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70 UMKC L. Rev. 1

UMKC Law ReviewFall 2001

Article

*1SOMEPHILOSOPHICAL, POLITICALANDLEGALIMPLICATIONS

OFAMERICANARCHEOLOGICALANDANTHROPOLOGICALTHEORY

John W. Ragsdale, Jr.[FNa1]

Copyright (c) 2001 Curators ofthe University ofMissouri; John W.Ragsdale, Jr.

I. INTRODUCTION

Archeologicalandanthropologicaltheoriesabout theorigins andpractices ofancient peoples, andabout events andhistories,distant in time, but blending into the present, have had impacts thattranscend the tenets andborders ofthe sciences as discrete disciplines. Oursuppositions about the factual past can influence our present beliefs--notonly our understandings andconclusions about the tangible andpractical--but our feelings andfaiths about the intangible andthe spiritual as well.Ourvalues, principles, world views, andcosmologies may thus be shaped by ourscientific backdrop.Beyond this, our social activity, our national policy, ourinstitutions, andour confirmatory law may flow, in part, from the scientificdescriptions ofour history andprehistory.

What happens when the science changes? What happens whenpresumptively neutral methodologies give us a revision ofthe world and, ina particular sense, the past? To the extent that thechanging archeologicalor anthropologicalviews occur in contextsdisassociated or marginalized from core personal values, the impact may beminimal--ofinterest, perhaps, but not ofreal consequence to ourintellectual lives. For example, when archeologists discovered a pueblo-stylehabitation in a western Kansas stream basin south ofOakley, anddiscerned

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that it had been occupied by both Picuris Pueblo Indians andAthapascanApaches in the years following the 1680 Pueblo Revolt against the Spanish,it prompted a revised conclusion about the range ofPueblocivilization andabout the interrelation between fundamentally differentnative cultures.[FN1] This find andrevision may provide an intriguing

illustration ofsocial andlocational accommodation in the face ofpressureby invaders, but it probably does not challenge our associated values orinstitutions.

The impact ofdiscoveries andnew hypotheses may, however, movebeyond the boundaries ofscience anddestabilize somecentralprinciples ofpersonal beliefandsocial direction. An illustration may beprovided by the impact ofthe modern archeological investigations on thebattlefield ofthe Little Big Horn River in southern Montana. Thelegitimacy ofwhite expansion onto the Indian lands ofthe western UnitedStates andthe specific legalityofthe federal government'sbreaching ofthe 1868 Treaty ofFort Laramie, which had guaranteedperpetual possession ofthe Black Hills to the Sioux,[FN2] was supported insignificant part by the preliminary factual conclusions andresulting imagerythat followed the demise ofGeorge Armstrong Custer on June 25,1876.[FN3] For much ofthe ensuing national history andcollectivecourse ofindividual beliefs, Custer was viewed as adashing andcourageous, if impetuous, military hero who was rubbed out ina direct engagement with a vastly superior force, but only after a valiant hill-top last stand in which his outnumbered but still disciplined troops inflictedhighly disproportionate losses among the Sioux andCheyenne before theysuccumbed.[FN4] Historians began to reform the vision with a new

conclusion that Custer's troops were cut down, not after a pitched battlewithin the traditional guidelines ofconventional war, but by a furious Indianresponse to Custer's signature attempt at attacking a sleepingvillage ofwomen, children, andold persons, as well aswarriors.[FN5] Archeologists have further compromised the heroicimage ofCuster's defeat with solid scientific evidence that Custer'scommand andhis troop's organization disintegrated under the pressure ofadisciplined andmethodical Indian encirclement andinfiltration, whichdispatched the confused andterrified soldiers at relatively minimalcosts.[FN6]

These historical andarcheologicalreassessments ofevents on the LittleBig Horn were not confined to the repository ofminutia or trivia. Theyhelped prompt changes in personal visions andvalues among the nationalpopulace,[FN7] andthis, in turn, led to institutionalchanges[FN8] andlegalconsequences.[FN9]

*3Archeologicalandanthropologicaldiscoveries may prompt evenmore fundamental transformations ofpersonal belief andsociopoliticalresponse. The initial Spanish supposition that the fabled Indian

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cities ofCibola andQuivera were made ofgold may have spurred therapacious conquistadors such as Coronado acrossmuch ofthe AmericanSouthwest andhigh plains.[FN10] The ensuingdiscovery from actual experience revealed that the gold was, at best, thereflected light ofsunset on the rock andadobe walls.[FN11] This forced a

reordering ofpersonal motivation, politicalandreligiousobjectives, andeconomic expectations.[FN12]

This article will deal with someparadigmatic changes incontemporaryarcheologicalandanthropologicaltheoryandtheresults of such changes on personal values, collective institutions, andthelaw. It will begin, in Chapter II, with a general assessment oftheroles andinteractions of science, personal belief, and the law. It will thendeal with the significance ofa fundamental transformation ofcentralscientific theory. In Chapters III, IV, andV, the article will present a morefocused analysis ofsomeparticular changes in themodernarcheologicalandanthropologicalscience, andhow these newperspectives may effect the values andresponses ofthe dominant society.Chapter III will cover the modern reassessment ofthe Indian as anecologist. Chapter IV will consider *4the new scientific challenges to theview ofthe Chacoan Anasazi andthe Hopi as complex, harmoniouscommunitarians, andChapter V will treat the ongoing theorizing about theorigins andthe primacy ofIndian tribes on the NorthAmericancontinent.

II. SCIENCE, BELIEF, ANDLAW

Personal values--beliefs, visions, world views, andcosmologies--are the

building blocks ofconsensus which, in turn, underlies the politics, thecustomary restraints, andthe codified law.[FN13] The origins oflaw, eventhe supposedly non-politicaldecisional law of judicial opinions, are rarelyneutral, since they flow from multi-facetedfeelings andpassions.[FN14] Moreover, in the long-term sense, there mustgenerally be an ongoing union between the personal values andbeliefs ofaneffective majority ofthe polityandthe law for the precepts to survive.Thus, the values andpurposes ofthe people reflect themselves in themirror ofthe law. If, for example, a society generally favors a decent,meaningful life for all ofits citizens, andan obligation to the

surroundings andthe future, then these objectives will resonate inlaws ofequal treatment, proportional redistribution, andenvironmentalresponsibility. If a society desires andpursues selective andincreasingconcentrations ofwealth andprivilege, then these values will be confirmedby laws vesting andinsulating exclusive rights in property.[FN15]

In spite ofthe general necessity for congruence betweenvalue andpositive law, there may well be short-term disconnects. Theremay be an appropriation ofthe legalandpoliticalmachinery by an

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unsupported minority andthe ensuing passage oflaws that exceed or fail toreflect the will or approval ofthe majority.[FN16] Even when laws arelegitimately enacted, they may exceed the mandate conferred by themajority or there may be an erosion ofthe value predicate while theshell ofthe law remains.[FN17] Over time, however, a union ofpopular

beliefandsupport with the law is essential for legitimacy,enforceability andcontinuity,andsociety will persistently seek toreestablish and maintain a union in an ongoing process best described asbalance-seeking or homeostatic.[FN18]

Several implicationsflow from the premise ofan essential accordbetween lawandvalue. For one thing, fundamental changes in values orpersonal philosophywill continually result in politicalandlegalchange.Another corollary is that a significant divergence between personalvaluations andthe law will result in evasion or erosion ofthe law,reform of the law or, in the most extreme cases, revolution.[FN19] Thereis, however, an important qualification to this model. A law inconsistent withpopular sentiment or general belief may escape evasion or suppression if thelaw, while still vital, reshapes existing values or inculcates theminds ofemerging generations.Thus, though value may be the predominantdeterminant oflaw, there is still a reverse flow whereby law can affectbelief.[FN20]

*6Archeologicalandanthropologicaltheory, as science, may relateto personal world views andphilosophies. The relationship is not aprescriptive one, as is the case where law prescribes conduct in accord withthe values commonly agreed on.[FN21] Rather, therelation ofscientific theorywith belief is a contemplative one. Science

describes the background upon which individual choices aremade andvalues are held. These values, in turn, lead to confirmation instatute, decision, andcustom.

In a larger sense, it must be said that values andprinciples are generallyformed, not as a facet ofpure, imperial reflection, but as afunction ofinteractionandexperience with the external world--which isdescribed in part by science. Much ofthe world affecting personal valuationis, ofcourse, not measurable by science. Religion, myth, biologicalnecessity, hope, fear, climate, topography, andeconomic opportunities arethe progenitors ofbelief as well. However, it is still fair to say that scientific

methods, descriptions andconclusions are significant facets ofthe templateunderlying personal value choices, philosophyandultimately thelaw.[FN22]

*7There is a caveat here, in the relation ofscience to value, that issimilar to that in the relation ofvalue to law. The qualifier is that, althoughscience can anddoes shape values, values may also shape science. What apeople fundamentally believe as a result ofinteraction with other valuepredicates, such as economic opportunities, may in part shape scientific

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These laws, confirming the concept ofthe disappearing Indian, alsooperated to divest the tribes ofmost of their claims to the Americanlandbase,[FN41] andcynics might say that, at the core ofthe matter, the whiteman wanted what the Indians held--the land--andthat these economicimperatives fueled both the science andthe resulting law. This may be, in

significant part, true, but it is also true that scientific hypothesessimultaneously instilled or supported beliefs such as the religious,racial, andcultural inferiority ofIndians, the superiority ofindividualsalvation andfree competition, andthe unrelenting curse ofevolution--all ofwhich stood apart in the minds ofmany from mere materialism.

The hypothesis suggested--that scientific observation andresultingpopular values, rather than naked land lust substantially produced thenineteenth century laws ofIndian separation,dispossession, andassimilation-- is supported by what occurredfollowing some major transformations in scientific theory that occurred inthe late nineteenth andearly twentieth centuries. By the end ofthe 1890's,evolutionism was in the process ofbeing replaced by a new scientific modeldubbed historical particularism.[FN42] This approach, a diametric stancefrom evolutionism's linear pathways ofhuman progress,[FN43] posited thatvarious cultures had unique internal norms and that science should workbackward to discern them, accept them, andunderstand them.[FN44]

Thus, science began to examine the ancient roots ofcontemporaryremnant societies that were regarded as ends or objectives in themselves,rather than displaced links in an evolutionary chain, or losing contestants ina social contest for survival andadvancement. The new scientific modelpresaged a golden age inAmericanarcheologyandanthropology.

Scientists such as Franz Boas, Adolph Bandelier, Frank Cushing, EdgarHewitt, Ruth Benedict, Alfred Kroeber, andAlfred Kidder establisheddistinctive personal relationships with particularpeoples andplaces andbrought their findings into the public consciousness.Their work remodeled the perception ofIndian culture from mechanistic,competitive societies into an understanding ofthe individual societies asunique, integrated, sustainable entities, defined andvindicated under theirown postulates.[FN45]

*10 The cultural relativism[FN46] or pluralism spawned by these newscientific observations had a direct impact on personal values and,

eventually, on Indian policy andlaw.[FN47] In the early twentieth century,people turned away from the idea that the tribes would vanish or be blendedwithin general Americanculture. Instead, citizens manifested a freshcuriosity about the content ofnative life andevidenced a strongsense ofnostalgia about the passing ofthe Americanfrontierandtheerosion ofthe nation's wilderness.[FN48] The preservation oftheresiduum ofliving Indian cultures was, in part, a hedge against whiteAmerica's loss ofenvironmental innocence.[FN49]

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Somereformers' beliefs moved them beyond interest andacceptance toemulation. The law that followed them not only renounced assimilation, butsought to preserve the tribal cultures, to restore them, and to help themendure as possible models for the majority. John Collier was the archetypereformer andhis soul was stretched between wilderness andhuman

community. Reacting against the excesses andisolation ofcompetitiveindividualism andindustrialization, he devoted his early career to theprotection andpreservation ofbeleaguered cultures caught within thegrinding homogenization ofurban centers like New York City andLosAngeles.[FN50] He sought relief from the futility ofmuch ofhis early effortwithin the beauty andsolitude ofthe Appalachian Mountains.[FN51] ASouthwestern experience helped Collier integrate these passions forland andcommunity andform a vision that was to drive him and,ultimately, the law.

In 1920, Collier visited Mabel Luhan at her artists' colony near Taos, NewMexico.[FN52] There he received the epiphany that not only reshaped hisvalues, but later transformed Americanlaw. Collier was allowed to witnessthe ancient Red Deer dance ofthe Taos Indians, andthe experience igniteda mystical, enduring vision for him, ofa society's communionwithin andwith the land.[FN53]He saw, *11within the tribe, a social bondextending from the distant past into the infinite future, anda union with thenatural world that ranged from the basic elements oflife to thepatterns ofthe universe.[FN54]They had what the world has lost. Theyhave it now. What the world has lost, the world must have again, lest it die.Not many years are left to have or have not, to recapture the lostingredient.[FN55]

Collier was convinced that this vital Indian culture should not only bepreserved, but embraced by the dominant society as a model of integrationthat could counter or surmount what he felt were the ultimately unworkabletendencies of modern industrial society.

This is not merely a passing reference to World War III or the atombomb-- although the reference includes these ways of death, too. Thesedeaths will mean the end if they come--racial death, self-inflicted becausewe have lost the way, and the power to live is dead.

What, in our human world, is this power to live? It is the ancient, lostreverence and passion for human personality, joined with the ancient, lost

reverence and passion for the earth and its web of life.This indivisible reverence and passion is what the American Indiansalmost universally had; and representative groups of them have it still.

They had and have this power for living which our modern world has lost--as world-view and self-view, as tradition and institution, as practicalphilosophy dominating their societies and as an art supreme among all thearts.[FN56]

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Collier's passion and personal perseverance, born in substantial part fromhis contact with anthropological and archeological evidence, helped fuel thereformation of consensus in New Deal America.[FN57] The result was theIndian Reorganization Act,[FN58] which, although not a total fulfillment ofCollier's vision, *12was revolutionary to Federal-Indian relationships in the

sense that it abruptly turned the focus away from the course of tribaldeconstruction and refocused on the task of restoration.[FN59] The Act andthe foundational changes in American Indian law stand as testaments to thepower of vision forged from experience.

There are, at present, some ongoing controversies in archeology andanthropology, which may have highly significant implications for the values,policies and laws underlying Federal-Indian relationships in the UnitedStates. The Indian tribes within the present-day United States have, sincethe European invasion, been dealt with predominantly on a nation-to-nationbasis, even though the tribal sovereignty involved has, for onehundred andseventy years, been downplayed as dependent.[FN60] Inspite ofthe differentials in size andpower, the United States made treatieswith the tribes until 1871 andnegotiated with them as nations afterthat.[FN61] The United States also acknowledged a fiduciary obligationtoward the tribes,[FN62] established a measured separatism[FN63] withinreserved Indian homelands, andmade a modern dayenunciation ofa political, rather than a racial, basis as the foundationbeneath the treaties, statutes, preferences, andland claimsettlements.[FN64]

Though politicalrelations may well have been the initialconcern andmay be the predominant present focus, there is, still, a

prominent if secondary racial component within the federal-tribalrelationship[FN65] andthis factor coexists uneasily with the currentconstitutional conception ofincreasingly rigid, color-blind equalprotection.[FN66] The unique status ofthe Indian in America--the toleratedseparation, the racial identifiability, the preferences, the special rights undertreaty andstatute, andthe ongoing claims to land andreparation--maydepend in*13significant part on the continued publicperception andvaluation ofthe Indian as an ecologist, acommunitarian, andthe first denizen ofthe continent.

III. THE INDIAN AS ECOLOGIST

To restate the hypothesis presented in the previous chapter:values, politicsandlaw flow in substantial part fromscientific theoriesandempirical observations. However, theorigins andacceptability ofthe science may be partially driven by priorvaluations ofboth the scientist andthe community, which may themselveshave been shaped by non-scientific sources such as law, religion, or

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economics. Darwin, thus, may have made his investigations andconclusionson evolution under the spur ofthe free market competitive paradigm anditseems likely that a society that already held tightly to such economic beliefsmore readily accepted the scientific model ofnatural selection. A roughcongruence, therefore, lies between personal values andscience, although

the origins ofeach may stem from interaction with the other. Beyondthis, politicsandlaw can flow out ofthe reciprocating value andscienceunion, andnot only confirm the vision, but possibly predispose thefuture.[FN67]

The Indian was, in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, viewed byobservers as a nave andprimitive child ofnature.[FN68]Most tribessurvived at a subsistence level through hunting andgathering andlimitedagriculture.[FN69]There *14was, in general, no enclosure ofthelands andno conception of private property in land that was recognizableby the emigrants from Europe.[FN70] The observations of tribal cultures,the unfavorable comparison with the Europeans,andthe additionalperception oftribal decomposition along the Indian-white encounter linesled, as previously noted,[FN71] to a long-unshakeable predictionofthedisappearance ofthe tribes. The observations oftribal culture andeconomyalso led to a jurisprudential conclusion that the Indians andtheir inferiorsocieties were subject to physical dispossession ofland andto adisplacement oftheir sovereignty by the higher culture,religion, andeconomy ofthe Europeans.[FN72]This position ofjustifieddivestiture ofthe weak and inefficient by the strong was related at origin,but ultimately different from, the perception of the inevitabl00y vanishingIndian. The idea ofjustified divestiture countenanced the morality ofactive,

aggressive displacement, a disappearance imposed by consciouschoiceand force. It thus was distinguished from disappearance occasionedby inherent deficiencies in the capacity for adaptation andsurvival thatpresumably rendered*15the tribalist vulnerable to subtle natural changes inhis environment.[FN73]

Americanpoliticsandlaw followed andconfirmed both scientificallyinaugurated paths. Legislation facilitated the displacement oftheIndian andsought to fulfill the evolutionary premise that Indian society wasdestined to vanish.[FN74] In a related, but still distinctive sense, the lawconfirmed theanthropologically-generated jurisprudence holding that

religiously benighted andeconomically-primitive tribes were subjectto legaldispossession by the more enlightened andsophisticated Europeansocieties.[FN75]

The eighteenth andnineteenth century Indian, marginalized by whitescienceandlaw, in part because ofthe perception ofhis evolutionaryinertia andhis inefficient utilization ofland, was revisited andreinstated bya different scientific model in the twentieth century. The initial reassessmentwas not made by archeologists or anthropologists, but by the

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