Paper 1: Tablighi Jama'at: Reaction to Secularization or Internally Perpetuated Tradition?

For many American Muslim families, there comes the known point of tension and

separation created when any member, usually the husband or son, becomes a“TJ.” From the point

of view of that family member, the tension can be amplified by the fact that, besides others being

adverse to his new found association, his new way of life may color his household in a particularly

worrisome light. It is that attitude towards other Muslims, that worry about their devotion and

spiritual health, where we can locate the intersection between the Tablighi man and his secularizing

society. Looking into the historical and ideological basis for the Tablighi mindset reveals a

combination of reactionary sacralization and built-in mechanisms of traditionalism. The way we

locate secularism in context of Tabligh will also change depending on the definitions, time frames,

and demographics we choose to look at.

Definitions of the secular

Scholars we have read in class have presented various conceptions on how we should think

of secularism, and it is important to identify which definitions are most useful. Chaves explains the

generally accepted perspectives as he presents his own definition. He points out that previous

conceptions of secularism would generally depend on what one defines as religion. “If

secularization theory is always about, in one way or another, religion's decline, then how religion is

understood determines secularization theory's direction (Shiner 1967).” Because Durkheimians say

“religion refers to a set of collective representations providing moral unity to a society,” secularism

for them would coincide with declining moral values in society; a world with no agreed upon values.

Chaves reads Weberians as saying “religion is more substantively conceptualized as bodies of beliefs

and practices concerning salvation. For them secularization would mean “social change that renders

these religious meanings less and less plausible.” To counter this issue Chaves introduces the idea

that secularization is better identified as “the declining scope of religious authority,” not as the

decline of religion. He argues that this definition allows us to bypass the issue of trying to define

religions themselves, which can be tough (Chaves 1994). Both Chaves' definition and traditional

definitions dependent on Weberian views of religion will be helpful angles to take at the Tablighi

Jama'at. Alongside these processes is the alternative route of reacting to secularism with an increase

of the sacred, through the process of sacralization.

Historical origins in sacralizing South Asia

The historical roots of the Tablighi Jama'at begin with Muslim reactions to British

colonization. The colonization can be seen as the challenge of modernity to which Muslims

responded with institutions like the Aligarh Movement, led by Sayyid Ahmed Khan (Sir Syed) and

the Darul Uloom Deoband school, founded in 1867.

Sir Syed was a passionate proponent of changing the Muslim image of a belligerent people

duty-bound to rebel. He founded a scientific society, the objectives of which included “appraisal of

the British crown” (Masud 2000). He encouraged the seeking of modern education, and most

importantly was in active pursuit of religious reform. By both the Chaves image of secularism and

the Weber based generally accepted definition of it, the Aligarh initiative can be seen as a

secularizing force. Sir Syed's attitude toward religion effectively called for a movement of authority

away from traditional scholars, fulfilling Chaves' conception. The scientism behind Sir Syed's calls

for reform and modern education earned him the criticism of many traditional Muslims. In

response to these powerful calls towards modernity and religious reform, the Ulema (traditional

scholars in Islam) felt the need to thrust in the other direction with Deoband, a university of

traditional Islam that produces multitudes of Ulema to this day.

“While the Aligarh movement, in the words of Barbara Metcalf, was 'committed to

collaboration of the more privileged classes of Indian Muslim society with the imperial regime,' the

'ulama in Deoband and elsewhere avoided British institutions.” Considering the Deobandi origins of

Muhammad Ilyas, the founder of Tabligh Jamaat, it would be easy to simply think of the Jama'at as a

sacralizing reaction to a secularizing society. However, this would not be a complete picture.

Ideological roots guiding Macro/Micro structures

To fully understand the Tablighi lifestyle, it is important not to limit study to the historical

contexts of modernization/colonization which it came out of. The values that are rooted within the

concept of Tabligh, such as khidmah (service), 'amal (action), da'wa (invitation to good), and

sacrifice may seem hand selected as the central characteristics needed for a sustained sacralizing

movement. However, it is important to consider two issues these ideals bring to light.

First, many of the ideas highlighted above are manifestations of the inherent characteristics

of Islam. The ideas in Islam of Tajdid (renewal) and Ihya (revival) come from the traditions about

the Prophet Muhammad at the very beginnings of Islam. (Masud 2000). Muhammad taught his

followers that reviving the tradition would be a counter to bid'a, religious innovation in worship. The

prophet is also reported in traditions teaching that reviving a Sunnah (way) of his in any aspect of

life, would guarantee his company in Paradise. Such aspects of revival are built into the tradition

itself. When tablighis do things that separate themselves from normal societies, such as wearing

traditional clothes or avoiding career paths that will jeapordize religious practice, they are trying to

stay consistent with that spirit of reviving their Prophet's way. In another example, ideas such as

'amal are central and important to a Tablighi individual because of Prophetic traditions that teach

“The man who has knowledge but does not use it is like a donkey carrying books on its back.” After

tablighis read instructional religious traditions together in their gatherings or after prayers, they close

by saying “Oh Allah please give us the opportunity to act upon this knowledge.” For them, the

practices of going over devotional and instructional traditions is worth as much as they act upon

those traditions.

To say these characteristics of the Tablighi Jama'at are sacralizing reactions to secularism is

to forget they are a manifestation of the inherent renewing spirit in the Islamic tradition. It is the

Muslim population of south Asia that reacted to modernization and created the incentives for a

group such as the Tablighis. Therefore, any sacralization that took place was before the Jamaat was

created.

Secondly, after it was created, the Jama'at has maintained a unique consistency in its

structure. Speaking of the Tabligh, Sufi scholar Husain Abdul Sattar calls it “decentralized

tasawwuf ” (tasawwuf is the Arabic form of Sufism). He sees it as a path of spirituality, but each

individual is taking their own journey without the close guidance of a teacher (as found in traditional

Sufism). Because of this individual experience, the overall structure of the group has stayed the

same. Someone who feels the Jama’at experience is not working out the way they want simply stops

attending. The stakes of joining and leaving are low. On the macro level, the structure of the Jama'at

stays stable. Each region has an amir, a leader, who gives approval for Tablighi operations in that

region. These worldwide amirs meet every year as well (the Massachusetts region’s amir is overseas at

such a meeting now). Together, decentralization at the micro level and organized authority at the

macro level keep the group from having to undergo societal demand pressured change or shifts in

authority, keeping Tabligh immune to Chaves’ conception of secularism.

In Conclusion

When analyzing the Tabligh based on classical conceptions of secularism, we see that they

have origins in sacralizing south Asia under British colonization. However, their own operations

since conception to current time interact with secularism through inherent characteristics of renewal

found in the greater Islamic tradition. When analyzing based on the Chaves conception, the

Tablighi characteristic of regulated but decentralized individual level practices combined with a solid

and coherent worldwide level of leadership have kept the macro/micro structure consistent and

resilient to secularization.

Work Cited

Masud, Muhammad Khalid. Introduction. Travellers in Faith: Studies of the Tablighi Jama'at as a

Transnational Islamic Movement for Faith Renewal. Leiden: Brill, 2000. vii-lvi. Print.

Chaves, Mark. “Secularization as Declining Religious Authority,” Social Forces, Vol. 72, No.3

(Mar., 1994),749-774.

(Multiple details, such as current meetings or traditional references, were from multiple

conversations with Tabligh Jama'at attendees and supporters while writing this paper.)

Paper 2: On the transnational and global extents of Tabligh Jama’at

Of the most innate characteristics of the Tabligh Jama’at are its foundations in the Sunnah,

the way of the prophet Muhammad. When asked about their practice of knocking on doors of

strangers and calling them to renew their religious practice while often getting rejected, Tablighis

have referred me to the tradition of the Prophet walking through the storm of the night to invite his

uncle to the religion of Islam, only to have the door slammed in his face. Although the authenticity

of this tradition is questioned by Muslims opposed to the Tablighi ideology, the effect remains that

every member who knows this tradition will channel it whenever he faces rejection on the path. This

Islamic drawing of spiritual value through metaphor of the experiences of the prophet, and the

Tablighi Jama’at’s particular selection of which aspects of Muhammad’s life to take inspiration from,

play an important role in its interactions with a globalizing world.

Juergensmeyer's first mode of globalization is the Diaspora, scatterings of certain religious

groups. He gives the modern example of Sikhs, who have experienced a dilution of their

conservative culture when going through this process (MJ 2006). The spread of Tabligh across the

globe has not been as much of a dispersion as it was an emergence in established Muslim

communities. The original incentive for Diaspora, the feeling of being unwelcome in one’s original

setting, is not an issue to the Tablighi. As demonstrated, the tradition of the prophet allows them to

channel the lack of welcome in a positive manner and even increase their effort. Furthermore, the

dilution of conservative and strict religious culture that Juergensmeyer relates of the Sikhs is a non-

issue for Tabligh. The origin of the Jama’at, as discussed in previous papers, was rooted in an effort

to start a “tabligh (preaching) movement in order to revive and strengthen the faith - belief and

practice - of the people” in Mewat, who had become Muslims centuries ago but had fallen out of

practice (Troll 1994). The Tabligh Jama’at is, by its founding purpose, resistant to a diasporic dilution

of their practice.

It is interesting to note how the jama’at is affected in its practices in response to the varying

cultures it finds itself in. One example we can look towards is the emergence of the Darul Hikmah

initiative in Chicago. Founded by scholars who are actively involved with the Jama’at, Darul Hikmah

conferences and retreats are very similar to jama’ats. They are held in mosques, involve spending

multiple days staying at the mosques, and uphold the same conservative opinions. However, they

utilize digital media to advertise and record all events, distribute brochures, planned programs and

discussions, and pre-registration like any modern convention. The interesting detail here is that

“Darul Hikmah” had to be created to serve the modern expectations of technological advertising,

and to take advantage of things like record keeping and media production. While these Darul

Hikmah conferences happen, Tabligh Jama’at continues with its own mode of operation, largely

unaffected by external pressures.

The second mode of globalization a religious group may express is transnationalism.

According to Juergensmeyer, these are religions with “global ambitions,” with the belief that ideas

are “universally applicable.” He also locates a geographic and cultural root for these religions. In

class we called these the “expansionist” religions. Often, the expansion was tied in with political or

military initiatives, as displayed by the conquistadors in Central America and early Muslim military

efforts. It is this mode of globalization that fits best with the Tablighi image of the world. However,

it is not a perfect fit, due to the specifically intra-religion operation of Jama’ats, as well as other

attitudes that will be discussed in the second section.

Juergensmeyer’s third mode is that of the global religion, one that forms in reaction to, or

appeals to modern sensitivities. His examples include the Ahmadiyyas of South Asia and Japan’s

Soka Gakkai (MJ 2006). An example covered in class was the Bahai, due to their philosophies that

bring together ideals from various religions (Jones 2011). These religions are interesting because of

their synchronizing around the modern moral compass, and their global openness rather than global

ambitions. The Tabligh Jama’at, unlike these modern groups, are focused on the vision that not just

Islam, but traditionally followed Islam based on literal interpretations of the Sunnah, is the only path

to pleasing God. Therefore, they do not fit with this mode.

On the complications around Tablighi Expansive Transnationalism

The Tablighi Jama’at’s statistics portray an image of the success of their expansion.

According to Ameer Ali, “TJ’s national assemblies (ijtimaa) attract tens of thousands in South Asia,

while its international gatherings pull hundreds of thousands from all over the world. In 1988 for

example, TJ’s annual convention in Chicago, Illinois managed to attract 6,000 Muslims from all over

the world. In the same year, in Raiwind near Lahore in Pakistan, more than one million Muslims

from nearly ninety countries were estimated to have attended such a gathering.” (Ali 2006)

As a movement within a religion, the Jama’at has been internationally successful. Part of this

success is owed to the ease of travel that comes with a globalizing world, and the great emphasis of

the Tablighi routine in leaving their home societies to travel in Jama’ats. This “intentionally

transnational” thrust is apparent in the number of Jama’ats coming through America that are started

off overseas, as well as the number of American jama’ats currently traveling the world. Even for the

relatively small Jamaati community in Boston, there passed quite recently a Jama’at coming through

from Manchester, UK. The leader of the Tabligh here is reportedly also returning in a few days from

a Jama’at that has stopped at multiple countries in South and East Asia.

The international interaction that results from these jama’ats allows for minor cross-cultural

exchanges, but it would be a misrepresentation to say that Tabligh is a vehicle of significant cultural

exchange. Yes, the tea is a sweet, creamy milk chai one finds in the subcontinent. The languages are

varied in Jama’ats. And one hears stories of Muslims from America, Britain, South Africa, Brazil, or

any country of significant Muslim population. However, it is a culture that is not connected to any

current geographical reality. Mcdonald reminds us that the Tabligh “was founded on a simple

message by which individuals committed themselves to recreating, as far as possible, the lifestyle of

the Prophet in the modern world.” (McDonald 2006) The TJs are not trying to bring cultures across

nations but across timelines. In this way, the transnationalism of the Tabligh is unique, because one

of the nations in the cultural exchange is located centuries in the past.

A second distinguishing aspect of Tablighi transnationalism is its exclusivity of expression to

the global Muslim community. Because TJs are concerned primarily with the practices of Muslims,

their emergence has been a function of the spread of Muslims in general. Tablighi activity makes

sense only where a critical mass of Muslim community is present. There is diversity of practice in

the Jama’at, as expressed by the different Sunni Islamic schools of thought followed by some

members (I have heard TJ members even mention Salafi Tablighis, who reject schools of thought, in

some parts of the US). But of course, this diversity is strictly within the confines of religious Islamic

practice. Similarly, the focus on Muslim community limits the extent to which Tabligh is used as a

transnational political vehicle. In the US, jamaatis express no connection to politics. Based on my

interactions with them, the general stance they take is to avoid voting at all. In South Asian politics,

the Tablighi Jama’at remain distinctly absent from any lists of political parties. The“TJ neither

expresses views on nor becomes openly involved in political issues and it approaches the mundane

matters of life with an ascetic disdain.” (Ali, 2006)

The Jama’at reaches across nations and connects cultures, but it remains strictly within one

religious population.

Conclusions and considerations:

The globalizing world has had exponential effects on the reach of traveling movements such

as Tablighi Jama’at. Yet at the same time the world has undergone other changes which make the

Jama’at’s job tougher. More and more Muslims are changing from a state of non-practice based on

lack of information/loss of traditional awareness to a state of non-practice based on conscious

disagreements with tradition. This crucial change renders the basic door-knocking TJ approach

rather obsolete and even annoying to the modern mind. The practice of knocking on doors and

telling people what to do may have become too simplistic for the target market of the movement.

Given the movement’s exclusiveness toward its particular audience, it will be interesting to observe

how the Jama’at maintains its transnational significance in the Muslim world. Will it give way to

more offshoots such as Darul Hikmah? Or will it experience fundamental shifts in its own operation

model and mode of globalization?

Work Cited

Ali, A. Tabligh jama'at and hizbul tahrir: Divergent paths to convergent goals, education to counter

extremism. Interpretations for Peace in the Religions of the Near East, , 51.

McDonald, Z. (2006). Constructing a conservative identity: The tabligh jama'at in johannesburg.

Globalisation and New Identities: A View from the Middle, , 191.

Swearer, Donald K.,1934- Theravada Buddhist Societies., Juergensmeyer, M., & Cox,Harvey

Gallagher.Thinking globally about Christianity. (2006). The oxford handbook of global religions.

Oxford ;New York: Oxford University Press.

Troll, C. W. (1994). Two conceptions of da'wá in india: Jamā'at-i islāmi and tablīghī jamā'at. Archives

De Sciences Sociales Des Religions, 39(87), pp. 115-133.