarding the situation in Iraq.

We do not mean that nothing is being done in Iraq. We try to invite school teachers to attend the work sessions on behalf of our activities. We have the school teachers, including the principals or assistant principals, along with the PTA members, attend the workshops held at the community centers. As a result, we are hearing that they would like to have such activities, individually, in their own region. We believe that accepting such public opinions and movements leads to a clear direction in policy making. Today, this symposium is a good opportunity to exchange our case study by networking with each other. Also, it is very significant to recognize that our own commitment and effort are being transferred to other countries, thus encouraging us to go further. Nishihara: I am Renta Nishihara, a teacher of Theology of Christian Studies at Rikkyo University. My major is Anglican Theology and the Anglican Church.

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After the report on Sri Lanka, just now, we have a very interesting question from the floor. In Sri Lanka, why are the religions, including Christianity and the Episcopal Church, which were introduced there as a mission, the root (cause) of the local conflict? It makes some sense though, for basically when we think about dialogue between religions, we cannot reach a true dialogue unless we honestly criticize the history and methodology that our own religion has been through in the past. Actually, I wish to discuss that matter, yet let us discuss it some other time, since what I need to do today is to comment on the four reports that we have had today.

So, I shall focus on commenting on the four reports. Of the workshop on “Local Peace-building with Local

Children" in the report from Ms. Intisar of Kirkuk, Iraq and from Mr. Hara, such activities are limited in certain areas and do not seem eye-catching. However, I thought that the activities should gain extremely high recognition. According to Ms. Intisar, eligible children from ages eight to twelve learn to accept diversification in the name of peace and human rights. Those children learn it among different people, thereby developing the ability to accept different religions or cultures. Their parents and communities are also involved in the activities, so that not only the children but the whole area is changed, thus eventually developing the human resources of the next generation who are able to settle disputes. The report, I think, reminded me of a grand vision beyond time and generational lines.

I also joined the National Christian Council in Japan (NCC), and thrice in the past we have organized a Peace Conference of Youth, in collaboration with the Korean National Christian Council. The first conference was held in Hiroshima In 2005. The second was held in Seoul in 2007, and the third was held in Tokyo in 2010. We shall spend about a week going through the programs, together, with some 30 children, including fifth and sixth grade children from Japan and Korea, or rather with Korean and Myanmar (Burmese) children living in Japan. Our aim is to make peace-makers of the next generation. The theme is described in Japanese (Hiragana) as “Arasoi o nakusu tameni wa," meaning “How to end conflict.” In the programs, we shall especially discuss Japan-Korea relation, which is now getting worse, as well as issues of history, such as the territorial dispute over the Takeshima (Dokdo) Islands and that of Military Comfort Women, or the like.

Though under strain between the countries, the network of churches is working well. Through the connection of the NGOs, the children of the same generation as Ms.

Mr. NISHIHARA Renta

(Rev. Prof., Rikkyo University, Japan)

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Intisar’s base will see each other and talk about Article 9 of the Constitution, about issues of history, or about the military presence on Okinawa. We will discuss each issue at a workshop, whilst hearing oral evidence from different people. Japanese children, in front of “Korean Omoni” (Korean mothers), will listen to the stories of the military comfort women. The children will cry and write a report in tears, saying “Harumoni (Korean grandmother), how I can feel and share your pain?” Then, the Japanese children will imagine their grandmothers together with the old Korean women of the military comfort women during the war. Such an experience will be very significant.

The key phrase of this program is, “Do not change the past. Create the future.” It means that every person is cherished, and that every life should be loved. I found a report from among the children in the fifth grade, saying, “To end the war, we just make friends with each other.” This is a very simple but straightforward view.

I really realized today that focusing on the children creates tremendous meaning and potential. In the Philippines, such peace education for the children is introduced in their public education. In Cambodia, as shown in the presentation of Mr. Kannaro, education of the children is importantly focused in the name of “Just Peace”. Sri Lanka has also a similar program. Somebody said the word “Insemination” in the presentation. Insemination or planting is very important.

In that sense, our responsibility is to trust in the children’s potential and to listen to the voice of the children. Although it takes a long time, we must plant the seed of peace- building. Breeding the seeds and making them sprout leads to universal possibility. It is very important to cultivate the sensitivity to consider differences in prosperity as not being in distinctive opposition or conflict, and to educate the people to live together with different people (power to coexist) and to sympathize with the other’s pain (Sympathetic power). As such, people can develop the recognition power to understand the multi-faith, multi-cultural and multi-historical views. Not depending on the government, through the connection and network of our grass-roots NGOs, I believe, as Mr. Hara just now mentioned, we can develop the peace-building programs for the children in every place, beyond national boundaries, for example, in a triangle amongst the people of our concern, of our NGOs, and of Japan.

Thus, an important textbook [instruction] contains [the directive of] meeting the people, of gaining experience through field work, and especially in documentation recording, in other words, [recording] people’s life stories, as mentioned many times today. A story-telling book, as Mr. Kannaro mentioned, is one example. Also, the use of public education with a textbook on peace-building is another example. I am wondering whether we can ideally develop our activities based on all those things. Of course, it is impossible to establish peace and to resolve the conflicts in a brief space of time. Such a viewpoint of educating the children will become a principle in truly establishing peace. Kubota: I am Kubota. I study the science of religion and the dialogues between religions from a little historical viewpoint. Our time is valuable and limited today, so I will go to the main point.

After hearing the reports, I would like to ask many questions and make comments, but I will hold back my desire and ask only one question. It is exactly the one that Miss

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Ui mentioned at the beginning, but I would like to talk about it from a different angle.

The question is this: What kind of viewpoint does this symposium really have in the background? As you may understand by reading the intent of the research projects conducted in the background of this symposium, this symposium is regarded as an Asian version of the United Nations Alliance of Civilizations, which aims to enhance dialogue between religions and cultures. This point is exactly what I am focusing on.

Whilst listening to the reports here, today, I found many issues to consider and a number of different perspectives from which to learn. Now, though, my biggest question is whether although there is the theme of “Coexistence and Peace in Asia through Dialogue between Religions and Cultures” set up on the stage, such a frame of reference as dialogue between religions and cultures is appropriate, or not. The four cases reported here, today, taught us what is substantively conflict, and how it is being resolved on site by the means, for example, of the committee in Cambodia for the resolution of disputes. By all these reports, I do not think that the conflict that we are talking about here, today, is a conflict raised by religions or cultures. Such dialogue between religions or cultures will never obtain resolution. The only question that I have is that we are just assuming such dialogue to be true, as if the framework suggested by the United Nations at the macro level should appropriately work as a universal countermeasure.

As you may know, the phrase “dialogues between religions” has been spreading since the Second Vatican Council in the 1960’s. After that, Hans KÜNG, a German catholic theologian, espousing a theory called “Global Ethic,” worked in the United Nations to promote the project called, “Dialogue among Civilizations.” I personally do not deny the importance of such an idea and of the actual activity of dialogue between religions, but I suspect that such a framework ideally given by an authorized organization can really contribute to the resolution of a dispute substantively required in many troubled regions. In other words, when we use the phrase such as “among cultures,” “between religions” or “inter-something,” we unconsciously follow a certain line of thinking.

This idea consists of the scenario that individual religions and cultures exist, and that they shall never change, whatever happens, and that those individual different things make an encounter, mutually opposed, but finally that dialogue is established between them. If you ignore the word “dialogue” which sounds very positive, such a

Mr. KUBOTA Hiroshi (Prof., Rikkyo University, Japan)

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scenario can ideally simplify the actual situation, which is full of complex factors. In fact, the phrase “Dialogue among Civilizations” is often used for political populism, which is widely known. In other words, people want to say, Why do conflicts occur? It is because there are different religions and cultures. Yet, religions or cultures themselves are simply opposed to each other, which was the subject of Samuel Huntington’s talk. If you affirmatively convert this expression, we then can find the way for solving the problems through dialogue between religion and religion, and between culture and culture.

However, this way of talking may be hiding something very important. We need to put this question to ourselves, and that is: Who speaks as a representative of each different religion such as Islam, Buddhism, or Christianity? When the dialogue is among religions, it is seen that most of the discussions are made among the leaders of each religion. Those leaders of course are aware of themselves as being a representative of their own religion or sectarian group. Sometimes, it is true that a dialogue will lead to reconciliation between institutional religions or sectarian groups. The issue reported by Mr. Aree, about the planting of trees, is one example.

However, I believe that this symposium should not be involved in such dialogue or reconciliation. What we should focus on is making sure that the dialogues between religions or cultures are not being made in the troubled regions, or whether it is preferable to require such dialogues, or whether such dialogues help people find a way to solve their problems. If we ask an extremely silly question whether the person in trouble is really speaking as the representative of that religion, then we will get a simple answer. As we learned from our studies here today, we will naturally get a simple answer that the person in trouble is not representative of the religion.

Those who are struggling with the solution of a conflict may be persons of religion, religious persons, or persons living a certain religious tradition, or even non-religious persons. To describe it in a different way, those who are striving to solve the problems are sometimes people who are not living in a situation where different religions and cultures are opposed to each other. Instead, they are facing very concrete issues such as the productivity of rice, domestic violence, waste disposal problems, whereby they are only living a religious tradition or cultural tradition. Those individual persons are trying to find a way to solve the problems. That is the reality. An issue that occurs in such an environment is not necessarily a conflict or a dialogue between religions. At most it is called a conflict or a dialogue between peoples living a simply different religious tradition.

Thus, the problem that such people are facing would not be a conflict caused by their own religious teachings or ethics. However, we tend to refer to religious teachings or ethics when we explain the reason for the conflict. However, such a procedure has the risk of making people look away from the reality of the conflict. As shown in the INSAN report in your hand, I refer to the sentence, “Due to political consideration from outside, the differences of the races and religions are further fueled, which is likely to cause another unnecessary conflict.” If such a situation really exists, then it is obvious that we must recognize it.

It is true that each person in trouble is actually living a certain religious tradition. It is though also true, I think, that such a person will be able to recognize or find what

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her/his religion or culture is like or how it should be during the procedure of people mutually striving to solve the conflict between each other. I would say that there is no other way around the issue.

We do not try to learn about the different religions in advance to prevent conflict from occurring. We do try to solve any conflict and then do come to know and recognize what our own religion or culture is or what it should be, thus arousing a sense of respect of the other religion or culture. The dynamic way of solving the problems on site has such a sequential process.

What I have learned here today is the issue that contains an unconscious assumption that may fuel the feelings of the different religions. What we need to do is to think about our topic from a different angle, i.e. to regard a dialogue between religions and cultures not as a presupposition or a method, but as a process which is simply made from each of our specific attempts and from long-term grass-root attempts to find a solution of concrete conflicts, and not to look at them through the colored spectacles called “ideal” imposed from above. Thus, it is important not to be concerned with the phrase “between religions” or “among cultures” which are given from above. The most important thing in solving the conflict discussed today is to be free of such filters.

Of course, I know that it is unnecessary for me to say such things, for the people working on the sites already know them. I nevertheless have made these comments as self-reproach for people, including myself, who speak in an “academic” place or who discuss these issues “academically.” Miriam: I would like to begin by giving my impression of the presentations. I believe what we have been discussing is the respective values people hold, which vary from individual to individual, and the value of the individual’s dignity. We discussed these not only from the perspective of peace building but also from our own individual commitments. Peace, as I see it, is essentially life itself. It is the spirit with which we respect others, and the very values of the culture we live in on a daily basis. Those values will, I believe, differ according to the challenges we are faced with and the kind of aspirations we hold for the future.

Various reports were presented about strategies for building peace. Strategies cannot be formulated without the participation of people, and they cannot work without people. Strategies for building peace, in some cases, may take the form of a religious viewpoint. From a long-term perspective, this may cause problems between different religions, but I think problem

Ms. Miriam Licera Suacito

(Nagdilaab Foundation, Philippines)

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comes down to the reality that people living in a particular area actually face. There are various strategies, but essentially I believe it all comes down to the kind of life people in the community aspire to, and the “picture” of their aspirations will take the form of a strategy.

Adults have strong feelings about not wanting their children to have to endure the hardships of war that they themselves experienced in the past. People living together in a community are capable of trusting each other, respecting each other, and engaging in conversations in a natural manner. This is the kind of community adults want to see their children to grow up in. This is the kind of community I sincerely believe we need but… (The speaker is lost for words and remains silent momentarily.)

Earlier I mentioned that multifaceted social cooperation is important, and this is especially so in times of conflict. If a multifaceted society could be established in a bottom up manner through the cooperation of people, it would have an impact on governance at the grass-roots level in various ways. Governance requires transparency and accountability, and good governance not only empowers people but also has positive effects on various sectors including the lives of students and children.

Peace building and engaging in dialogue between different religions is a very difficult task. In our efforts to create the ultimate peace, we always take a non-violent approach.

In reality, however, there are many complex problems, and we are often under pressure. Ultimately deciding on how and what method of resolution to choose during a conflict is very difficult, but we are convinced that we are capable of succeeding. Using their own capabilities, people in the community will take the initiative to resolve their own conflicts. People like us from NGOs are not saviors. We are only here to support the people in the community.

We are very grateful to receive the support of Japanese universities and institutions as we have at this conference. We also feel very happy to be able to work together with NGOs from other Asian countries. In the past, I had the opportunity to speak at a commemorative conference celebrating the centenary of the University of Athens. The theme of the conference was how institutes of higher education can assist NGOs. The initiative of this meeting here is for universities, which engage in various fields of research, and NGOs, which are actually working within communities, to cooperate in documenting the peace building processes followed by people in communities. We will learn from this documentation. Through this initiative, I believe the most important task for us is to keep exploring what kind of relationship we should establish with the next generation, and what kind of community we should be creating as well as how we can continue the dialogue for this objective. Kannaro: When I started a peace building project in Cambodia in 2001 and began to engage in discussions with people in the community and local government agencies, one woman told me, “Please don’t talk to me about the peace when my children still go hungry.” She also told me that her children were unable to go to school. When I talked with people from local government agencies, I was also asked why I wanted to engage in a peace project when there were no conflicts underway. One person told me that since the war had ended and there was peace now, there was no need for something

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like peace building. When I mentioned that I wanted to engage in a peace project with other local Khmer NGO people, I was again told that society was in a state of peace, so there was no more fighting. I then realized that these people did not understand the true meaning of peace.

In 2002, a local election was held in this particular area, and when I asked a person from the commune council members if there were any conflicts existing in the area, this person replied that there were none. When I then asked if there were conflicts between husbands and wives, he responded, “Of course, there are.” When I then asked if there were arguments between neighbors over land disputes or other such problems, that person replied that there were many such problems. When I inquired as to how people went about resolving these problems, he told me that only the police had the authority to solve such problems, or that people with problems should take them to a court of law.

So, when I started this peace project, people generally believed they were living in a state of peace simply because of the absence of military combating. Even high government officials and people from NGOs wondered why I was talking about a peace project when there was no more fighting, and the country was peaceful.

Speaking of conflicts, I was a child soldier for two years. I was a child soldier under the Khmer Rouge and witnessed many people being killed. I also witnessed many incidents of violence inflicted on women. When we were fleeing from an area controlled by the Vietnamese army to a refugee camp in Thailand, there were children and women, the most vulnerable of all people, fleeing to the border area in an attempt to escape. When children cried during the escape, some people were forced to kill their own children to prevent their hiding place being discovered. Scenes like that remain deeply etched at the back of my mind.

During this time I kept thinking how as a human being could I help these people, and how could I put an end to such violence. For example, In Khmer society, the issues of suspicion, distrust, and discrimination were huge social problems.

When I was contemplating this peace project, my boss did not give me much support. She felt that conflict resolution and peace building is the responsibility of the court or the government agencies. So, in order for me to get his approval to start a peace project, I had to explain each and every aspect of my rationale.

True peace building is not something I can achieve on my own. I had to somehow make a start. The strategy I came up with was to link this project to various sectors such as agriculture, education, and medicine. This is known as integration. I then had to consider who in the community should become involved, and how I could link together various people in the community. It was clear that nothing would happen if I

Mr. Kep Kannaro (PADEK, Cambodia)

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left this task to local government agency officials, who insisted, “There is no more conflict. We already have peace.” Unless the people at the grass roots and people on the middle ground became involved in such a project, we could establish true peace.

One of my friends in the parliament made the comment, “It is true that we can’t establish peace if a war is going on. But we are now able to go out for a walk every night, if we want.” Then I asked him about the problem of land grabbing, and whether people enjoyed true peace when their land was being taken away from them. He agreed that such problems certainly did exist. In my opinion, peace is the buildup of every day experiences in people’s lives and includes every aspect of life including food, education, and medicine as well as spiritual problems. Peace and development must go hand in hand. Aree: I would like to talk about my own experience, about I how became involved in conflict resolution activities. I started at INSAN in 2005 but from around 2006 to 2007 law and order in Iraq deteriorated, and the country fell into civil war. One day during this time I took a taxi from Bagdad to Kirkuk. At a security checkpoint on the way, security officers approached the taxi and started checking our identification cards. One of the fellow passengers was taken away and we had to remain waiting in the car for about 10 minutes. Suddenly we heard a gun shot. When I asked the taxi driver what was going on, he said we would probably get killed too. He said that the passenger who had been taken away just a moment ago had been killed. Fortunately, I was able to continue my travel in this taxi and reach my destination in Kirkuk. It was at that time that I resolved to engage in peace building activities.

When local people are in a state of conflict, they are reluctant to accept activities aimed at conflict resolution. Therefore, when I approach a local community, I do not usually tell them that I have come to discuss conflict. Instead I tell them that I have come to assess peace. I stopped using the word “conflict” and began using the word

“peace” instead. Although the content is the same, the way people will perceive something depends on the words used.

To build peace, the activities we must engage in, I believe, are not only those aimed at eliminating confrontation and conflict but also those aimed at maintaining a state of peace. Therefore, we focused on the idea of “creating a new world with children.” This was truly a locally based initiative for maintaining peace initiated by the local people. Children will grow into youth, and I believe the youth are the ones to maintain the peace we establish.

People working in the area of peace

Mr. Aree Najmuldin Jabari

(Insan Iraqi Society, Iarq)

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building must bring together all communities. There must be no discrimination in such an environment. It is important for NGOs to refrain from targeting a specific community in their peace building but instead to engage other communities in dialogue on an equal footing. The idea is to involve all communities, and not to discriminate. Women will bring about peace. According to past Iraqi tradition, it was presumed that women had no right to make decisions, that they were powerless, and that they were unable to engage in community activities. We believe that participation in peace building activities by both men and women at equal ratios can reduce confrontations. Women generally have a significant influence on easing confrontations.

Kirkuk is a large city with religious and racial diversity. There are 10 communities in the city including the Moslem, the Christian, Arab, and Turkmen communities. Peace building activities will lead to enhancing the diverse racial differences, values and their significance. Instead of exacerbating confrontations, the different races, religions and communities will strive to understand each other. Through this process, coexistence within the same region will become possible. I honestly believe that peaceful cohesiveness can be achieved. ■ Statements from the floor: Ikezumi: Thank you very much for each of your precious comments. We heard interesting stories based on individual experiences. Also, the seven panelists kindly pointed out some significant remarks that they felt whilst listening to the four reports. Now, we would like to have some opinions from anybody on the floor. Based on the four reports that we heard this morning and afternoon, together with the comments from the seven panelists just now, please let us hear your opinions, suggestions, or anything. Ueno: My name is Ueno. I am really happy today to have heard the comments from the three persons, Ms. Miriam, Mr. Kannaro and Mr. Aree. I learned many things.

In Mr. Kannaro’s presentation, the big advantage for me today was in understanding that conflicts should really be resolved at home. I am working in the field of the disabled with a network of an international cooperation organization. We study many different cases about the disabled and of development with other members. Prior to our activities for the disabled, I had not really realized the importance of peace. I took it for granted that we should think about the issues of the disabled, only, in the development of peace. Now, I know that I have overlooked a very important thing.

Also, I totally agree with every statement that Ms. Ui made today. I was also extremely overwhelmed by Mr. Kubota’s comments. I did not fully understand his comments, but I believe that he

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got to the bottom of the problems. I myself have been introducing the documents about the disabled, from the United Nations to Japan, for nearly 20 years. I actually feel that it is a very insignificant job.

I think that if the documents prepared by the United Nations disclose the process of the framework, such process is considered highly valuable, but only after the document is prepared and has come down to us from above. What we are doing now is collecting actual information about case examples from the sites to make sure that the disclosures of the UN documents are compliant with the actual information. We hope that we can insist on correcting the documents according to the voice of our grass-roots activities. Therefore, his comments encouraged me very much. Nomura: My name is Osami NOMURA. I have a simple request. I understand that everyone here is doing many different activities. I also understand the characteristics of the activities and what happed to the people. Those are very important reports, I believe, so I expect to prepare a summary report of this discussion. At the same time, I think that there must be cases of failure that have not been disclosed, but I hope that such stories of failure are reported as well, since I believe that we can develop and apply our ability by learning from our mistakes. Without mistakes, we have no further development. Hattori: Ms. Miriam, Mr. Kannaro, and Mr. Aree, thank you for your presentations today. I really recognized that I am now in a very significant place here to hear each comment in person. I really appreciate you kindly sharing with us your valuable experience obtained in hard times and brought back to us to give us the opportunity to deeply think about it.

I agree with Ms. Ui's report. Mr. Kubota suggested a very substantive question. When you support or get involved with people, importantly you should reflect on yourself and listen to them and think how to support them, and not put your own life into the troubled people and give them missing things. Consistent effort is necessary in making peace. It is important not only to feel the peace and to enjoy it, but also to choose the peace always with a strong will and to bring the peace down to the next generation.

Although the situation is different from region to region, we have a common heart to seek peace everywhere. I believe that it is important for us to insist on the right to create an environment in which we can coexist in peace, with everyone working together. Taniyama: I really understand how people have been patiently building up a relationship of mutual trust, little by little, in the Philippines, in Cambodia and in Iraq. Also, we feel that you are achieving something, and at the same time I presume that you would like to say, “Don’t disturb us!”

At last, as Ms. Ui said today, it is natural for the people living there to hope for peace. They have the power to heal the damage that they have suffered due to misunderstanding or to external causes. Yet, such external pressure is repeatedly given to them. One of the pressures is that of development, which relates to our life, in

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other words, on how to live. I may stray from the original topic, but I participated in an NGO/Foreign Ministry

ODA Policy Council held in Sapporo, yesterday, which was the first ODA Policy Council held in Hokkaido. At the council, one Ainu raised an issue, saying that the history of Hokkaido is the history of the indigenous people Ainu being deprived of their land and of being discriminated. On the other hand, the Japanese government endorsed the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples. However, the government has never approved the rights of the indigenous peoples, although they do not completely reject their rights.

Such a conflicting country, Japan is now engaging in development-assistance projects. We are pushing our development model in other countries. Furthermore, Japan is processing food abroad and importing it to Japan for the sake of the food crisis. Then, Japan is taking over the land, so-called “land grabbing” everywhere, especially in Africa and in Southeast Asia. This type of pressure will increase in the future. In these circumstances, the people's communities are getting divided. The same thing is happening in Okinawa or in Fukushima, although it is not about the problem of food. As such, our peace or prosperity is being established on the ultimate sacrifice of specific peoples and regions. I am sure that this truth will tremendously infect you.

Considering the people who are working on the projects in Mindanao, in Iraq or in Cambodia, it is very critical for us to think about what our life is and how to stand on our own. Those are very important questions. Fujiya: I am Rika Fujiya from the Japan International Volunteer Center. I am teaching health-related studies at a university. I recognized here today the truth that is found in the case examples. Regarding the matter of health in the booklet that we have today, I would like to share my experience with you all.

This is called the “Declaration of Alma-Ata” which was the first international declaration underlining the importance of “Primary Health Care (PHC).” However, more importantly, the declaration was based on the report called, “Health by the People” reflecting the voices in the world. Now, 30 years later, I think to myself that we should go back to the basics.

Today, I thought that this is exactly what is happening to the regions of conflict trying to make peace. The Declaration of Alma-Ata was about health based on PHC, and the principle declared was not limited to the health care based on the needs of the local people or for the whole citizen or of comprehensive care or of health matters, but included more universal matters which encourage people to live positively.

Then, I learned here today from the four cases that, as Mr. Kubota said, we might be able to think about what the universal matters are, which come from the people, without depending on the phrase, “between religions” or “between cultures.” I hope that we can close this symposium with the enhancement of the universality, which comes from all of you. I am confident that we can talk about peace in the same universal manner, which can create a new direction. Nakamura: I am Yoshio Nakamura, studying science of religion at Tokyo University. My major is exactly the same as Mr. Kubota's, so probably what I want to say is exactly

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the same as what he says. As I study the science of religion, I am wondering what religion really is. Now that I think about it, I really don’t know what religion really is. Then, I happened to see the advertisement of this symposium, which sounded interesting, so I came here.

Whilst I was listening to the four cases, I recognized that each report contained a few case examples about the dialogues between religions or cultures. Well, I don’t really know that it contained them or not. Anyway, I don’t think that I was able to hear the dialogues made between religions or made through the persons of religion. I would rather not hear them. I admit that Mr. Kubota has a point.

What are the dialogues between religions? What are the dialogues between cultures? I am wondering whether it should be discussed among the persons of religion, or whether something should be out of the discussions made by the persons of religion. What is religion? As I study the science of religion every day, I feel now that to think about religion is lastly to think about dialogues between religions or between cultures.

Today, I heard the report from the sites, and I realized that what I am thinking about and what I have been studying are not exactly wrong. I am now confident to say that to think about religion results in the dialogues between religions and leads to peace. Oshima: I am Oshima, a fourth-year medical student of Kyorin University. I admit that I am comfortably well off every day. Now, I think that peace does not equal happiness. I am always thinking what it means to be at peace and to be happy. Actually, if you lead a comfortable life, you become less sensitive about the uncomfortable life.

I have been to Bangladesh. Bangladesh was once called “the poorest country in the world.” I wanted to see such a different country from Japan, so that I should think about what kind of environment I was in at the time. Then, I recognized that money is not always important. I saw the people there enjoying an active life, and I met the children, which made me recognize that we are not different at all. On the other hand, I really realized that we have many things that cannot be understood, if we live only in Japan.

After listening to the reports, today, I thought that we could get very little global information, even if we watch the news on TV. Probably, I have a poor capability for gathering information. Students like me seldom see people dying in front of us, or we never think that that would happen in front of us. However, in other countries, there is the situation where people cannot live in peace. I thought that it would be important to feel the direct perception of reality when I am a student. I wish that I could listen to people and develop a large perspective of life. Fukuda: My name is Yoshifumi Fukuda. I am the aurally challenged. I have been here listening to the reports since this morning. They talked about issues concerning women and children, but I could not pick up any word about the disabled. I was saddened about that. I would like to ask the panelists here whether some disabled people are involved in your activities. I am concerned about it.

Another issue, Mr. Nishihara talked about the exchange program of the NCC. I also joined the international program organized by the YMCA, and I met Mr. Ikezumi and

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here today I am thinking about peace. Without a summary scribe, we disabled people are unable to join this kind of symposium, are unable to say our opinions, or are unable to be part of society. This will help for development and peace-building. I hope that people in the NGOs and at the universities would consider the matter of the disabled ones, and please do develop programs which are friendly to people like us. Aree: I would like to comment on what you just said. We are also considering the situation of people with disabilities in our efforts. Due to time constraints, I was unable to explain in greater detail but in our activities in Kirkuk, women, youth, children, and people with disabilities are indeed the very key to solving the problems within the local communities. Therefore, we believe that they are very important people in creating peace at the local level. Thank you for pointing out about this important aspect. ■ Last comments from the seven panelists Ikezumi: We are being pressed now for time. We shall end hearing opinions from the floor. Lastly, we would like to have the seven panelists’ comments or thoughts, as well as their answers to the questions from the floor. Ui: Mr. Taniyama asked who is creating such a difficult situation that people can no longer solve problems by themselves or in their regions. Is it people in the local area, or are we Japanese living in the country and importing many resources into our everyday life? I think the latter is the one.

There is a coined word “Justpeace” that is combined with two words “just” meaning “justice,” and “peace.” This is my own understanding, but if I simply change the way of saying the word, the word “Justpeace” means to preserve our right to live in peace without sacrificing other people. Now, I think that we are destroying much of Justpeace in our daily life. In that sense, it is very important for us not only we concern about happiness in our own area, but also always check whether we sacrifice other people living in different areas or not. We must be concerned about such things at home and abroad. Aree: I would like to address one point in regard to Mr. Taniyama’s question. As a country, Japan is seriously facing up to problems that exist within its own society and dealing with them while providing assistance to other countries. This is why Japan is capable of dealing with discrimination and other domestic problems within Japan.

Japan also has a wonderful culture. When I went to a Japanese restaurant, I asked a Japanese university student in English what a certain kind of meat was. He then

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made a phone call to someone, and I wondered what he was doing. It seems that he had telephoned his friend to have him look up the word in the dictionary. He then informed me that the meat I asked about was chicken. Japanese people are really helpful. I am really grateful for what JVC did in Iraq.

Also, just a little while ago, one person from the floor commented on failure. It stands to reason that not all programs will be successful. In our case, instead of our NGO directly engaging in activities, we establish a local committee within the community. In the beginning about 50 people from various communities gathered for the meeting. After a year, however, the number had dwindled to 12. However, I do not think this should be considered as a failure. Even if a group is small, with just two members, it will still create a network and can link up with other groups just like a spider’s web to form a sizeable network. Even when some activities might be considered failures, it is important for us to learn from them and use them to make us stronger in building peace in the future. Therefore, we need ongoing determination and an ongoing commitment to establishing and maintaining peace together with the local people. Intisar: We explained about the dramatic conditions in Iraq at present. There are also other examples of violence and conflict occurring. Even when we do not experience difficulties in everyday life, violence and conflicts are still occurring all around us. Developing our community and building peace are not simply issues for us alone. They are issues that involve all the surrounding communities too. The question is what we as individuals can do, and what NGOs can do. As human beings, we are responsible for our fellow countrymen. I believe we have a responsibility to make it possible for people to live in peace. Nishihara: Just now, it was pointed out to us the very important plan for the children. It is very important to make sure that the plan is not unnecessarily imposed on them. In the report from Ms. Intisar, there is the workshop called “Local Peace to Make with Children.” It is important, because this is a workshop about adults not forcing the children to adjust themselves into the framework or sense of values given by the adults, but that the adults find and cultivate the children’s skills and talents. I am so impressed by this concept of the workshop. We need to establish such workshops to act as a facilitator in developing programs for the future. It is the responsibility of the adults to trust the children’s values and possibilities and to establish a learning place.

One more thing regarding the word “Justpeace,” I also think that this is a very important keyword. The 10th General Assembly Meeting of the World Council of Churches (WCC) will be held in Pusan, Korea, this October. The keyword of that assembly meeting is “Justpeace.” However, some of the Christians, especially in Asia are criticizing it. The word “Just” or “Justice” sounds very unstable, just for whom? What does “just” mean? “Just” by whom? They think that it is a very unstable word, and that it is necessary to replace it with some other word. I would say here that there is a criticism about the usage of the word “Justpeace.” Hara: As we understand by the discussion here, especially about Iraq, conflict between

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religions is sensationally reported. If the English term “Sectarian Violence” is translated into the Japanese word “sect,” it will mislead people's understanding. We are not concerned about differences in religion or race. I believe that we can learn something important from such diversity created by different people living together. Also, the guests from Iraq and from other countries, as well as local people of course, believe so.

There were some phrases “differences in religion,” “differences in race” or “conflict by poverty” in the report on Sri Lanka, which may make people misunderstand. If you consider the conflict from the viewpoint of Justpeace, conflict will never be caused from poverty. Just now, a Japanese student mentioned that there is a richness that cannot be replaced by money in Bangladesh. The problem is that people do not choose poverty, themselves. In other words, they are forced against their will to be in an unfair condition or unreasonable situation. Also, recently we see many reports from Islamic regions or from Africa, easily indicating that acts of terror are caused by poverty. People tend to think that that is true. However, it is not.

I think that we need to listen carefully to the people’s voice on site. I do hope that you and I think that way. That is all that I would like to say here, today. Kannaro: If we want to build peace, we must consider all elements of peace, what exactly comprises peace and link it to trust building, especially in a post-war country. We have to think about what we as citizens must do. Unless each and every citizen takes responsibility, we can establish peace in our community. We are very grateful that Rikkyo University provided us with an opportunity like this to learn of examples of peace building from people in other countries. Ikezumi: Thank you very much, everyone here. We would like to record all the issues discussed here today and to summarize a number of valuable points, opinions and suggestions as a specific guideline and as suggestions for future work. The final report will be prepared in both Japanese and English, no later than at the end of July, to widely distribute it to people in Japan and abroad. We are glad to have many enthusiastic questions and valuable opinions from the floor. Now we would like to close this panel discussion today.

END

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Ⅳ. SUMMARY： Research Outcome (Lessons Learned)

As stated at the beginning of this report, the non-violent approaches to

peace-making programs by local residents are very few recorded. The only recorded history is mostly from time to time of that of the viewpoint of the policy-makers and authorities.

This time, the research focuses on the working of the non-violent approach to peace making by the grass-roots people in Asian countries, which had not been recorded nor told until today. This time, the research records, analyzes and reviews the real voice of the people (the grass-roots people) who are supposed to resolve conflicts in the conflict-affected regions, so as to follow up the views, principles, methods or the like of the peoples concerned.

Through the two-year survey research in the Philippines, in Cambodia, in Sri Lanka and in Iraq from April 2011 to March 2013, as well as through the panel discussion at the international symposium (held at Rikkyo University in March 2013), there seems to be a significantly common way of thinking, a common philosophy, principle and method in the non-violent approach to peace making by the grass-roots people and supporters. Before describing the lessons learned obtained by the research, some general views about the research are described hereinafter, below. 1) Question: “What is a peaceful community?”

In the case of Cambodia, the research on the village people is interesting. It shows not only their general idea and point of view about peace but also their answers to the question: “What is a peaceful community?”

The village people told their view of what is “a peaceful community” from their actual living condition and described what they meant by “no war,” “no violence,” “a basic living standard,” “good health,” “education” and “peaceful-conflict resolution” or the like. They described other necessary conditions based on their everyday life, including the “necessity of basic infrastructure, of social services such as schools, hospitals and housing or the like,” of basic needs such as food, health and income or the like,” of the “enhancement of knowledge and of schooling for their children,” of “environmental conservation,” of “domestic non-violence,” of “protection by local administrative leaders,” of “freedom of speech (especially the freedom to decide political support),”of “cohesion and cooperation among people,” and of the “sharing of experience between groups for community development” or the like.

Concrete activities for peace-making programs depend on how the people in a conflict-affected region think about a peaceful community. The section hereinafter, “Lessons Learned,” is the theme obtained from their point of view.

The basis of this research consists of Johan Galtung’s theory that peace is the absence of violence or of the lowering of violence, and that violence is of three different forms: direct violence, structural violence and cultural violence. Although it is

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important, academically and theoretically, to deepen the definition of peace, this research attaches a high value to the “Lessons Learned” of the actual voices of the grass-roots people and supporters and not on existing definitions and theories about peace. 2) How to perceive a “conflict issue.”

It is often believed that a conflict is a dispute between different religions or cultures, though it is actually caused by unfairness or misuse of power, by inequality of education and job opportunities, and by unfair allotment of food and resources or the like. In fact, today the issue of religion or race colors many conflicts.

The reason for disputes or conflicts occurring today is not due to differences in religions or cultures, though many are exaggerated as being between religions or races by external or political considerations or intention. Thus, the real reason or actual situation of any conflict is hidden or simplified.

In the case of Iraq, it is reported that such an external and political intention exaggerates the differences in religions and cultures, thus leading to further unnecessary conflicts. In the case of the Philippines, conflicts there today that are caused by the issue of resources are reportedly being caused by a continuing conflict between racial groups.

An international society such as the United Nations considers conflicts as being caused by disputes between different religions or cultures and often uses this frame of reference to exhort the necessity of dialogue between religions and cultures to resolve problems. This research does not consider such a frame of reference but focuses on how the people in a region of conflict conduct activities for improving the quality of their life and for developing their communities that will eventually change the unfairness of the structure of society itself at the community level. 3) Questions and review on “the theme of this research”

The title of this research initially was “Coexistence and Peace in Asia through Dialogue between Religions and Cultures,” a seemingly necessary expression often used by an international organization such as the United Nations to resolve conflicts. Supposedly, this research was recognized by that organization as being the Asian version of its frame of reference regarding the cause of conflicts.

Most international organizations based on Samuel Huntington's 1996 theory, “The Crash of Civilizations,” allege the importance of dialogue between religions and cultures to resolve a conflict. In his book, Huntington writes that culture is individually uniform, opposed to each other and lacks transparency, thus describing the idea that war irrupts between opposed nations, races or religions and not because they are separated by conflicts of interest regarding ideology, economy or politics.

A conflict will never be resolved by dialogue between religions and cultures, and we must question how such a frame of reference has contributed to the resolution of conflicts in any given region wherein the people are living a real life according to their religious tradition. They recognize or re-discover in striving to resolve a conflict between each other what their religion or culture should be.

The point that was shown in the two-year research was that we had been using the

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macro-level frame of reference, suggested by the United States, as being the universal and reasonable method to resolve a conflict. We questioned that frame of reference in this research and reviewed the issue. We re-considered the reality of that frame of reference as one simplifying and hiding the real cause of conflicts between religions or cultures. Thus, as described below, we absorbed the lessons that we learned. 4) The concept of “Peace with Social Fairness (Justpeace)”

At the international symposium held on March 9, 2013, the report on Cambodia entitled “Peace Based on Social Fairness (Justpeace)” was discussed. The report says that peace is realized only when social fairness is available, and that there is no peace without social fairness. The report also says that this concept is the platform of the peace-building programs that are conducted by the Cambodian NGO called PADEK.

The word “Just” in “Justpeace” means fairness or justice, and that fairness or justice is not only for our community but also naturally for other regions, for other societies and for other countries. “Justpeace" is a word formed from the combined words of “Just” and “Peace,” which expresses the sense that peace is based on social fairness, which became an important idea in expressing the bottom line of this research.

In the last half of the symposium, a person in the Japanese audience pointed out the takeover of land and the long history of discrimination that has been annoying our indigenous people in Hokkaido, the Ainu, and of the actual situation of developmental aid that Japan is now providing other countries. He also mentioned that the peace and prosperity enjoyed by the Japanese today are based on the ultimate sacrifices of a specific people of a specific region in the past. He also pointed out that to obtain peace and prosperity, we Japanese deprived another people of their peace, and that we Japanese are spoiling Justpeace. Thus, is that really peace? We must recognize that those statements present a major problem, and that we should note them down here. 【Lessons Learned】 1) “The main people to resolve a conflict” should be those living in the conflicted

region. The main people to resolve a conflict should be those living in the conflicted region,

which are leading a real life of a different religious tradition and culture involved in the conflict. Although the condition or level of conflict may be different from region to region, there must be someone who wishes to do something about it.

The report on Cambodia says that even though top-level political leaders change, or that the system changes, the villagers stay living in their province, so that it is important to build a strong connection with the people living there, to talk to them about their immediate common needs and problems, thus building a stable platform for sustainable development and peace making. In the process of resolving problems together in heading toward a common goal, each member builds confidence and trust with one another, which is very effective and sustainable in incorporating peace-making programs based on such a common platform.

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The report on Sri Lanka stated that the main people to resolve any conflict should be the local inhabitants, and that they living in the region or country should insist upon resolving the conflict. The report stresses that peace or justice should not be enforced by external pressure, and that a conflict is never resolved by external organizations or groups. 2) “Violence” causes feelings of distrust and hatred that result in spreading and

escalating violence. The report on the Philippines (i.e. on the two barangays of Basilan, Mindanao)

discloses how violence spreads and causes more serious violence. The armed conflict by the MNLF (Moro National Liberation Front) for the rights of the Moro people caused distrust between the Christian and Muslim communities, leading the Christians to arm themselves. The government then made the Muslims distrust and hate the Christians more seriously. Originally, the conflict was caused by concessions of natural resources but was replaced by that of being between different racial groups, thus causing greater violence.

The report on Sri Lanka says that after the ceasefire agreement by the mediation of Norway, the violence between the government army and the LTTE (Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam) became more serious. In May 2009, the government army completely controlled the violence and announced the end of the civil war. However, distrust only increased among the people. The conflict, for many reasons, is based on violence, and as long as violence is being stopped by violence, the chain of violence continues. In fact, the violence spreads and deepens more. 3) The work by residents on everyday problems makes space for “a dialogue.”

Each of the four reports teaches a similar process, namely, that peoples of a different religious and cultural background make an effort with each other to resolve a specific problem such as domestic violence, garbage-related issues, property-line problems, food shortages, or insufficient cooperation between villagers or the like.

We do not talk first about differences in religion just because a conflict may be caused by differences in religion. We recognize that one's religion and culture are part of the process in striving to resolve a specific conflict. In such a process, one starts to respect another person's religion or culture. The four actual cases prove that people contributing together in resolving a conflict make space for a dialogue, and that working together in resolving a conflict by dialogue deepens mutual trust and eventually leads to making peace. 4) “Building communities” is the starting point for grass roots people getting

positively involved in local development and peace making. The report on Cambodia shows that the people organized a self-help group (SHG), a

village developmental committee (VDC) as a village-level coordinator, village specialists, and a committee consisting of village volunteers educated in the knowledge and technical training of a specific field. Each organization allows villagers to exchange their opinions and talk about past issues and current concerns. On the communal level, they organize a Commune Conflict Resolution Committee (CCRC) to

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work toward making peace and resolving conflicts by many inventive approaches. Everyday, they very consciously make an effort to prevent and resolve conflicts by dialogue, thus making it possible to recover trust and confidence.

The report on Iraq shows that the Community Committee (CC) consists of local representatives who specify action programs used in resolving community problems found by the Participatory Rural Appraisal (PRA) that is organized by the assistance and support of NGOs. Those organizations, by dialogue, bring a sense of unity about everyday issues such as domestic waste disposal, insufficient educational facilities, and insufficient consultation hours at medical institutions or the like.

Building communities is the starting point for community residents getting positively involved in local development and peace making.

5) Building “a collaborative relationship” and “network” with many people in

various fields effectively resolves common issues and achieves development. Highly motivated people working toward resolving a conflict in a conflict-affected

region lays the base for making peace. A key factor is how widely we can spread such a movement to the people of a community and to the government officials. Building a collaborative relationship and network with many people in various fields effectively resolves common issues and recovers the trust and confidence of the people.

The report on Sri Lanka shows the importance of building a wide-spread network between different peoples of a conflict-affected region, including the local government officials, the committees on agriculture and rural development, and the agriculture and fisheries organizations or the like. Having an outside third party bridging the peoples of a different position is the key factor in resolving a conflict by non-violent dialogue. 6) “Education” should be incorporated in every activity in making peace. People

on every level need to understand the underlying cause of the conflict and to share a common responsibility and to learn a specific strategy for making peace. As a community is being organized, educating for peace should be recognized as the

starting point for making peace. In the Philippines, the following three abstract frames of references are taken seriously, so that an actual outcome is achieved. (1) “Conflict Transformation” to change the conflict fundamentally by grass-roots peace education; (2) “Human Security” to support human life, economy, administration, reformation of civic order or the like, thus securing human security; and (3) “Bridging Leadership” to educate participatory leaders to connect various types of players.

The report on Cambodia shows that the NGO (PADEK) teaches the members of the CCRC how to analyze the cause of the conflict, how to get people involved in resolving the conflict, how to suggest options for peacefully resolving the conflict or the like, thus providing the grass-roots people with education and training programs as the concrete method for building peace, thus achieving some effect.

The report on Iraq also shows that the “Peace Workshop for Children” as mentioned hereinafter is continuously held to teach the children what makes the dispute occur and that they should learn to resolve the conflict without resorting to violence, and to

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provide the children with the peace-making education that will let them experience mutually by dialogue not to escalate the conflict by actual fighting even amongst themselves, which is being done successfully. 7) “Activities regarding peace-making education for the children” bestows great

effect and influence upon the communities. The “Peace Workshop for Children” that was held a few times in Raparin, Kirkuk in

Iraq, was a place for children to meet and get to know each other and to learn the importance of peace through various physical activities such as painting, working, playing musical instruments, group singing, or performing in a play or sketch. Such activities by the children encouraged their brothers and sisters, parents, neighbors and school-related people or the like, thus contributing to a sense of unity among the community people. 8) It is important to produce “the role as facilitator” to facilitate peace-making

education among the children who will be major players in the next generation. Regarding the peace-making education, the longer that a conflict continues, the

more time that it takes to resolve it. For the youth and small children reared in a culture of violence and war, the four reports show how important it is to provide them with a peace-making education from early childhood to enable them to form “the Culture of Peace” that is essential in making peace. It is required that we perform “the role as facilitator” to connect people to people in various fields, thus making it possible for the children of the next generation to advance forward to the culture of peace. 9) Incorporate “the making of peace” and “conflict-resolution mechanisms” into

every community activity. Peace shall never be achieved unless basic human needs are satisfied. However,

true peace will not be achieved just because such needs are satisfied. Peace means not only the absence of war but has the aspect of the widely social development of social fairness and justice. The people of Cambodia, of the Philippines, of Sri Lanka and of Iraq are still facing conflict and are still in the process of making peace. Not only during and after a conflict, but also in time of peace, it is important to incorporate peace-making education and conflict-resolution mechanisms into the ordinary activities of the community.

A long-term and high commitment by the people to change the Culture of Violence to the Culture of Peace must be required. 10) Here is the code of conduct or the principles regarding outside third persons

getting involved. 1. Use only non-violent means and non-violent strategy under all circumstances.

(Non-violence) 2. Do not take sides with those involved in the conflict. Either party shall use

action. (Take not any political position) 3. Enter the nation at the invitation of the local people and act only under their

guidance.

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4. Do not take any measures that may affect the resolution of the conflict except for measures that will produce a non-violent result regarding such a resolution. (Non-interference)

5. Try not to damage the reputation of any person or group. (Respect) 6. Object to violence itself and try to understand the underlying cause of the

violence. 7. Request every person concerned to accept goodwill. (Approval) 8. To resolve the conflict by non-violent dialogue, win the trust of both sides in the

conflict. 9. Consider firstly the people in the conflict. Believe that the conflict can be

resolved only by the people who are directly involved in it. 10. The role of the NGOs as an international mediator is to support the people in

the conflict to resolve the conflict. 11. Action and interposition should be conducted according to community, culture

and history and at the level of the people’s experience.

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V. CONCLUSION

This research was done in the limited period of two years regarding four cases in four countries. It may be improper to generalize or universalize the philosophy, principal and method obtained from the “Non-violent Approach to Making Peace” by the grass-roots people. However, the daily life and peace-making activities of the people living in the Philippines, in Cambodia, in Sri Lanka, and in Iraq are good examples for people living in any conflict-affected region, though the level and conditions of a conflict may be different from region to region. We earnestly desire that the ten articles of “Lessons Learned” in the Chapter IV “Summary” of this report ,which were obtained from observing the practical way of life of the people, should be a manual (Guideline), and that the manual be widely used in the future in other regions.

We have some unfinished plans. We initially planned to conduct a study of “Theory” (Text), as well as an anecdotal survey “Actual Practice” (Context), which specifically would be about: 1. A study on the concept and thesis of “Shared Security” as discussed at the WCRP (World Conference on Religion and Peace); 2. A study on the historical view of the issues as described in “Dialogues and Cooperation among Religions”; and 3. A study on “Peace Theory” by Johan Galtung and on “Civil Disobedience” as a non-violent form of resistance.”

The actual practice mentioned above of: 2. “A Study on the Historical View of the Issues” as described in “Dialogues and Cooperation among Religions” is aimed at seeking a transition on how “dialogue and cooperation between religions” have been told based on the theme, viewpoint and discourse that was prevalent in the West from 1893, when the World’s Parliament of Religion was held, to 1945, and to review how such Western-Centrism has been adversely affecting the world since 1945. Especially, by focusing on the WCRP and the IARF (International Association for Religious Freedom), which are still both active, we sought a clue on how to resolve the issue as described in the current “Dialogues among Religions and Cooperation.” We had no other choice but to omit those three “Theories” (Text) studies due to various factors. However, we hope to conduct those studies, next time, since they are of very significant themes and content.

It is true in saying that many people and organizations would never have accomplished this research without valuable and well-intentioned cooperation. The greatest supporters were the grass-roots people living in the four study areas, including the Philippines, Cambodia, Sri Lanka and Iraq. On behalf of all the researchers, I would like to extend here my appreciation and gratitude to everyone who supported us in achieving such significant research. Also, I appreciate the good work offered by the Asia Heath Institute (AHI);the Japan International Volunteer Center (JVC);the three NGOs of Nonviolent Peaceforce Japan (NPJ) and their overseas counterpart the NGOs (Nagdilaab Foundation, PADEK, and INSAN Iraqi Society); the

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participants of the international symposium; the Niwano Peace Foundation; the faculty members and graduate students of Rikkyo University Graduate School of Christian Studies; and the affiliates and supporters of Rikkyo University Special Fund for Research (Rikkyo SFR).

Finally, I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to the two NGOs in Sri Lanka, the National Fisheries Solidarity (NAFSO) in Negombo and the Human Development Organization (HDO) in Kandy. Our researcher visited those two NGOs in August 2011 and conducted on-site interviews of the current topics and working of the non-violent approach to peace-making activities. Due to various reasons, we were unable to include those interviews in this report. However, we appreciate that those interviews provided us with much information and many suggestions.

END

August 2013

Yoshinori IKEZUMI, On behalf of the researchers