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This year G20 2011 Summit publication
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Table of Contents
Welcome by Mayor Rahm Emanuel 8
Message by Marcus Wallenberg 10
Message by Jean Guy Carrier 12
Editorial 16
Editor’s Note 17
Welcome by Mayor of Cannes 18
Publisher’s Note 20
Message by Gerard Worms 21
Yoshihiko Noda’s Vision for Japan 30By Hanna Trudo, Diplomatic Courier Correspondent
Global Finance
“A Fiscal Crisis? Oui et Non.” 36By Rami Turayhi, Diplomatic Courier Correspondent
Ties that Bind 40By Kenneth Weisbrode
Transatlantic Regulation: 42
What Unites Us Makes Us Stronger 42By Jonathan Evans, Member of the UK Parliament
G20 Agricultural Meeting:
A Transformative Moment? 44By Marco Picardi, Centre for African
Development and Security
Commodities and Risk 97By Chrisella Sagers, Diplomatic Courier Correspondent
Food Security
The Challenge for Food Security in
Developing Countries 48
By Kyle Rehn, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
Malthus is Still With Us, But So is the Solution:
Using Science to Solve the Food Crisis 50
By Robert F. Bennett, Former U.S. Senator and Resident
Scholar at the University of Utah’s Hinckley Institute of Politics
Global Development
What’s in a Name? Deining Sustainability and Some Consequences of Deinitions 52By Ralph Brown and David Braudt, Brigham Young University
Peak Oil and the Threat to Global
Economic Expansion 54By Dr. Minqi Li, Associate Professor, Department of
Economics at the University of Utah, and Hinckley Scholar,
Hinckley Institute of Politics
Global Trade
A Trade Agenda for the Arab Spring:
Global Integration and the Dangers
of Neoliberalism 56By Athanasios P. Mihalakas , Diplomatic Courier contributor
Global Economy
The World’s Most Important Resource:
The Employee Contributions
to Global Economic Recovery 60By Angelea Panos, Ph.D, Patrick Panos, Ph.D, Christina
Steele Hanselman, MS, MBA, and Sterling Panos, MS,
Hinckley Scholars, Hinckley Institute of Politics
An agenda for More Accountable
and Ethical Free Markets 62By Alexandre Muns
Putting Jobs First for Recovery 66By James Howard, Director of Economic and Social Policy,
International Trade Union Confederation
SAVING LIVES IN THE WORLD’S
POOREST NATIONS 68By Ambassador Nancy Brinker
G20 YES summit 72By Grégoire Sentilhes, President of the G20 YES 2011,
President of NextStage
Human Security
The Global Challenge of Human Security 76By Dr. Cornelio Sommaruga Diplomatic Courier Contributor
The IMF Repositions Itself with the Rise
of Emerging Markets 86By Oscar Montealegre Diplomatic Courier Correspondent
G20
Summit 2011
6
Côte d’Azur, je t’aime!Why the Riviera is still a dream getaway for holidaymakers
Why do millions of people fall in love with the Côte d’Azur every
year? The list is long, so where to
start? Firstly, the nice weather and wonderful landscape, bien sûr. Then,
the divine combination of mountains
and sea, allowing people in winter to
go sunbathing on the beach in the
morning and skiing on the glistening
snow in the afternoon. Each year, 10
million people come and go through
Nice’s airport, France’s second busiest. On arrival they have one of
the easiest, and cheapest, airport-
to-city transfers, with the bus ride to
Nice centre taking half an hour and
costing four euros. Another positive
point, not to be underestimated, is
the political stability of the region -
there’s the odd industrial strike as
is the French way, but still it’s a bit calmer than it is in Tunisia or Egypt
at the moment. The people who
responded to our survey praised the
variety of the culture, gastronomy
and sport on offer: “The quality of
the leisure pursuits here is amazing,”
said one respondent. “It’s much more
than just a straight-forward beach
holiday.” There is much to be enjoyed
in soaking up the French way of life and the international atmosphere,
dining in the local restaurants and
trying the regional products - wine,
olive oil, honey, trufles etc. There is an in¬dividuality that is in stark
contrast to bland, mass package
tourism that you ind in some other popular holiday spots. Then you may
bump into a celebrity: Bono in a bar, Angelina plus children, or Kate lazing
on Philip Green’s yacht. Being able to reach Aix-en-Provence, Marseille,
Monaco and Italy is a huge bonus
for many. With one euro bus fares operating on most services in the
Alpes-Mar¬itimes, the region is
also inexpensive to explore. All year
round, it’s a wonderful place to be,
as one man pointed out: “In January
the mimosa is already in lower and by February you can smell spring. In July the days are endless, the
evenings bright and warm and in
August you can watch the shooting
stars in the night sky. In October you
can still eat outside and in December
the sea is your own.” There are
people who holiday in the south of
France again and again, every year. Why? “Because of the wonderful landscape and people, I am addicted
to this region,” one regular told us,
“Côte d’Azur je t’aime.”
EDITOR-IN-CHIEF
Ana Carcani Rold
EXECUTIVE EDITORS
Kirk L. Jowers
Courtney H. McBeth
MANAGING EDITOR
Rochelle M. Parker
Chrisella Sagers
CONTRIBUTORS
Rudiger von Arnim
David BraudtRobert F. Bennett
Ralph BrownJonathan Evans
Christina Steele Hanselman
James Howard
Minqi Li
Athanasios P. Mihalakas
Oscar Montealegre
Alexandre Muns
Angela Panos
Patrick Panos
Sterling Panos
Marco Picardi
Kyle Rehn
Chrisella Sagers
Gregoire Sentilhes
Cornelio Sommaruga
Hanna Trudo
Rami Turayhi
Kenneth Weisbrode
GRAPHICS DIRECTOR
Henri de Baritault
COVER DESIGN
Christian Gilliham
LEGAL
The G20 Summit Magazine is a yearly publication independent of political afiliations or agendas published by The CAT Company. The articles in the G20 Summit Magazine represent the views of their authors and do
not necessarily relect those of the editors and the publishers. While the editors assume responsibility for the selection of the articles, the authors are responsible for the facts and interpretations of their articles. Authors
retain all legal and copy rights to their articles. None of the articles can be reproduced without the permission
of the editors and the authors.
EDITORIAL
The G20 Summit – Cannes, France
After a successful meeting of the G8 in Deauville in May earlier this year, France will host another important meeting, this time for the G20, bringing together major advanced and emerging economies at a crucial time for the
Eurozone and the global inancial markets.
To tackle the inancial and economic crisis that spread across the globe in 2008, the G20 members were called upon to further strengthen international cooperation. The representation of the G20 is formidable: the 20 nations
represent more than three quarters of the world’s economic output, and unlike other similar forums—including the
G8—the G20 is comprised of both developed and emerging nations. This is a large representation. The issues these countries are trying to tackle at the Cannes summit are even larger.
The G20 leaders have presented some economic initiatives and collaborations, among others the “Framework for Strong, Sustainable, and Balanced Growth” that was launched at the Pittsburgh Summit in 2009. But so far they have made limited progress and their efforts have proved far from enough. For sure, the issues are indeed daunting.
As the world’s population reached 7 billion this October, the issues of the day have expanded dramatically
and demand an unprecedented collaboration between the private and public sectors. That is why the CEOs and
business leaders attending high level meetings during the G20 summit represent an important body of stakeholders
that can and will help the G20 leaders with the issues that the French Presidency has prioritized for this November:
• Reforming the International Monetary System (IMS). France wants to reform the international monetary system to establish collective responses to deiciencies and to provide support for the sweeping changes that the global economy is experiencing, particularly given the rise of the major emerging countries.
• Strengthening inancial regulation. As chair, in order to strengthen inancial-sector oversight on a lasting basis, France wants to strengthen inancial regulation in areas where it is still insuficient, for example with respect to regulation of the “shadow banking system” (i.e. the non-bank inancial institutions whose practices are not regulated) and concerning inancial market integrity and transparency.
• Combating commodity price volatility. At the September 2009 Pittsburgh Summit, the G20 examined the issue of excessive luctuations in commodity prices for the irst time, but few concrete measures have been taken to date. France would like to ind collective solutions in order to reduce excessive commodity price volatility, par-ticularly of agricultural commodity prices, which threatens food security around the world.
• Supporting employment and strengthening the social dimension of globalization. The French presidency has four priority objectives in this area: promoting employment, particularly for young people and disadvantaged
individuals; stronger social protection; respect for social and labor rights; and improved coordination of strategies
among international organizations.
• Fighting corruption. The G20’s efforts to ight corruption are part of a long-term overall strategy to clean up the business environment, to ight tax avoidance, and to strengthen the rule of law. The French presidency wants to ensure that the Anti-Corruption Action Plan adopted in Seoul will produce concrete results and real progress in
2011.
• Working on behalf of development. The French presidency wants to make speciic efforts to support infra-
structure development. It will bring discussions on development inancing to G20 level, via innovative inancing and in particular a tax on inancial transactions.
The G20 leaders have other, more immediate issues as well. The Eurozone crisis; trade relations;
and, billions in dollars committed have played out as recurring themes in Pittsburg, Toronto, and
Seoul. It remains to be seen if the Cannes summit will rise above the predecessors or whether it will
be consumed by the tasks of the day, which are mounting by the minute.
Ana C. Rold
Editor-in-Chief
New-generation i30 made world debut at 2011 Frankfurt International Motor Show
- New-generation i30 builds on success of Hyundai’s best-selling model
- Designed, engineered and manufactured in Europe, for Europe
- Upgraded diesel engine: CO2 emissions under 100 g/km
At the 2011 Frankfurt Interna-
tional Motor Show (IAA), Hyundai
has unveiled its new-generation i30,
a vehicle the company expects will
build on the success of the original
model thanks to enhanced design,
quality, performance and eficiency.
Designed and engineered
at the Hyundai Motor Europe
Technical Centre in Rüsselsheim,
Germany, the new-generation i30
represents a further evolution of
the unique Hyundai form language,
‘luidic sculpture’ – the company’s distinctive design DNA – and offers
a choice of four engines with a
total of six power options and CO2
emissions below 100 g/km thanks to an upgraded, super-eficient 1,6-litre diesel unit.
The new-generation i30 will go
on sale in Europe early in 2012 as a
ive-door hatchback. The newcomer will be produced in Europe at the
company’s state-of-the-art manu-
facturing facility in Nošovice, Czech
Republic.
Every new-generation i30 will be
backed by the industry-best, fully-
transparent Five Year Triple Care warranty from Hyundai. This award-
winning package provides ive years of unlimited-mileage warranty, ive years of roadside assistance, and
ive years of vehicle health checks.
A worthy successor to Hyun-
dai’s best-seller
The original i30 has deied the industry norm by recording
increased annual sales with each
passing year. Since launch in 2007,
the i30 has recorded over 360.000
European sales, including more
than 115.000 units during 2010 –
the highest-ever sales igure for an individual Hyundai model on sale in
Europe in one year, putting the i30 at
six in the C-segment rankings.
Hyundai expects the new-gen-
eration i30 to maintain this growth
trend, contributing to future sales
success, growing brand awareness
and improving perceptions
of Hyundai among European
consumers.
The fortunes of the new-gen-
eration i30 will also be helped by
a recovering market. Industry
analysts forecast the mainstream
C-segment will grow by 7% over
the next three years, reaching sales
of 2,4 million vehicles per year by
2014. Hyundai is planning to sell
on average over 120.000 units of
the new i30 per year during the car’s
lifecycle, capturing a larger market
share of around 5% and challenging
established competitors.
Allan Rushforth, Senior Vice
President and COO of Hyundai
Motor Europe, commented: “We expect the new-generation i30 to
play a signiicant role in developing our sales and brand image in Europe,
taking on the leading vehicles in the
C-segment and joining the all-new
i40 as a brand ambassador and
quality benchmark for Hyundai.”
Style inspired by nature
The ‘luidic sculpture’ ethos utilises lowing lines inspired by nature and modern architecture to
give a constant three-dimension-
al presence to Hyundai vehicles.
Since its introduction on the Hyundai
ix-onic concept at the 2009 Geneva
Motor Show, luidic sculpture has been the form language for all new
Hyundai models launched in Europe.
Thomas Bürkle, Chief Designer at Hyundai Motor Europe Technical
Centre, commented: “When designing the new-generation i30,
we used strong, luid lines to sculpt a car which looks athletic and exudes
a sense of constant motion, even
when stationary. We gave the car a bold stance, transmitting a conident attitude through sporty characteris-
tics and dynamic proportions. In
this way, the car is very close to the
all-new i40, and the Hyundai design
DNA is easy to recognise on these
models.”
The new-generation i30 also
bears Hyundai’s signature frontal
feature – the hexagonal-shaped
grille.
“The hexagonal appearance
is unique to Hyundai, and deines the i30 as a family member. The
jewel-like front headlamps which
lank the grille add a strong personality to the vehicle, as well as
a sense of reinement and luxury,” Thomas Bürkle added.
G20
Summit 2011
22
Powering the new generation
The new-generation i30 will
be available with a choice of three
gasoline and three diesel variants,
with power outputs ranging from
90 to 135 ps. Both fuel types play a signiicant role in the European C-segment, with diesel represent-
ing 52% and gasoline 43% of total
sales. Overall, Hyundai is expecting
a 50:50 split between diesel- and
gasoline-powered i30 sales.
Hyundai believes that its highly-
eficient 1,6-liter variable geometry turbo (VGT) ‘U-II’ diesel unit will be
the most popular engine in the range.
Generating 128 ps at 4.000 rpm, the upgraded engine will accelerate the
new-generation i30 from standstill to
100 kph in 10.9 seconds, with a top
speed of 197 kph.
The petrol engines, too, offer a
balance between performance and
economy. For example, the new-generation i30 can be speciied with Hyundai’s 1,6-liter ‘Gamma’ GDI
(gasoline direct injection), a 1.591 cc
unit that generates 135 ps and 164
Nm of torque.
Low emissions and real-world
eficiencyThe addition of technologies
developed under the company’s
Blue Drive™ sub-brand optimizes eficiency and lowers emissions for the new-generation i30. These
include: Integrated Stop & Go (ISG),
low-rolling resistance tyres and an
alternator management system.
With CO2 emissions below 100 g/km and an engine delivery of 128 ps, the 1,6-litre diesel new-generation
i30 will feature a best-in-class power
to eficiency ratio.
Buyers will be offered a choice between manual and automatic
six-speed transmissions, with both
units providing a reined driving experience and enhanced fuel
eficiency.
Interior quality and equipment
from the class above
Cabin reinement and speciica-
tion on the new-generation i30 have
been inspired by the high standards
of the all-new i40. Behind the wheel, for example, drivers beneit from Hyundai’s new Flex Steer™ option. With three operating modes – Comfort, Normal and Sport – the
system can be used to vary the level
of steering assistance and feedback
in order to suit driving conditions and
make the journey more pleasurable.
A large TFT Supervision cluster is available in the same quality found
on i40 – providing a wide range of
essential information to the driver in
high-resolution clarity. Located in
the centre console, the navigation
system is displayed via a 7-inch
touch-screen.
The generous equipment levels
on the new-generation i30 will
enhance the Hyundai experience for
passengers too. Dual-zone climate
control will ensure a comfortable
environment for all occupants during
long journeys, and the addition
of a panoramic sunroof provides
increased natural light within the
cabin. The panoramic sunroof has
been designed to open fully or tilt
open, offering passengers lexibility and functionality.
Customers will beneit from the new-generation i30’s roomier interior
compared to the previous model.
The overall length (4300 mm)
and width (1780 mm) have been increased, while the height has been
reduced (1470 mm), generating
sportier exterior proportions without
compromising functionality. Cargo
capacity in the new-generation i30 is
378 liters with the rear seats upright – an increase of 10% compared to
the original model.
Five-star safety features
The new-generation i30 features
the latest active and passive safety
technologies to ensure maximum
protection for its occupants.
Active safety features include ESP
(Electronic Stability Program), ABS (anti-lock braking system), VSM
(Vehicle Stability Management) and
Emergency Stop Signal. In terms of
passive safety, the new-generation
i30 will be itted with six airbags as standard – front, side and curtain
- while a driver’s knee airbag is
optional.
The safety features available on
the new-generation i30 reinforce
Hyundai’s excellent record on safety,
and the company anticipates the
new car will follow the outgoing
model in attaining the maximum
ive-star score in Euro NCAP’s impact assessment programme.
Driving leet growthSince going on sale in 2007, the
original i30 has played an important
role in expanding Hyundai’s sales and
reputation in Europe’s leet sector. Hyundai expects the new-gener-
ation i30 to be even more popular
with leet managers and company car drivers than its predecessor.
Targeting sales of over 120.000
units in Europe during a full year for
the new-generation i30, Hyundai
forecasts approximately 50% of
sales to come from the leet sector.
Five Year Triple Care will be a valuable point of differentiation for
the new-generation i30 in a highly
competitive class. The ive-year warranty has no mileage limit,
roadside assistance is included for
ive years, and vehicle health checks are performed annually, providing
peace of mind for leet buyers and operators.
Compared to the original i30,
total cost of ownership for the new-
generation model will be reduced,
helped by improved fuel eficiency, lower CO2 emissions and a lower
insurance classiication.
G20
Summit 2011
23
(Seoul, Korea) Hyundai Motor
Company will donate a total of 10
mobile clinics to African nations
this year as part of the company’
s “Moving the World Together” Corporate Social Responsibil-
ity (CSR) initiative, which aims to
contribute to society and be a better
corporate citizen. The mobile clinics
will be used to provide basic medical
services to residents of impover-
ished and remote communities in
Africa.
The mobile clinics, composed of
a mobile internal medicine clinic and
a mobile digital X-ray clinic, are spe-
ciically tuned to run on tough road conditions in many African nations.
Starting with Ethiopia, a total of 10
mobile clinics will be donated this
year to ive African nations (Ethiopia, Democratic Republic of the Congo,
Nigeria, Ghana and Rwanda). Each
country will receive two mobile
clinics -- the internal medicine clinic
and digital X-ray clinic.
The clinics will be operated
in close partnership with the
Korea Foundation for International Healthcare, local governments,
local clinics and NGOs. The
Korea Foundation for International Healthcare will provide consultation
and training on the operation of the
mobile clinics to local personnel.
To begin the initiative, Hyundai
handed over two customized mobile
medical clinics to the Ethiopian
government at the Ethiopian
Federal Ministry of Health, in Addis Ababa, the nation’s capital. The
handover ceremony was attended
by Korea’s Minister of Foreign Affairs & Trade, Mr. Kim Sung-Hwan;
Korean Ambassador to the Federal Democratic Republic of Ethiopia,
Mr. Chung Soonsuk; Minister of
Ethiopian Federal Ministry of Health, Dr. Tedros Adhanom; President of
Hyundai Motor Company, Mr. Chung
Jin-Haeng; and Chairman of Hyundai
Marathon Motor Engineering, Mr.
Haile Gebreselassie, as well as
media members and other guests.
To overcome challenging roads
in remote regions of many African
nations, the mobile clinics have been
developed on Hyundai’s four-wheel-
drive truck (HD120 chassis, GVW 12,520kg) to boost mobility with
an engine displacement of 6,600
cubic centimeters. The truck has
air suspension to protect delicate
medical equipment and operates
fully independently with its own
power.
The mobile clinics are self-
suficient hospitals. The mobile
Hyundai Motor Donates 10 Mobile Clinics to African Nations
- Starting with Ethiopia, Hyundai will offer 10 mobile clinics to ive African nations to provide free medical care to the underprivileged- Mobile internal medicine clinic and mobile digital X-ray clinic to provide in-depth medical examination and treatment
- Donation is part of Hyundai’s worldwide CSR initiatives
G20
Summit 2011
26
digital X-ray clinic is equipped with
a digital X-ray machine and remote
diagnostic systems. The mobile
internal medicine clinic features
the latest medical devices, such as
digital ultrasonic and portable ECG
(electrocardiogram), can conduct
basic medical tests, such as malaria
screening; and provide medical
supplies.
In addition to the donation of
vehicles, a total of 60 university
students from the Happy Move
Global Youth Volunteers program
are engaging in volunteer activities
July 5 - 16 in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia.
The services range from providing
free health care, in collabora-
tion with Open Doctors Society
of Korea, to installing communal
toilets to promoting a more hygienic
environment in partnership with
Habitat for Humanity International.
Starting with Ethiopia, Hyundai
Motor Company will send a total
of 500 Happy Move volunteers
from July to August to less-de-
veloped areas in Thailand, Brazil, India and China. The volunteers will
be engaged in various volunteer
programs such as environment
restoration and provision of medical
service.
REFERENCE
The Happy Move Global Youth
Volunteers program is one of Hyundai
Motor Company’s corporate social
responsibility programs. It seeks
volunteers from Korean universities
to travel around the world to work
in areas related to the environment,
local welfare, medicine and culture.
Since its foundation in July
2008, Happy Move Global Youth Volunteers has sent 500 university
student volunteers every summer
and winter to several countries,
including India, Brazil, China, Slovakia, Turkey, Egypt and the
Philippines.
From July to August of this year, volunteer students will spend about
two weeks in their assigned country
and work jointly with various NGOs,
including Open Doctors Society,
Habitat for Humanity International,
Food for the Hungry International, International Workcamp Organiza-
tion, and Ecopeace Asia to alleviate
poverty, improve the health of
residents, protect the environment,
and strengthen local economies.
Among the projects, volunteers
will build a children library and
renovate a kindergarten in Thailand,
work to prevent desertiication of Inner Mongolia through the Hyundai
Green Zone Project, build houses
and provide free medical services
in India, and carry out cultural
exchange programs in Brazil.
G20
Summit 2011
27
Hyundai Motor Named One of World’s Top Global Green Brands of 2011
- No. 4 among automakers, beating BMW, Ford and Mercedes
Interbrand, the global brand
consultancy, ranked Hyundai
as one of the world’s greenest
brands, citing the automaker’s Blue Drive eco-friendly strategy and its
industry leadership in zero-emis-
sions hydrogen fuel-cell vehicle
development.
Interbrand ranked Hyundai 11th
among the agency’s 50 Best Global Green Brands, a new global report by the agency. Hyundai placed
fourth among the seven automotive
brands that made the survey.
“The company is so conident in its fuel eficiency that starting this year it is reporting monthly leet fuel eficiency igures in the U.S.,” Interbrand wrote in the survey.
“Hyundai has recently seen strong
improvements in energy, GHG
emissions, water, waste, and toxic
emissions.”
The survey, which questioned
more than 10,000 respondents in 10
countries, examined each company’s
environmental record and how the
company is perceived by consumers.
Companies were judged based on
their performance, their environmen-
tal impact, their sustainable growth
strategy and their corporate social
responsibility programs.
Hyundai’s Blue Drive sub-brand, launched in 2008, encompasses all of the company’s eco-friendly
technologies and products that
contribute to higher fuel eficiency and lower emissions, including
gasoline, diesel, electric, hybrid and
hydrogen fuel-cell engines.
Hyundai rolled out the Avante
LPi hybrid in 2009 and the Sonata
hybrid in 2011.
Hyundai plans to bring plug-in
hybrid vehicles to market soon, while
the company is currently operating
test leets of its hydrogen fuel-cell electric vehicles and pure-electric
vehicles, called BlueOn.
G20
Summit 2011
28
Hyundai Motor Signed MOU with Intel, C&S Technology To Develop
In-Vehicle Infotainment Solutions
Hyundai Motor Company signed
a Memorandum of Understanding
(MOU) with Intel Korea and C&S
Technology, Ltd. to jointly develop
solutions that provide both drivers
and passengers with enhanced
in-vehicle experiences such as lo-
cation-based and social network
services.
The signing ceremony was held
at the JW Marriott Hotel in Seoul, attended by Mr. Woong-Chul Yang, Vice Chairman at Hyundai Motor,
Mr. Ton Steenman, Vice President
and General Manager at Intel’s
Embedded and Communications
Group (ECG), and Mr. Dong-Jin Kim,
Chairman and CEO of Seoul-based
C&S Technology.
“The demand for smart cars is
on the rise in Korea—a powerful IT
country,” said Hyundai Vice Chairman
Mr. Yang. “Hyundai will develop
in-vehicle infotainment systems
that incorporate changes in digital
lifestyles and maximize customer
convenience in cooperation with
Intel and C&S Technology.”
As part of the agreement, the
three companies will determine
product, technical and experiential
requirements for next generation
IVI platforms to be built in Hyundai
Motor vehicles. They will jointly
develop solutions based on the
Intel® Atom™ processor and the C&S Automotive IO Hub that
enable new, innovative services and
content to be offered to both drivers
and passengers in next-generation
IVI systems.
“Intel is working with automakers
and their suppliers around the world
to develop intelligent and connected
in-vehicle infotainment systems that
provide safer, more interactive and
personal experiences to drivers
and passengers,” said Hee-Sung
Lee, Country Manager of Intel
Korea. “Through our ongoing work
with Hyundai Motor Company
and the new collaboration with
C&S Technology, we can develop
solutions that deliver this type of
experience.”
About Intel
Santa Clara-based Intel
(NASDAQ: INTC) is a world leader
in computing innovation. The
company designs and builds the
essential technologies that serve
as the foundation for the world’s
computing devices. Additional
information about Intel is available
at www.intel.com/pressroom and blogs.intel.com.
About C&S Technology, Ltd.
C&S Technology specializes in
automotive non-memory semicon-
ductors. Please go to www.cnstec.
com for more information.
- Hyundai and Intel to develop In-vehicle Infotainment (IVI) systems based on the Intel® Atom™ processor
G20
Summit 2011
29
Yoshihiko Noda’s Vision for Japan
By Hanna Trudo, Diplomatic Courier Correspondent
Newly sworn in Prime Minister Yoshihiko Noda, the former inance minister of Japan, might take solace in the old Japanese proverb, Money grows on the tree of persistence.
But persistence, as the proverb fails to point out, does not trump inadequacy in the face of natural, political and economic disasters.
A new maxim, Fresh leadership grows from the broken branches of catastrophe, might be more applicable to Japan today.
The past ive leaders to cyclone through the country since 2006 have added to the already quaked national morale by making promises they could not keep, and scalding leader after leader with burdens of past mistakes.
Yoshihiko Noda, the 54-year-old Prime Minister number six, stepped in with a cup-half-full -- though chipped, and illed with luke warm expectations -- approach to mitigate the aftermath of the 9.0 magnitude earthquake, tsunami and nuclear meltdown in March.
But Japan, an essential arm of the APEC community, might need something stronger – an unbreakable prime minister who exudes mirror-speech conidence, not self-deprecatory quips of mediocrity.
The iscally conservative leader must work against the grain of his in-and-out predecessors, and leverage his economic capabilities and past successes, to secure the longevity needed to promote political, economic and environmental reconstructive efforts.
The odds are stacked against him, but someone who under promises – a change from the tactics of past politicians – might be what Japan needs to overcome the inherited economic and nuclear challenges to come.
The leadership opportunities are there, despite a
national debt that swells two times larger than the size of the economy, or the dispersed Northeastern region that suffered the worst damages since World War II. But it’s up to the Democratic Party of Japan (DPJ) prime minister to choose adversity-triumph over low barometer expectations.
Prime Minister Noda’s predecessor, Naoto Kan, the DPJ leader who was in ofice for just 15 months, eventually ran out of get-out-of-March 11-disaster-free cards. Some media reported he made unprecedented, intensive relief efforts – he was broadcast on television wearing the same work clothes as Japanese engineers – but others reported widespread dissatisfaction, and said his low approval ratings were directly linked to his even lower responsiveness to disaster’s calamitous call.
In May, just a few months before former Prime Minster Kan stepped down, Japan donated $640,000 to help stimulate the Asian-Paciic economy – a con-tribution to the APEC Support Fund (ASF), started in 2004, that demonstrated lasting commitment to the region, despite devastating national circumstances.
During a meeting at the UN General Assembly on Sept. 21 in New York, Prime Minister Noda picked up the conversation as the new leader six months after the disasters – with the economy and relief efforts in the forefront. At the General Assembly, the prime minister said the Fukushima Daiichi nuclear plant’s reactors would be shutdown within a year, according to a White House press release. The prime minister also said he will hold a conference in 2012 with the International Atomic Energy Agency (IAEA) to analyze and discuss key takeaways from the meltdown.
If the Fukushima disaster is any indication of policies and preventative measures to come, Prime Minister Noda’s tenure will inevitably include nuclear safety reform as a top agenda item.
He committed to working alongside the U.S. and other allies, and with the IAEA, to assume a leadership role in meltdown responsiveness and prevention, and on nonproliferation and national security efforts.
The former inance minister has a lot to do with little support or self-conidence. His commitment to Japan, and to the international community, will be tested by his willingness to stimulate the APEC Support Fund, among other regional initiatives, as he navigates into his irst months as the post-disaster prime minister.
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“A Fiscal Crisis? Oui et Non.”
By Rami Turayhi, Diplomatic Courier Correspondent
A strange thing is happening in Washington. Many politicians, pundits, and commentators are starting to
confuse two interrelated but substantively different ideas:
iscal crises and inancial crises. While not everyone is guilty of this inadvertent or perhaps intentional mix-up,
we are beginning to witness a recurrent pattern of
attempts to paint the 2008 inancial crisis as one that was primarily iscal in nature. Confused yet? I don’t blame you.
Fiscal crises most commonly refer to ongoing insti-tutional problems with managing debt loads, with the
institution in this instance being the federal government.
Financial crises, on the other hand, typically connote systemic problems within the inancial sector of an economy – stemming from some combination of bad
corporate choices and government policies – that
ultimately lead to an economic retraction of some sort.
Getting these two things straight in the minds of the
American public will go a long way towards informing
robust public debate about necessary next steps: the
banking crisis that led to a near-economic collapse
in 2008 was primarily inancial in nature, whereas the consequences of that crisis have resulted in short-
to medium-term iscal problems at the local, state, and national level. There is meanwhile an additional
long-term iscal crisis that has been quietly chugging along for many years – indeed decades – now, and
this particular problem is largely linked to long-term
imbalances between tax revenues and spending on
entitlement programs and defense.
In case you were wondering, there is a very good
reason for some politicians to paint the 2008 crisis as a iscal rather than inancial one. By confusing these two terms and ideas together, self-described “iscal hawks” in Washington can bolster their claims of out-of-control government spending by the Obama administration,
conveniently shifting any blame away from themselves.
The argument goes something like this: the reason
we are in this mess today is because of excessive
government spending by the current administration, and
the only way to turn the economy around is to therefore
cut this same irresponsible spending.
This argument makes for a convenient cable
television sound bite, but it unfortunately smacks more
of theater than reality. The 2008 recession was in large part caused by an enormous inancial collapse, and this inancial recession was itself primarily the end result of years of haphazard inancial deregulation and loose monetary policy coupled with myriad unsound
inancial business practices. Ironically, many of the same politicians who are today calling for federal iscal discipline tend be the same ones who in years past
promoted this very inancial deregulation and increased federal spending on both mortgages and entitlements.
The inancial deregulation in particular consisted of passing legislation that allowed or promoted loose credit
standards at banks, increasingly irresponsible leverage
ratios, and little or no regulation of complex derivatives
and other esoteric inancial products. In other words, it was the banking sector, and not the federal government,
that was the primary driver of the recession, though the
government played its part in enabling the banks’ worst
practices over the past couple of decades. Indeed,
had government been more involved in responsibly and
smartly regulating these banks rather than supplying
them with monetary cocaine, we would likely not have
witnessed such a severe recession in 2008.
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That said, in response to this inancial recession, both the Bush and Obama administrations embarked upon a series of unprecedented temporary iscal stimulus measures in order to help boost consumer demand and
keep our inancial institutions aloat (think: TARP, tax cuts, Recovery Act spending, and the proposed Obama jobs
bill). Most economists, though not all, tended to believe
that this overwhelming government response was
necessary to stave off an even more severe economic
contraction, as many of them have argued that a lack of
government stimulus in the face of similar recession led
to the prolonging of both the Great Depression and the
Japanese “lost decade.” Whether or not this economic theory withstands the test of time and continued trial and
error in economic policymaking, the consequences of
the massive government intervention in 2009 up through
today include a series of short-term iscal deicits that are alarming in their size and seeming longevity. Most
projections continue to show sustained large budget
deicits throughout this decade, in large part the result of stimulus spending and generous tax cuts (assuming a
continuation of the Bush tax cuts) that are meant to help ease the United States out of the recent recession and
into a more “normal” economic cycle.
It has therefore been easy for some politicians to
latch on to this ballooning federal government spending
and construe it as the primary reason for today’s – and
tomorrow’s – iscal messes, but the reality is much more complicated than that. In addition to the expected
deicits that are a consequence of all of this post-reces-
sion government spending and the continued reduction
of revenues from taxes, there are also enormous
anticipated long-term deicits that stem from unfunded future liabilities in both healthcare and social security
– the so-called “entitlements” – spending. Of course,
this long-term entitlements problem is by no means a
new thing; many honest politicians and policymakers
alike have been shouting from the rooftops – oftentimes
into a howling and indifferent public wind – about our
long-term structural problems for decades. With in-
creasingly more (unhealthy) Baby Boomers retiring en masse today expecting costlier technological ixes to keep the them alive in old age, entitlement funding
shortfalls are only likely to get worse in coming years
and decades: hence, the complementary long-term
iscal dilemma that we face.
Truly responsible politicians would not shortchange
the American public by confounding these distinct
economic problems. They would spell out appropriate
solutions for each iscal dilemma, and debate whether
one methodology or another – i.e. tax cuts or increases,
reduced government spending, or more likely some
combination of these two – might best solve each of
the iscal problems. The inancial crisis laid bare some of the shortfalls of rampant, lobbyist-driven deregula-
tion: without adequate and well-designed regulatory
safeguards, the market might become too eficient for its own good. Indeed, one could argue that, in
the absence of government intervention, a complete
inancial collapse in 2008 – something much worse than what actually happened – would have been the
natural free-market corrective to excessive risk-taking
and greed on Wall Street. While theoretically correct, can we as a nation accept a system-wide economic
collapse every decade or so in order to allow the market
to work out behavioral economic shortfalls and kinks for
itself? If this seems like a rhetorical question laced with
sarcasm….well, that’s because it is, unless Americans
are prepared to accept high double-digit unemployment
numbers every decade or so.
If nothing else, I’d like to leave you with my simple,
3-sentence pocket formula for iscal versus inancial crises in the 21st century: (1) a inancial collapse occurred in 2008, fueled in large part by inancial de-
regulation, cheap borrowed money from abroad, and
shoddy lending practices that took place over many
years. (2) As a result of this inancial collapse, the government spent a lot of money via both short-term
stimulus and tax cuts and contributed to a short- to
medium-term iscal problem: persistent decade-long annual deicits. (3) Meanwhile, for years and years on a parallel track alongside all of this, we as a country have
indulged ourselves with lavish entitlement spending on
things that we have not really paid for and, assuming
no realistic legislative ixes anytime soon, this funding shortfall will likely come back to bite us in the coming
years and decades in the form a long-term iscal crisis.
Got it? Good. Now, the next time a politician,
pundit, or economic know-it-all tries to sound important
by blaming everything on the wrong things, at least you’ll
know who not to vote for, watch, or read. It’s about time
for some honest accounting of the nation’s economic
woes, lest we swallow the wrong tonic for our very real
iscal and inancial ills.
“Rami Turayhi is a recent graduate of Columbia
Law School. This article was adapted from an earlier
Diplomatic Courier op-ed published by the author in
July 2011.”
Global Finance
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Ties that Bind
By Kenneth Weisbrode, Diplomatic Courier Contributor
For over a century liberal orthodoxy has held that free trade promotes both peace and prosperity. No
matter that there will always be “winners” and “losers” in
any economic relationship, the freer the trade, the more
prevalent “win-win” relationships is said to be. The last
ifty years seem to have borne this out. A free trade regime never stopped a war in the way that the writers
of an earlier generation like Norman Angell imagined.
Nevertheless, more people in the world emerged from
poverty since the end of World War II than before, and this had much to do not only with freer trade but also
with high levels of investment in certain parts of the
world, particularly Asia.
Back in Europe meanwhile the economic dimensions of peace took on a somewhat different hue. It was
called regional integration and involved the merger or
combination of various sectors across national borders.
It began with the fusion of the French and German industries into the European Coal and Steel Community,
which led to the Common Market and eventually to the
European Union.
These stories are well known but still not well
understood outside their respective regions. Could a
European-style common market work elsewhere? There
have been some attempts to plant the seeds of one
in the Americas with NAFTA and the FTAA and similar arrangements, but a Western Hemisphere common market seems remote; the same is true for the most part
in Africa and Asia. Nor would they make much economic
or political sense, at least not in the same way that
binding the Western European nations together did after two terrible wars and in the face of the Soviet threat.
Yet even there the viability of the European project is
being questioned more and more, and, in spite of global-
ization, protectionist pressures are mounting across the
world. Free trade ideology remains strong, but the future
of the institutions and public support that undergird it
remain uncertain.
To some extent the eclipse of free trade is
symptomatic of a broader retrenchment. Nowhere is it
more apparent than in the Middle East and North Africa
since last year. On the one hand there are these dramatic
upheavals led by masses of citizens demanding justice,
responsive government, and freer access to economic
and social opportunities that exist elsewhere in the
world. Many outsiders have interpreted their motivation
as a manifestation of globalization, just as the inter-
preters of the upheavals of 1989 depicted it as the result of a desperate desire to join, or at least to live on
equitable terms with, the West. But this does not appear to be happening in the Middle East and North Africa,
at least any time soon. These places—even the most
closed, authoritarian ones—are not immune to global
forces, yet they nearly all are badly integrated with more
prosperous, peaceful neighbors, namely Europe. This is
as much Europe’s fault as their own.
The Mediterranean, which for centuries connected
Europe and its neighborhood, has become a wall. Europe
itself is shrinking – in ideology, tolerance and ambition
– as its relationship to globalization has become more
defensive. Its institutions are also strained to the point
that their very survival is now being called into question,
however remote that still seems. How then can Europe
serve as a beacon for the reformers of the Middle East
and North Africa as it did for others at the end of the
twentieth century? The reformers say they have no need
for a European (or any other) beacon, and who can
blame them? The national lags one saw at so many of these demonstrations spoke for themselves.
However no reform movement can succeed in
a vacuum. The spirit of regional integration must be
preserved, augmented and extended in both a national
and global context alongside similar steps to promote
a stable security environment. This is what the late
Manfred Woerner meant, for example, when he said that NATO had to go out of area or out of business: he
didn’t necessarily mean that it had to swallow a bevy
of new members or send expeditionary forces halfway
across the world (although it ended up doing both); but
rather that it had to think and act creatively, overcome
old prejudices, adapt to new conditions, and meet new
demands. The same holds true for other institutions.
Their own future – and that of the people they serve – is
also at stake.
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Transatlantic Regulation: What Unites Us Makes Us StrongerBy Jonathan Evans, Member of the UK Parliament
The inancial crisis of 2008 put into strict relief the fragility of global inancial systems. Stories unfolded about impossibly complex products and, after the horse
had bolted, people began to relect on the wisdom of making credit so freely available and, in some cases,
with little analysis of how the customers would cope if
their circumstances changed.
An unsurprising result of this has been a long hard
look at the supervisory and regulatory systems, especially
in those countries worst affected by the crisis, and an
impetus to reform to avoid a repeat of the mistakes of
the late 2000s.
In Dodd-Frank the U.S. is aiming to bring in “one of the largest rule-making exercises in the history of the
country,” said Jeremy Anderson, Global Chairman of
KPMG Financial Services Practice in “Evolving Banking Regulation: A Marathon or a Sprint?”
In Europe we are moving from “light touch” to more
intensive supervision. From January 2011, the Level 3 Committees have been merged to form the European
Supervisory Agencies which have greater regulatory and
legal powers than their predecessor bodies. Moreover
on July 20, 2011, the European Union released the inal text of its Capital Requirements Directive (CRD4) and
this seeks maximum harmonisation between member
states. This may create issues with the new regulatory
structure being put forward in the UK.
The UK is in the process of reorganising its inancial regulation mechanisms under the Prudential Regulation
Authority (PRA), the Financial Conduct Authority (FCA) and the Financial Policy Committee (FPC). Differently from the European model, these changes will separate
prudential from market and conduct of business
supervision.
Of course, Basel 3 is key to co-ordinating all action that is undertaken globally. At its heart, Basel 3 requires institutions to hold more and better capital and so G20
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protect the system from failure. This is a natural result of
a crisis caused by institutions being “too big to fail” and
their lack of liquidity.
Especially, in the U.S., UK and Switzerland there
is considerable concern about the failure of Systemi-
cally Important Financial Institutions (SIFIs)—hardly surprising, given the size and concentration of SIFIs in those countries relative to their GDP. These countries,
among others, are pushing for improvements to national
resolution regimes.
Achieving a co-ordinated transatlantic regulatory
environment will be important in guaranteeing the sus-
tainability of the banking sector. The large cross-bor-
der banks in the EU and the U.S. will bear the brunt of
proposals for SIFIs. It is vital, therefore, that the costs of regulation are not ratcheted up through duplication.
In this climate, we need to dismantle existing
regulatory barriers, stop new ones emerging and, above
all, prevent a light into protectionism. By making the transatlantic regulatory environment more streamlined
and integrated, the costs for consumers and producers
on both sides of the Atlantic will be reduced and in turn
the competitive potential of EU and U.S. companies will
be improved.
The U.S. is committed to full, on-time implementa-
tion of Basel 3. This is relected in Dodd-Frank, which requires SIFIs to be subject to higher capital leverage and liquidity requirements and to meet enhanced re-
quirements on disclosures, rigorous risk management,
concentration of exposures and resolution plans.
The UK is equally signed-up to Basel 3 and a central part of the debate is whether big banks should be
broken up. Business Secretary Cable is on record as being in favour of this course of action. The argument
goes both ways: on one hand, big banks concentrate
risk; on the other, they provide strength and stability to
inancial systems.
On a human level, the main focus has been
consumers and the impact the crisis has had on them.
The concerns around consumers are two-fold: that
many people do not properly understand the products
they are buying; and that they are drawn into taking on
levels of debt they cannot afford. Important features of
the reforms since the crisis has been improving inancial education and reducing incentives to mis-sell.
With its strong inancial protection watchdog (the Consumer Protection Bureau), its “skin in the game” rule
and the Ofice of Financial Literacy, Dodd-Frank seeks to introduce these protections in the U.S. In Europe,
the sale of banking, insurance and investment products
will come under greater scrutiny as a result of new EU
business conduct regulations. In the UK, the Retail Dis-
tribution Review is set to be introduced at the start of
2013. This will outlaw commission and demands that
advice be paid for from customer fees.
Although these plans will make the environment
safer for consumers, they are not without their risks.
Advisors may leave the market. Out of an unwillingness
to pay fees, consumers may get less, not more advice.
The range of products on offer may become more
limited and “vanilla.” Limited choice may, of course, be
preferred by some consumers but it carries with it the
risk of restricting the diversity and innovation that has in
the past underpinned economic expansion.
The work being done to reduce the risks to the
consumer and to the system is an important step
forward in ensuring future inancial stability. However, it is important that the balance between protecting
investors and allowing the inancial services industry to be commercially viable is inely struck. While reducing systemic risk we also have to recognise the changes
may bring a systemic reduction in proits and this may in turn result in a fundamental reshaping of the sector.
The reforms still need to allow inancial institutions to meet the diverse trading, investment and capital-raising
needs of an essentially international and wholesale client
base. Regulatory barriers have long been recognised as
the most signiicant impediment to trade and investment between the EU and the USA. In reforming the inancial sector it is, therefore, imperative that we take this
opportunity establish good regulatory practice and not
merely look for local solutions to global problems.
Jonathan Evans is the Member of the UK
Parliament representing Cardiff North since May 2010.
He is Chairman of the All Party Parliamentary Group on
Insurance and Financial Services and the All Party Par-
liamentary Group on Building Societies and Mutuals.
As a Member of the European Parliament (1999-2009)
he was the Conservative Spokesman on Economic and
Monetary Affairs and, between 2007 and 2009, he was
a Member of the Advisory Board to the Transatlantic
Economic Council. Between 1992 and 1997, Jonathan
was the Member of Parliament for Brecon and Radnor
during which time he served as the Corporate Affairs
Minister at the Department of Trade and Industry.
Global Finance
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G20 Agricultural Meeting: A Transformative Moment?By Marco Picardi, Centre for African Development and Security
This week’s irst ever meeting of G20 agricultural ministers in Paris marks the birth of a new era of global
collaboration on food policy. As food prices reached
record highs earlier this year, and rapid urbanisation
continues to change the complexion of global resource
needs, this is an opportune moment for political action
to determine a plan to tackle food insecurity.
The severity of rising prices in the developing world
became clear in 2007-08 when food related riots broke out in three-dozen countries, leading to the violent
ousting of heads of state in Madagascar and Haiti.
This has been underlined by the ongoing Middle East
turmoil, where food prices played a key role in sparking
revolutionary sentiment. It is well documented that a
hike in the cost of bread – coupled with widening so-
cio-economic inequality - was a key driver in Tunisia’s
Jasmine revolution that then spurred regional uprisings
based on similar grievances. These episodes conirm the emergence of food as a security issue.
To mitigate future price volatility, agricultural envoys
are discussing the collection of data on the stockpiles
of major staples including corn, rice and wheat.
The information provided by this Agriculture Market
Information System, would reduce the uncertainty faced
by farmers and markets. This recommendation builds
on an interagency report commissioned by the G20‘to
protect the most vulnerable’, a somewhat incongruous
demand for an organisation that does not include the
voices of the poorest countries in its negotiations. And,
it is precisely this incongruity of a gathering where big
powers discuss their own actions, which adversely
impact poor economies the most that will truly test the
developmental will power of the G20 membership.
Foodstuffs have been squeezed due to pressures on both supply and demand. Yields already stretched
due to climatic change are being further reduced by
the consequences of land overexploitation and unsus-
tainable irrigation practices that are depleting water
tables, and thus causing soil erosion and desertiica-
tion. In recent times, high oil prices have also affected
production costs.
These supply side deiciencies have been matched by higher demand for crops from industry in industrial
countries (for biofuels, subsidised by many G20
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members, and grain intensive livestock feed) and
shifting global demographics (a rising population and
the growing caloriic expectations of growing afluence in emerging economies).
The imbalances between supply and demand have
been compounded by the inancial practices of both governments through quantitative easing and traders
through artiicial the manipulation of markets i.e. betting on foodstuffs in the same way as other soft commodities.
Emblematic of this was the 2010 purchase of 241,000
tons of West African cocoa by a London-based investment fund, which immediately drove global prices
up to a thirty-year high.
This has spawned what Lester Brown, the president of the Earth Policy Institute, has termed a ‘new geopolitics
of food’ whereby the trend of land acquisition to secure
‘parochial interests at the expense of the common good’
is increasing the spectre for conlict.
In bypassing market insecurities and leasing tracts
of productive land, rich net-importers of food are
aiming to feed their own populations into the future.
The increasing incidence of foreign investments of this
kind in countries such as Ethiopia, Mali, Kenya, DRC,
Sudan, and Zimbabwe that suffer their own nourishment
problems have sparked claims of a neo-colonial land
grab. Although many of these deals can equally be
understood as the outcome of dubious governance, it is
questionable whether G20 nations such as South Korea
and Saudi Arabia, protagonists in the pursuit of foreign
agricultural land, can be truly committed to curbing
these practices.
With the inclusion of India and China, countries with development issues of their own, the G20 is an
improvement on the G8, but this week’s conference hardly represents democratic engagement in the
governance of global food. China and India are amongst
the G20 members most vehemently against the proposed
information database, as aside from the practical con-
siderations they are concerned about losing competitive
advantage control over prices.
The region with the highest prevalence of hunger,
sub-Saharan Africa, only has one representative at the
meeting (South Africa). It is here, where income to food
purchase ratios are highest that price volatility hurts
most as higher costs reduce the quantity and quality
of food consumed thereby raising the threat of chronic
malnutrition. In order to implement a truly transformative
security architecture for food, countries of the G20 will
have to overcome self-interest and consider the millions
of poor people in countries not at the negotiation table.
Marco Picardi is a founding director of the
Centre for African Development and Security (www.
cads-cdsa.org) in London. Currently he is leading
on a research project on urbanisation in Bukavu,
Democratic Republic of Congo with the British Institute
in East Africa. He holds an MA in International Studies
and Diplomacy from the School of Oriental and African
Studies, University of London.
Food Security
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The Challenge for Food Security in Developing CountriesBy Kyle Rehn, Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
Photo Credit COLEACP PIP - Aurélien Chauvaud Photo Credit COLEACP PIP - Aurélien Chauvaud
Food is a basic but essential need for every human. Aside from water, nothing demands more attention to our
cultural, social and psychological well-being than food.
Food is the good that keeps us alive. It is by the United Nations deinition, a human right to live life.
Despite this deinition, it is unfortunate that 1 billion people are living with chronic hunger. Even worse, every
day 20,000 people die from hunger-related causes. For future economic policy, this is troubling. Our attention is
needed.
Addressing food insecurity in developing countries
has never been an easy task. Confronting it over the
next 40 years won’t be any easier either. With the world population expected to increase to 9 billion by 2050,
this challenge becomes even that much more dificult; it is estimated that to meet the rising demand, agriculture
production will need to increase by 100 percent for
developing countries.
The comprehensive policies involving food security
include agriculture, health trade, research, education
and energy. Considering its impact in these signiicant categories, alleviating food insecurity will continue
to be a core challenge to communities, cities, states
and nations. Further, since developing countries are vulnerable to the biggest problems associated with
this issue, it is crucial that they must build self-reliant
and sustainable agriculture conditions so that they can
improve their well-being for the future.
To create sustainability and self-reliance, a viable
economic policy option would be to encourage
small-scale farming for developing countries.
Small-scale farming is effective for many reasons. For one, small-scale farming can combat price volatility.
Price volatility occurs when a consumer and producer
are both suspect to prices that rise and fall by large
amounts over a small period of time.
Recently, Russia’s wheat embargo exposed the
dificulty that arises when a country limits its exports and causes price volatility. For those countries that had been increasing their consumer demand for wheat, co-
incidently their dependency for wheat became evident
as their consumers suffered due to the increased price
for wheat. Without diversifying their agriculture, it forced these countries to become dependent on other countries
for there nutrients. Consequently, with a dependency
on imports, they then fell victim to price volatility that
occurred in the wheat market.
Developing countries that rely on only a few agriculture
goods for their imports can be subject to price volatility
as well. The reason that developing countries are at
risk to price volatility is because a primary amount of
their employment and GDP is dependent on agriculture.
If prices were to increase or decrease for a particular
agriculture commodity, then it would drastically affect
the countries that depend on agriculture imports for their
large scales of production.
Another area of price luctuations causing a concern for the developing countries is the universal increased
cost of oil. With oil prices increasing right now, it is also increasing the costs for transportation. Consequent-
ly, importing and exporting cargo ships are also more
expensive. Plus, with this natural resource depleting, oil
prices are going to continue to increase, which means
that over the long run it is going to be that much more
dificult for developing countries to rely on imports and exports for agriculture production.G20
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Food Security
Since oil prices are going to continue to rise,
policies that encourage small-scale farming would allow
agriculture producers in the developing countries to not
have to rely on imports and face the inancial burden of oil price increases. By encouraging small-scale farming, it would also allow developing countries to grow and
diversify in the food areas that are most suspect to
outside price volatility. Essentially small-scale farming is
most effective in this category because it creates oppor-
tunities for farmers to at least produce within their means
so that they can create more stability for themselves
and their communities. Obviously if they can produce
beyond their means then they should, but to ensure
that communities, cities, states and nations avoid food
insecurity then it is important that they reduce their
chances of falling victim to outside price luctuations in the import and export market.
Further, to encourage small scale farming, it is also important that policies are implemented so that farmers
can get the proper fertilizer, seeds, irrigation and farming
equipment that they need. Without these basic essentials to building a good crop, those that are resource poor
are faced with barriers that could alleviate them from
poverty. Of the 1,400 million small-scale farmers that are
in the developing countries, most of them farm in areas
in which the soil is fragile and vulnerable to erosion.
Further, even if small-scale farmers are lucky enough to have fertile soil, often their crop remains threatened
because of lack of access to the necessary pesticides
and fertilizer that would improve their crop yield.
With the necessary farming essentials, small-scale farmers can then increase their eficiency and production of the crops. When small-scale farmers are able to get more out of their land and labor, their families can
eat better, earn more money, and lead healthier lives.
By having a healthier life, they then can become more active and more productive themselves.
With regards to small-scale farming, policies that encourage responsible use of the land are also things
from which we all can beneit. That is why despite the opportunities to improve agriculture productivity and
development, it is also important for environmental
policies to coincide with the policies to alleviate food
insecurities. Increasing land degradation and pollution
at the expense of improving the eficiency and produc-
tivity of agriculture output is not the direction that is in
the best interests of our entire well-being for the future.
Thus, small scale farming policies must be implemented
with the intention of sustaining the people and the
environment for the long term.
Eliminating food insecurity will not happen overnight.
It is and will remain a dificult challenge. Despite this, small-scale farming is an effective solution that will
combat price volatility and remove the dependency of
outside market luctuations. In bigger picture terms, this then creates sustainability and self-reliance in developing
countries. Plus, most importantly for those dealing with
chronic hunger, small-scale farming gives more oppor-
tunities to for people to “live life.”
Kyle Rehn recently graduated from the University of
Utah with a Bachelor’s of Science degree in Economics.
In the spring he will be teaching economics at a high
school in Accra, Ghana. While in Accra, he will also be
preventing malaria with the department for Medical Care
Development.
Photo Credit COLEACP PIP - Christopher Saunders Photo Credit COLEACP PIP - Aurélien Chauvaud
Photo Credit COLEACP PIP - Christopher Saunders
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Malthus is Still With Us, But So is the Solution:Using Science to Solve the Food CrisisBy Robert F. Bennett, Former U.S. Senator and Resident Scholar at the University of Utah’s Hinckley Institute of Politics
Thomas Malthus was an Englishman who became
famous because of his prediction that the world
population was growing so fast that it would soon
outstrip the capacity of the earth to provide enough food
to sustain it. Many of England’s highest oficials believed him and laws were enacted to discourage couples from
having children, particularly among the poor.
In 1798, he wrote in the “Essay on the Principle of Population”: “The power of population is so superior to
the power of the earth to produce subsistence for man
that premature death must in some shape or other visit
the human race. The vices of mankind are active and
able ministers of depopulation. They are the precursors
in the great army of destruction, and often inish the dreadful work themselves. But should they fail in this war of extermination, sickly seasons, epidemics, pestilence
and plague advance in terriic array, and sweep off their thousands and tens of thousands. Should success be
still incomplete, gigantic inevitable famine stalks in the
rear and with one mighty blow levels the population with
the food of the world.”
Two centuries later, none of that has come true. The
world population is more than six times than it was when
Malthus lived, and statistically, the world has more food
per person now than it did then.
Malthus went wrong because he did not igure human ingenuity into his equation. Unlike animals, who
will blindly ruin their own food supply by overgrazing it
unless they are forced to move on by predators, humans
can, and have, devised ways to make arable land ever
more productive. We crossbred new crops that give higher yields, formulated fertilizers that restore barren
soil and devised new ways to get water to places that
never receive rain. Crops yields have multiplied much
faster than population did.
Nonetheless, today’s trends give rise to new
Malthusian prophecies: “We are running out of land on which to produce crops through drought and citiication. We are running out of water through waste and industrial and municipal use. We are still having too many babies. Starvation and food riots are just around the corner.”G20
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There is some truth to what they are saying. I agree
that world agricultural production must rise signiicantly, and soon, if everyone is going to be fed in the coming
decades. However, human beings have not lost their
ability to reason. Those of us who are non-Malthusians
say, “Give us the facts and we can ind a solution.”
Food production requires land. Its availability
and productivity are threatened in three ways:
Changing land use patterns
Land that was fertile agricultural soil now serves
as base material for houses, factories, roads and other
industrial uses, shrinking the amount of arable land
available for growing food.
Climate change
More droughts and changing patterns of rainfall are
making previously fertile areas unproductive even if they
are nowhere near a city.
Pests and diseases
After plants have grown to full maturity, they are
often killed by pests or diseases. In terms of yield, it
is as if the land and water invested in their production
didn’t exist.
How do we change these trends?
No industrial country is going to reverse urbaniza-
tion; the poorer countries see themselves getting richer
by embracing it. As for climate change, even if it is 100
percent the result of human activity, it will not be turned
around in less than decades, if not centuries. Pest
and disease control is by far the area with the greatest
promise of improvement, and the science to exploit this
opportunity is well along.
Just as the Human Genome Project has opened the
door to miraculous health cures in the not too distant
future, research on plant genomics (used to create
genetically modiied organisms, or GMOs) has done the same with respect to plant and disease control.
There are now insect-resistant crops, herbicide-tolerant
crops, viral-resistant crops and drought-tolerant crops,
all of which are perfectly safe to eat. They improve
soil quality, reduce erosion and enhance biodiversity
of beneicial insects. Land and water used to produce them is not wasted, as it is when pests and disease
strike today. There are also health beneits to farmers
and their families as a result of lowered exposure to
harsh chemicals now in use.
Most signiicantly, for modern Malthusians, yield increases through use of GMOs and other modern
farming techniques are as high as 30 percent—more in
some places.
In sum—the food challenge for our growing
world population is enormous, but the science to
solve it exists. Those politicians who call GMOs
“Frankenfood” and ban their use turn their backs to that science to the peril of millions of their constitu-
ents in the decades ahead.
Former Senator Robert F. Bennett (UT) is the
Hinckley Institute of Politics’ Resident Scholar. Mr.
Bennett was elected to the U.S. Senate in 1992, where
he served for 18 years, carrying his businessman-like
approach with him to the Hill. He served as a senior
member of the Senate Banking Committee and a
member of the distinguished Joint Economic Committee,
where he was at the center of national economic policy
discussions. He also served as the ranking Republican
on the Senate Rules Committee. Mr. Bennett is a
graduate of the University of Utah.
Food Security
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What’s in a Name?
Deining Sustainability and Some Consequences of DeinitionsBy Ralph Brown and David Braudt, Brigham Young University
Sustainability as a concept is commonly used to
describe the anticipated, if not hopeful, social, political,
and economic outcomes of development paradigms.
Unfortunately, like so many other ubiquitous and un-
critically examined terms used in the multi-disciplinary
arena of international development, “sustainability” often
takes on a host of meanings depending on the person,
program, agency, or organization and their respective
agendas; evidence for this is found in the writings of
William Easterly, James C. Scott, and Jeffrey D. Sachs among others. At a minimum, and on a general level,
“sustainability” could mean economic sustainability,
political sustainability, organizational sustainability, or
environmental sustainability—commonly referred to as
“sustainable development.” Below are brief deinitions of each of the above mentioned types of sustainabil-
ity followed by a discussion of some potential effects
each type may have on the approaches adopted by
development project administrators.
Economic sustainability, possibly the most readily
conceived form of sustainability to western minds, is
the maintenance, reproduction and/or perpetuation of a given project through the use of market-based
mechanisms and strategies. Political sustainability with
regard to development projects has at least two forms:
1) the maintenance of political power and/or position by politicians through the use of particular projects
or agendas; 2) any personal attachment to, or afinity toward a project(s) by politicians who remain in positions
of suficient power to perpetuate their project(s) of choice. The latter often occurs when a project becomes
associated speciically with a single politician or political party. Organizational sustainability is the attempted
avoidance of organizational mortality of a project—it is
not allowed to “fail.” This can occur through: manipula-
tion of organizational structure, perceived power in in-
terorganizational relationships, authoritative leadership
within a project space and neutral levels of centralization
and internal communication. Environmental sustainabil-
ity, or sustainable development as coined by the United
Nations Commission on Environment and Development
in 1987, is the conservation of natural, produced and human productivity from generation to generation.
Due to individual paradigms and a lack of offered
or requested information in project proposals the exact
type of sustainability sought, idealized or understood
can vary between project administrators, funding
agencies and project recipients. Each type of sustain-
ability described above has varying idiosyncrasies and
while we list a few of the consequences relevant to each
type considered, the following discussion is not meant
as exhaustive or fully deinitive. Furthermore, each type of sustainability may have both positive and negative
attributes for different audiences.
ECONOMIC SUSTAINABILITY
The concept of economic sustainability is
bounded by quantitative reasoning and observation
without overt consideration of subjectivity. The consid-
eration of variables which cannot be reduced to hierar-
chical or value indicators is generally omitted, or given
lesser importance, in project analyses or proposals
which seek sustainability solely on economic grounds.
Additionally any evaluation of noninancial variables by project administrators, funding agencies and recipients
is even more subjective than traditional market operators
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and may not receive the same levels of priority between
project administrators, funding agencies and project
recipients.
POLITICAL SUSTAINABILITY
The above deined bifurcated concept of political sustainability is subject to considerable subjective in-
terpretation in so far as development projects, which
are sustainable through political means, are generally
sustainable due to the motivations and actions of
particular political leaders. These motivations, while in
the ideal democratic society should align with members
of their constituency are not always substantiated by
recipient groups in development circumstances.
ORGANIZATIONAL SUSTAINABILITY
A lack of organizational mortality in the absence of
a Platonic “just” ruler suffers from similar consequenc-
es as politically sustainable. Instead of a politician, the
governing body or individual in control of a project is
capable of dictating the direction of project aims and the
methods employed in achieving those aims. Furthermore organizational longevity is often considered as a primary
objective of organizations without any viable threat of or-
ganizational mortality. When the threat of organizational mortality is removed by iat, organizations tend to lose their innovative edge.
ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY (SUSTAIN-
ABLE DEVELOPMENT)
The use of sustainable development as a form of
sustainability does not suggest as much about the
possible longevity of a given project as much as it
does about the effects of that project. Thus, while the
previously considered forms of sustainability will often
skew the projected aims/goals of development projects sustainable development is an aim/goal apart from any other desired achievement. This suggests that
development projects which proclaim an adherence
to the standards of “sustainable development” will be
most affected by the degree of their adherence to these
standards than by any other objectives. For example, a project which seeks to decrease rates of child morbidity
while desiring to practice sustainable development
will face different constraints when deciding how,
and if, to build new hospitals in areas habituated by
endangered lora and fauna. Furthermore, beyond the individual effects of sustainable development on the
aims and goals of development projects, and due to its
unique deinition, development projects which pursue
sustainable development as a form of sustainability will
be inluenced, in one form or another, by at least one of the other methods of achieving longevity – sustainability
– mentioned above.
Policy makers, practitioners, recipients, and
academics all need to be aware of the multiplicative
meanings associated with “sustainability” as a concept
within development contexts. We have outlined a few deinitional approaches to sustainability and a small number of the consequences which accompany each
case. A better understanding of sustainability in all dei-
nitional aspects of the concept will allow for better public
policy, private initiatives and communication between
those who seek to help the underdeveloped world and
those receiving the offered assistance.
Ralph B. Brown is a Professor of Sociology and Director of the International Development Minor at
Brigham Young University. He is also the Executive Director and Treasurer of the Rural Sociologi-
cal Society. His Ph.D. (1992) is in Rural Sociology
from The University of Missouri-Columbia. His
research has centered on community satisfaction
and attachment in rural communities and on social
change and rural development both in the United
States and Southeast Asia.
David B. Braudt is a Graduate Student of Sociology at Brigham Young University. His principal training in the social sciences is in Economics (2011) from Brigham Young University where he graduated with University
Honors. His current research is on mechanisms of social
change, with particular attention to rural communities in
underdeveloped countries.
Global Development
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Peak Oil and the Threat to Global Economic Expansion
By Dr. Minqi Li, Associate Professor, Department of Economics at the University of Utah, and Hinckley Scholar, Hinckley Institute of Politics
In 2008, the world annual average oil price surged to $97 a barrel. In the following year, the global economy as a whole contracted by 0.6 percent, the irst absolute contraction since the Second World War. The oil price shock was a major factor that contributed to the deepest global economic crisis in the modern time.
Despite substantial improvement in energy eficiency, the global economy remains highly dependent on a steady supply of cheap oil for normal functioning. Oil is an essential input in transporta-tion, agriculture and chemical industries. According to the International Energy Agency, oil accounts for 96 percent of the world energy consumption in the trans-portation sector, 29 percent in the industrial sector and 15 percent in the residential and commercial sector. In addition, oil plays a small but sometimes important role in electricity generation.
Figure 1 shows the historical relationship between world oil spending and world economic growth. His-torically, whenever the world oil spending (the total
market value of the world oil consumption) as a percent of world GDP had risen by about 3 percentage points within a relatively short period of time, it was followed by deep global economic recessions. This happened in 1973-1974, 1978-1979 and 2003-2008.
The current world oil price is not far away from this dangerous territory. The world GDP now stands at about $70 trillion. World oil consumption is near 90 million barrels a day. Given these conditions, if the annual average oil price rises to $150 a barrel, world oil spending will rise to 7 percent of world GDP or 3 percentage points above the 2010 level. World oil price averaged $80 a barrel in 2010 and could average more than $100 a barrel in 2011. At this rate, world average annual oil price could exceed $150 a barrel in two or three years.
In recent years, there has been growing concern that world oil production could peak in the near future, imposing severe limits on global economic expansion. The U.S. oil production peaked in 1970. The total G20
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non-OPEC, non-former Soviet Union oil production
reached an all time high of 35.9 million barrels a day in
2002. By 2010, it has declined to 34.4 million barrels a day. New technologies may help to develop previously
underdeveloped resources, such as tar sands oil, shale
oil and deep water oil. However, these new oil resources
may be associated with higher greenhouse gas emissions
and other environmental costs. Moreover, it takes many
years to plan and develop new oil production capacity.
Thus, the supply capacity that is expected to come on
line in the next few years has been largely determined by
the existing projects.
According to the Wikipedia page on “oil megaproj-ects,” the total additions of new crude oil production
capacity from 2011 to 2015 amounts to 13 million barrels
a day. The world’s existing oil ields are observed to deplete at an annual rate of 4-5 percent. Given that the
world’s current crude oil production is about 75 million
barrels a day, the depletion results in a reduction of
world crude oil production capacity by 3 million barrels
a day a year or 15 million barrels a day over ive years. Assuming that the production of other liquid fuels (such
as natural gas liquids and biofuels) grows by 0.5 million
barrels a day a year, the world oil production capacity
(including crude oil and other liquid fuels) would grow by
only 0.5 million barrels a day from 2010 to 2015. Taking
into account the OPEC surplus capacity of 4 million
barrels a day, world oil production could increase by 4.5
million barrels a day from 2010 to 2015.
From 2000 to 2010, the global economy grew at an average annual rate of 3.5 percent and world oil
consumption grew at an average rate of 1.1 million
barrels a day a year. Thus, the world oil consumption
needs to grow at least by 1 million barrels a day a year
to sustain reasonable global economic growth. At this
rate, by 2015 the world will face an oil shortage of 0.5
million barrels a day.
As the energy demand in the emerging economies
rises rapidly, the world oil consumption growth could
accelerate to 1.5 million barrels a day per year. To meet
the rising energy demand from the emerging economies,
world oil consumption may need to rise by 7.5 million
barrels a day by 2015, implying a huge shortage of 3
million barrels a day. This could lead to a major surge in
the oil price similar to what happened in 2008, plunging the global economy back into recession.
Oil may be substituted by biofuels. But given the current technology, the production of biofuels competes
with food production for land and water resources and
may have contributed to rising food prices, threatening
the living standards of billions of poor people in the
world. Currently, more than one-third of the total
U.S. corn production is committed to the production
of biofuels. It represents 5 percent of the world grain
production but contributes to only 0.6 percent of world
oil consumption.
Some oil uses may be substituted by electricity.
Electric cars, electric buses and electriied railways could replace much of the oil used for personal transportation.
But major infrastructure transformation will be required. Electricity cannot or cannot easily substitute for oil for its
use in trucks, ships, airplanes and chemical industries.
Electricity is a secondary source of energy. Currently
about 70 percent of electricity is generated from
fossil fuels that generate greenhouse gases. Nuclear
electricity has serious safety and security concerns.
Renewable electricity is limited by various economic and
technical factors.
In summary, under business as usual, the world
is confronted with the threat of another major oil price
shock in the next few years, which could plunge the
global economy back into recession. To prevent the
danger from materializing, the world’s governments need
to take urgent actions to increase energy eficiency and develop new energy sources, while taking appropriate
steps to avoid unintended side effects.
Minqi Li received PhD in economics from University
of Massachusetts Amherst in 2002. Since 2006 he
has taught economics at University of Utah. He has
published many articles and given many invited talks
on topics such as peak oil, climate change and global
economic crisis.
Global Development
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A Trade Agenda for the Arab Spring: Global Integration and the Dangers of NeoliberalismBy Athanasios P. Mihalakas, Diplomatic Courier Contributor
As developments unfolded in the Middle East and
North Africa (MENA) during the past 8 months, one thing has become abundantly clear: the political transforma-
tion will not survive without an economic transformation.
As many analyst have pointed out, an overwhelming
motivation of the people who took to the streets with the
‘Arab Spring’ was the dismal economic and employment
condition on the ground; high unemployment among the
young, crony capitalism, ineficient welfare state, and even food shortages.
What has been less adequately reported, is that Tunisia and Egypt (along with Morocco and Jordan) has
experience an intense economic transformation during
the past couple of decades, away from “Arab Socialism”
of the 60’s and 70’s, and towards western style
capitalism in the 80’s and 90’s. Through the guidance and assistance of the IMF and the World Bank, Tunisia and Egypt have pursued neoliberal economic policies
(entrepreneurial freedom, strong property rights, free
markets, and free trade), which have led to great income
inequalities and a concentration of wealth among the
political elite. Walter Armbrust’s article, ‘A revolution against neoliberalism?’, make’s it abundantly clear that
corruption in Tunisia, Egypt, and other MENA nations
now in turmoil, was the result of conlation of politics and business under the pretext of privatization – that the
revolving door between government and business, and
the participation in private business of political leaders,
bureaucratic oficials (technocrats) and even military personnel and their enrichment from such preferential
business deals was less a violation of the system and
more ‘business as usual.’
The combination of authoritarian regimes (to
suppress populist religious movements) and reliance on
oil and gas exports for economic growth has produced
weak and isolated economies conditioned on patronage
and welfare and cut off from the global market. Non-the-
less, the new regimes emerging from the Arab Spring
will have to tackle the many economic problems that are
plaguing the region. How do you promote economic
growth in politically transitioning nations, like the ones
of the Arab Spring? Which economic model (good old-fashion ‘national’ socialism, western neoliberalism,
or some hybrid – see authoritarian capitalism under
China?) should be implemented in pursuit of economic
growth, higher employment, and equal opportunities for
all (a major demand of the people in the streets).
Three levels of economic activity, where trade
plays a role –
Any strategy for instituting political reform in MENA
will have to include a strong consideration for economic
reform, and in particular integrating the region into the
global economy. With the exception of natural resources (and Al Jazeera), most countries in the region have been
net importers – relying heavily on foreign imports to
cover even basic food needs. The Arab world stands
alone and excluded from the beneits of global trade and economic integration. The nations emerging from the
Arab Spring need to reenergize entrepreneurial activities
at the local level, strengthen the regulation of national
market, and facilitating exports through regional trade
integration.
At the local level, commerce always existed,
especially in the Arab world with its strong cultural
afinity for exchange and bargaining. What small and medium size local merchants need to grow and lourish is the freedom from government regulation/intervention, AND the existence of an infrastructure system that only
the government can create and maintain.
In order to jump-start local markets and promote
economic activity at the lowest lever, the central
government will have to transfer the administration and
regulation of local markets to local authorities. This
will allow for the more eficient operation of these local markets, and free the central government to tackle
bigger issues. Therefore, the collection of taxes and
promulgation of licenses and local regulations will have
to be performed at the local level, with respect to these
local markets and small/medium size companies.
On the other hand, the central government should
concentrate its efforts in providing the necessary in-
frastructure (roads and transportation systems, power
grids, telephone, internet), and venues/methods for ad-
judication and dispute resolution (courts and other legal
services) – all very necessary for the proper functioning
of a local economy. It is imperative that small entre-
preneurs have the necessary access to adequate trans-
portation, consistent energy and upgraded for the 21st
century communication systems – something only the
central government can guarantee.
At the national level, according to neoliberal
economy theory, what applies for small companies and
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local markets should also apply nationally. However,
it will be very challenging for a young democracy to
both regulate and control large companies. After all,
corruption at the top and exploitation of the public trust
by the regimes of Tunisia and Egypt was in part what
broke the proverbial camels back and send the people
to the streets. In order for neoliberalism to succeed, it
will have to apply to the large national companies and
the national market as well, subjecting them to the same
free market economics that the middle class had to
leave by during the past 20 years.
Therefore it is imperative that any liberalization
at the national level or any privatization of national
companies be done slowly, methodically and very-very
carefully. Shock therapy like the one used in post-soviet
Eastern Europe, and WB/IMF ‘one size its all’ economic policies which advocate for complete and uncondi-
tional liberalization of the market, will lead to the per-
petuation of cronyism and the further enrichment of
the current elite. For example, the government should scrutinize not only the selling/privatization of large and ineficient government companies, but also operation/management of large companies transitioning from
national monopolies to market economies.
At the international level, there are two trade-re-
lated strategies for growth; irst, regional integration that focuses on movement of workers, goods, and capital;
and second, preferential access to western markets
through inancial assistance from the WB and the IMF.
Free movement of workers is imperative for a region that has a lot of jobs to offer in the oil and gas industry,
but relies heavily on migrant workers from sub-Saharan
Africa and Asia. The region needs a common regulatory
system that allows for preferential working permits of
Arab citizens wishing to move from non-oil producing
countries (like Egypt, Syria, Tunisia, Morocco, Yemen,
Jordan) to oil-producing countries, but does not
extend citizenship rights. Such movement of workers
could alleviate unemployment in some countries, grow
production in others, and foster better understanding
and cooperation among the otherwise culturally and
religiously similar people of the MENA.
Although many analyst hope that the Arab Spring
will usher a new era of peace and democratic values for
the region, Leon Hadar doubts that and argues that the
Middle East should follow the ASEAN model of regional
integration. (see: The Middle East Needs an ASEAN) Mr.
Hadar argues that ASEAN is a mosaic of various political
systems and old and new civilizations in various stages
of economic development, which were brought together
not by a common ideology, religion, or culture, but rather
by their mutual economic and political interests. A
free-trade zone for the MENA region, based on the large
and educated middle class of the region, could provide
many opportunities to local companies for growth.
A role for the West –
On the other hand, the best thing the west can do
for the MENA people right now is help them integrate
into the global market… quickly but sustainably!
Western nations should link democratic development with access to western markets, and promise to deliver
the beneits of preferential trade access to the people G20
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of those nations that embrace democratic values and democratic forms of governance. The promotion and facilitation of a regional trade agreement should be at the forefront of any western economic initiative about the ‘Arab Spring.’ After the revolutions sort themselves out, the U.S. and the EU must incentivize the growth of existing regional trade agreements, or the creation of new ones.
In particular, President Obama announced in his recent Mideast speech, that “it’s important to focus
on trade, not just aid; on investment, not just
assistance.” President Obama outlined the U.S. goal of promoting a development model based on economic openness and competition, trade and integration to global markets, and inancial stability that enables more employment opportunities for young people. Of all the ideas proposed by President Obama the most ambitious (and least deined) was the one about launching a comprehensive Trade and Investment Partnership Initiative in the Middle East and North Africa.” President Obama promised to “work with the EU to facilitate
more trade within the region, build on existing
agreements to promote integration with U.S. and
European markets, and open the door for those
countries who adopt high standards of reform and
trade liberalization to construct a regional trade
arrangement.”
The question of how can the Bretton Woods insti-tutions (WTO, IMF, WB) help the ‘Arab Spring’ is hard to answer, considering that it was WB and IMF policies in the irst place that led to imbalanced liberalization of the Tunisian and Egyptian economies, and the inevitable crony capitalism that has followed the application of neo-liberalism in the Middle East and throughout the world. Debt forgiveness or renegotiation of past debts by the post ‘Arab Spring’ governments should be at the heart of any IMF/WB strategy to help the region. The people who suffered so much under the rule of corrupt and incompetent dictators should not have to be burdened (at least not right now) with the debts and obligations of the past.
On the other hand, during their most recent summit (this past May), G-8 countries pledged $20 billion of their own money to go along with $20 billion offered by the IMF and the WB, to support development efforts in Tunisia and Egypt. However, it is unclear whether that represents new money, or the re-branding of existing aid commitments. Aid for economic development is always good, but what the Arab Spring does not needs right is yet another ‘government hand-out.’ The people need to feel empowered, both politically and economically – they need to grow sustainable economies, not ones depended on foreign aid or oil exports.
At the G-8 Summit of Deauville, the EU, the U.S., Japan, Russia and Canada, all pledged to take unilateral action to bolster further trade and investment integration within the region, through trade facilitation, reduction of tariff and non-tariff barriers, the promotion of direct investments and regulatory convergence, and improved mutual market access opportunities to encourage integration into the global economy, for Arab countries undertaking reforms to open their economies and create competitive conditions. Now they have to deliver on their promises. It is unfortunate that the current G-20 agenda for the November summit does not include anything speciic on the Arab Spring.
Authoritarian Capitalism, China Style –
Finally, one model that could work for the transition-ing economies of MENA is China. Although politically authoritarian, during the past 30 years China has pursued an economic policy of liberalization at the local level with centralized control and supervision of strategic industries at the national level. Government control and direction of most of the biggest companies has led to cronyism, the enrichment of the political elite, and income inequalities. On the other hand, small and medium size companies have been allowed to operate and thrive at the local level, lifting millions of people from poverty and creating a sizable middle class. They were able to do that even under heavy capital control regulations by the central government, and the lack of access to inancing and the major banks. (See: Entrepreneurship in China.)
Granted, China is a large country with many oppor-tunities… but China was as economically depressed and underdeveloped as many on the MENA countries are today. What China had was a culture of opportunity (in Chinese, crisis and opportunity translate the same) and a belief that anyone could become successful! These are assets that the people behind the ‘Arab Spring’ also posses.
Let a million ‘Arab’ lowers bloom – through trade and commerce!
Nasos Mihalakas is currently an associate
professor with the University of New York at Tirana,
teaching International and Commercial Law. During the
past 9 years he has also worked for both a Congres-
sional Commission advising Congress on the impact
of trade with China on the U.S. economy, and for the
U.S. Department of Commerce investigating unfair
trade practices and foreign market access restrictions.
Contact: [email protected]
Global Trade
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The World’s Most Important Resource:The Employee Contributions to Global Economic RecoveryBy Angelea Panos, Ph.D, Patrick Panos, Ph.D, Christina Steele Hanselman, MS, MBA,
and Sterling Panos, MS, Hinckley Scholars, Hinckley Institute of Politics
Many employees experience a lack of a sense of
safety, security and loyalty in today’s workplace. The
effects of the global economic recession have led corpo-
rations to respond with layoffs, salary freezes, and cuts
in pay, beneits and pensions. In turn, these efforts to protect their proitability have changed how employees feel about their relationship with their employer.
Lowered productivity, increased turnover and decreased
morale are natural responses to these immediate “cost
saving” strategies. After layoffs, the surviving employees
are often burdened with overwhelming workloads
and forced overtime (for salaried employees) without
additional pay or compensation. A cycle of declining
productivity, turnover and poor morale is created (see
igure 1). While some employees hold to their jobs due to fear, a lack of hope and optimism in their future with
the company decreases their loyalty. Furthermore, fear has a damaging effect on all levels of the organization
from top leadership to the front line employees.
Anxiety, insecurity and fear are having a deleterious
impact on the employees’ abilities to perform
effectively. First, decision making at the front-line levels is stalled or stiled by fear. One survey by Braun Research, conducted in 2009, showed that 25 percent of employees of U.S. companies believe that
fear is delaying critical day-to-day business decisions.
Intelligent risk-taking and apt decision-making behaviors
by workers are stunted when employees fear job loss.
Second, employees stop giving critical information and
feedback to those in leadership positions that would
be needed to pose organizations for economic revital-
ization. “Managers need to help employees cope with
workplace anxiety,” said David Rockland, Ph.D., partner
and managing director of Ketchum Global Research
Network and Stromberg Consulting. “Fear of job loss can drive increased short-term productivity, but it is not
sustainable for an organization in the long run.”
Additionally, a decline in customer service occurs
when employees’ have lowered security and morale.
Fearful employees are less enthusiastic about servicing customers and are unwilling to recommend their
company’s products and services.
The above mentioned study by Braun Research also showed:
• Only one-third of anxious employees would recommend their companies to others as an enjoyable
place to work. This compares to those with little to
no fear, of which almost half would recommend their
companies to job seekers.
• Corporate reputations are being damaged, as employees who strongly fear that they might lose their
jobs are more likely to have (and share) negative views
about their company’s future.
• Fear impacts everyone regardless of geography, gender, age, or income level. When it comes to employee fears, U.K. and U.S. workers are very similar. Thus,
drops in employee morale have been shown to rapidly
spread through an organization beyond those who are
directly impacted by restructuring.
Unfortunately, fear seems to beget more fear.
Cutting or eliminating training budgets are often one
of the irst moves that employers make to scale down G20
Summit 2011
60
expenses during economic hard times. Yet, for the most
loyal and dedicated employees, training is one of the
most powerful interventions against burnout and low
morale. An opportunity for further training is translated
into “the company cares about my success” by an
engaged employee.
What Employers Can Do
Even during times of layoffs, it is critical for employers
to recognize employees as an important resource.
Employers should develop a comprehensive program
to address and reduce the fears of employees. Com-
munication from top leaders to front line employees is
important. However, honesty and credibility in the com-
munication is imperative, otherwise the employees will
reject the messages and their anxiety will only increase.
Address rumors and catastrophic thinking that will likely
be fueling fears. Additionally, take the opportunity to
demonstrate appreciation and reward employees for
their sustained efforts, loyalty, and seniority.
When bad news or cutbacks are announced, it is key that top management share a major portion of the
pain. They must take action to show “we are all in this
together.” Top management needs to consider giving
up bonuses or taking salary reductions themselves.
Consider which beneits will assist the staff in their resiliency and recovery. Beneits such as training, employee assistance programs (EAP) and lexible schedules can improve morale and reduce fear. Involve
employees who are informal “morale boosters” and have
the trust of their peers. These “informal” morale builders
can be a great source of support for their peers. They
should be recruited from within all levels of the organiza-
tion to assist in dispelling fear and to provide feedback
to leadership on the needs of the employees.
Look for ways to even out and improve job loads after
downsizing. Assist employees looking for new oppor-
tunities within the organization. Most employees gladly
learn a new responsibility if it could lead to promotion or
improved job security.
Finally, employees are a resource that should not be ignored by companies. A climate of fear is not conducive
to company revitalization efforts. Being aware of the emotional realm of employees and responding to their
needs can create an atmosphere of caring and safety.
In turn, employees at all levels will be engaged in doing
their part to assist the growth and recovery efforts.
Dr. Angelea Panos is psychologist and adjunct
professor at Argosy University. Patrick Panos is a psy-
chologist and associate professor at University of Utah.
Christina Steele Hanselman is a retired Air Force Captain
and currently works in management for NORAD. Sterling
Panos is a IT business owner in Silicon Valley.
Global Economy
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An agenda for More Accountable and Ethical Free MarketsBy Alexandre Muns
The plunge in stockmarkets in August prompted
comparisons to the dark days in late September of 2008, when government intervention after Lehman Brothers’s bankruptcy and the imminent collapse of several inancial institutions staved off inancial meltdown. The painfully slow negotiation over the second bail-out of Greece, the
dangerous months-long deadlock and last-minute deal
to raise the U.S.’s debt ceiling and weak data pointing
to continued anemic growth in the U.S. triggered the
biggest one-day drop (August 4th) on Wall Street since 2008. Slow growth and weak job creation is the best that can be expected for the rest of 2011 in the U.S. and
many developed countries – with notable exceptions
such as Australia, Germany, Canada and Sweden.
Governments and central banks in the U.S. and
Europe have run out of monetary and iscal ammunition
to jump-start their economies. The European Central
Bank, riven by internal disagreements, can do little beyond renewing its program to buy bonds of peripheral
euro-zone economies and providing liquidity to the most
troubled banks. The new powers given to the European
Financial Stability Facility cannot be employed until several EU member states’ parliaments ratify them. After
the lacklustre results achieved by the stimulus program
and two rounds of quantitative easing, there is little the
Obama administration can do heading into the 2012
presidential campaign to spur growth and job creation
beyond extending the payroll-tax cut and enacting other
business-friendly tax deductions.
The uncertainty and volatility will continue in the
coming months. The best governments in developed
countries can do is to create an environment conducive
G20
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to private-sector job creation while continuing to
implement structural reforms and adjusting their
entitlement programs to their demographic reality.
At the same time, and after the unprecedented
downgrade by S & P of the U.S. government’s AAA
credit rating, the G-8 and G-20 need to act on their agenda to curb and even prohibit the inancial sector’s most speculative instruments and products. The SEC
rightly banned abusive naked short-selling in 2008. Moreover, it restricted short selling in the shares of 19
systemically-important inancial irms. President Obama and Congress worked together to pass inancial sector reform. Among other provisions, it sets up a commission
that can limit investors’ contracts in raw materials
futures. Germany took similar steps to forbid naked
short-selling of its most important inancial institutions and sovereign debt. France’s agenda for its presidency of the G-8 and G-20 calls for restrictions in the size of derivatives contracts, measures to diminish commodity
and food price volatility and additional steps to crack
down on fraudulent tax havens.
Credit-rating agencies, hedge funds, private-equity
irms and practices such as short selling and derivatives should continue to play a constructive role in disciplin-
ing governments and markets. But they can only do so if their analysis and behavior is based on sound and
credible data and they are also held accountable.
After the credit-rating agencies’s undisputed
neglicence and errors in awarding AAA ratings to mort-
gage-backed securities with subprime and toxic assets
during the housing bubble, they have been too eager
to downgrade peripheral euro-zone countries’ sover-
eign-debt ratings, often doing so only days after newly-
elected governments or bail-out programs were able to
prove themselves. Despite its unsustainable debt burden
and incomplete program to liberalize and reform its
economy, it is dificult to share the credit-rating agencies’ assessment that Greece’s ability to pay its creditors is the
worst in the world, behind that of developing countries
embroiled in civil wars. Credit-rating agencies need to
factor political and governance issues (in addition to
macroeconomic and inancial ones) into the equations they employ to determine a country’s rating. At the very
least, they must be consistent. If they traditionally have
focused only on inancial and economic factors, S & P’s questionable downgrade of the U.S’s AAA credit rating
is lawed, not only because of its $2 trillion error, but also because it explicitly referred to the weakening predict-
ability in U.S. policymaking to justify its move. The G-8 and G-20 need to foster more competition in the credit-
rating sector and make the existing big three agencies
more accountable.
The G-20 needs to approve the agreements reached
by the Group of Governors and Heads of Supervision.
They call for additional loss absorbency requirements to
be met with progressive common equity tier 1 capital re-
quirements ranging from 1% to 2.5%. They also impose
an additional 1% surcharge if a bank becomes signii-
cantly bigger. These requirements supplement the new
7% minimum core capital all banks will have to hold
under new Basel III rules which will be phased in over six years from 2013.
More transparent and less speculative free markets
can restore the public’s conidence in our public institu-
tions. Free markets that function in a more accountable and ethical way can enhance traditional advanced
countries’ ability to compete with democratic and
non-democratic emerging countries from a position
of economic and moral strength. If we uphold higher
standards of transparency and accountability in our
own markets, we will have more leverage to demand
that emerging countries follow environmental and
labor standards and crack down on corruption in their
investments worldwide.
The inancial crisis and great recession have already taken a devastating toll on the populations of both
emerging and developing countries and developed
ones. It is time they work together to ensure markets
work for people and not the other way around.
Alexandre Muns Rubiol
Professor of European Integration and International
Economic Institutions
Escola Superior de Comerç Internacional, Pompeu
Fabra University
Global Economy
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Summit 2011
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Putting Jobs First for Recovery
By James Howard, Director of Economic and Social Policy, International Trade Union Confederation
More than three years since the Great Recession
began, the world economy is still not out of the woods.
Financial instability continues to roil markets. Sovereign debt markets in much of Europe as well as global equity
markets are volatile, and depend on continued support
from central banks. Elevated energy and food prices
push up inlation in some developing countries and strain the purchasing power of households in some developed
countries. Most worrying, however, is the weakening
recovery in both the U.S. and Europe.
Growth in the U.S. has resumed at times, but
was rarely strong and is now slowing. However, the
employment rate—the share of the working age
population that has a job—remains depressed. In
Europe, the largest economies (especially Germany)
rebounded relatively quickly, but sovereign debt crises of
several other European countries keep the continent in
its grips. The average EU unemployment rate—at about
9.5 percent, depending on which aggregation one looks
at—masks wide disparities. The southern countries,
Ireland, and Latvia and Lithuania all show double digit
unemployment rates.
A protracted period of weak employment and
income growth endangers careers and livelihoods for a
whole generation. Unemployment erodes conidence, leads to loss of acquired skills, and imperils cohesion of
communities and families.
How did we get to this point? The proximate cause
of the Great Recession was the bursting of a global
inancial bubble. The ultimate causes of that bubble can be seen in two salient trends—(1) deregulation of inance within and between countries, accompanied by an ex-
acerbation of income inequalities, and (2) shortcomings
of the architecture of the global inancial system. Much has been said about inancial deregulation.
In the U.S., investment and commercial banks were
allowed to merge, and the latter began to “play roulette
with the family’s savings.” In Europe, introduction of the
Euro was accompanied by signiicant deregulation, and European inancial centers competed with each other and New York to attract business. This regulatory race
to the bottom came at the expense of proper supervision
of markets by public authorities. Globally, controls on
capital lows were reduced. New, largely unregulated derivative markets exploded in size as securitization of
debt became widespread.
Additionally, the evolving global inancial archi-tecture led developing countries to self-insure against
capital light. Crises in the late 1990s had shown that private capital could evaporate quickly. If, on the other
hand, monetary authorities had accumulated oficial
reserves, a country could withstand a storm. A trade
surplus aids accumulation of reserves, which in turn is
easier to achieve with an undervalued exchange rate.
The resulting growth of manufacturing exports and
employment were certainly welcome to the developing
countries concerned, too. The de-facto world reserve
currency is the U.S. dollar. Hence, Asian manufacturing
power houses (and Middle Eastern energy exporters)
recycled their export earnings through Wall Street, to acquire reserve assets.
As a result, longer term interest rates remained
suppressed, and global inance was awash in funds. These factors fed a lending frenzy. In the U.S., labour
market policies kept average wages down, so that
households took on too much debt, as did corporations.
In the Southern and Eastern parts of Europe, it was
possible to borrow at core country interest rates; and
the private sector, as well as some governments took
on too much debt. The global bubble is therefore best
characterized as a private sector debt bubble. When it burst, the global economy went into a tailspin. As
panic spread, credit became expensive or unavailable
for many businesses and consumers. As equity and real
estate prices fell, everybody from banks to businesses
to households realized that what they own and earn is
insuficient to service their debt, further feeding panic. The rest is history.
What can be done to address the root causes of the crisis? First and foremost, the inancial sector must be re-regulated and brought effectively under supervision
of public authorities. Financial corporations that have become “too big to fail” need to be downsized.
Financial “prudential rules” that apply to banks, insurers, investment funds and pension funds need to promote
long-term investments in the real economy. Speculative
behaviour must be penalized, including through imple-
mentation of a Financial Transactions Tax that would also provide resources for sorely needed development,
climate and social expenditures. Consumers must be
protected against predatory credit lending practices.
Second, the architecture of the global inancial system must be reformed. Diversiication of reserves is a step in the right direction, and reduction of the need for
self-insurance is another. To achieve the former, leading
countries should foster the use of the IMF’s Special Drawing Rights (SDRs), an international money based
on major currencies. To achieve the latter, international
inancial institutions need to be reformed. Developing countries’ IMF quotas need to increase at a faster pace, and harmful conditions of emergency assistance
need to be eliminated so as to achieve recovery on a
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pro-growth, pro-employment basis. Third, the EU needs
to address shortcomings of its own internal inancial structure, including through an effective, cross-border
architecture of inancial supervision.
Pursuit of these reforms, while necessary, will not
immediately strengthen the economy. What can be done to boost recovery now? Despite the misplaced
focus in both U.S. and Europe on austerity, renewed
public investment would be most effective. The collapse
in stock market prices in August 2011 delivered a
wake-up call that should make that politically feasible
once again. The G20 must put employment creation at
the heart of its agenda, adopting employment targets
in its Mutual Assessment Process that would be
monitored by the ILO and a new G20 Working Group on Employment and Social Protection. Policy makers
should make a commitment to a youth employment
pact to be developed through national social dialogues,
should target Green Jobs with associated investments
and should implement a Social Protection Floor backed by the IMF. Furthermore, high growth export-dependent countries need to support domestic demand, including
through improving social safety nets and promoting
collective bargaining and higher wages. Such steps
would foster recovery now, and help to put the world
economy on a sounder footing.
James Howard ([email protected]) is
Director of the Economic and Social Policy Department
at the International Trade Union Confederation (ITUC),
the world trade union organisation with a membership
of 175 million workers in 151 countries. He received his
Economics degree in the School of European Studies at
the University of Sussex in 1986. His work at the ITUC
covers a range of issues associated with globalisation,
such as global economic cooperation to respond to the
world economic crisis; international trade and the World
Trade Organisation (WTO) including its impact on the
observance of international labour standards; policies to
favour sustainable economic development and decent
work; analysis of the international inancial institutions (IFIs), particularly the social dimensions of structural
adjustment; and general world economic developments.
Rudiger von Arnim (rudiger.vonarnim@economics.
utah.edu) is Assistant Professor at the University of Utah
in Salt Lake City, UT, USA. He received the doctoral
degree in Economics from the New School for Social
Research in New York, NY, in 2008. His research
focuses on international macroeconomics, trade and
development, particularly the application of computer
simulated models for policy analysis. Von Arnim has
consulted the ILO’s International Institute of Labour
Studies (IILS), Oxfam, UK, and the Inter-governmental
group of Twenty Four (G24), among others.
G20
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G20 YES summit
By Grégoire Sentilhes, President of the G20 YES 2011, President of NextStage
Our over-indebted world and its inancial institu-
tions are in crisis. Stock markets are volatile to say
the least, prone to unstable movements as rarely seen
before. Our economic and political systems appear
to be disembodied, disconnected from reality. Have
our politicians, focused on short-term emergency
resolutions, become out of touch?
All this is creating anxiety and pessimism on an un-
precedented scale, when we need hope. That is particu-
larly apt for young generations. Witness the Arab Spring, the Indignados in Spain, or demonstrations in Israel.
Protestors demand a future in which they can believe
and true, shared growth in a society in which they feel
included, both socially and economically. But economic recovery will only happen thanks to long-term vision.
The start of the 21st Century has been paradoxical.
Our times, streaked by crisis, are also characterized by
major developments: an increase of life expectancy, a
power switch from the Western world towards emerging countries, the pervasive role of the Internet, an inevitable
change of energy models and strategies. Yet it is rather
striking that the entrepreneur, one of the major players
and drivers of the ‘real economy’, is virtually absent from
all the proposals and plans to address the current crisis.
The capitalist system seems to have lost the lead
to generate growth and innovation, embarked on a
pendulum swing between inancing cash-strapped governments with an ever-expanding social burden and
multinational groups focused on their development,
shrinking from their social responsibilities.
As Harvard Professor, Daniel Isenberg states in
his famous article: “How to start an entrepreneur-
ial revolution” (Harvard Business Review, June 2010), the quality and performance of the entrepreneur-
ial ecosystem is the nations’ backbone and a critical
long-term resource to create jobs, income growth and
to promote values.
Taking France as an example, where the 2011 G20 YES summit is taking place, entrepreneurs’ economic
and social importance speaks for itself. In the last 15
years, SMEs have created 1.8m jobs there, 950,000 of which were created by 5 % of those enterprises that
are developing the fastest. Local by nature, SMEs
and entrepreneurs, many of which operate interna-
tionally, contribute to a well-balanced globalization. To
understand Germany, India and China’s growth dynamics
over the last 10 years, it is worth remembering that their
economies have been spurred on by a tremendous en-
trepreneurial spirit. Only a capitalism of entrepreneurs
based on “small-scale” action and initiative can tackle
global challenges that the world is facing.
But to enable entrepreneurs to create jobs, to innovate and invest, to grow their activity in the best
possible conditions, it is essential to build a holistic en-
trepreneurial ecosystem with the support of appropriate
policies, both on national and international levels.
Reducing countries’ deicits and setting up appropriate global governance will not sufice to pay off our debts if we do not give entrepreneurs the means to
imagine new growth strategies, to invent new markets
and to develop their activity.
The crisis is on three fronts –– inancial, economic and social. Global leaders cannot afford to consider this
issue from a theoretical standpoint anymore. This is a
matter of paramount urgency that requires both strong
political will and a plan giving entrepreneurs access to
innovation and investment, with measures that can be
implemented at the soonest.
It is precisely to address this issue that the 3rd
edition of the G20 Young Entrepreneur Summit (G20
YES) has been set up. Taking place in Nice in the South
of France (October 31st - November 2nd), the G20 YES 2011 will bring together 400 emblematic entrepreneurs
of the world’s leading 20 economies. They have been
tasked to deliver a series of proposals offering solutions
to the crisis, developed on an international scope with
the active support of Ernst & Young and of McKinsey
and Company.
These proposals are based on a collective analysis
of the best entrepreneurial practices in G20 nations,
whose eficiency has been proven. Their aim is to enable the growth of a sustainable entrepreneurial ecosystem,
both in developed and developing countries, as the
cornerstone of global economic dynamism, competi-
tiveness and prosperity.
The proposals will then be handed over oficially to G20 country leaders in Cannes at their own summit a
few days later.
The G20 YES intends to be realistic as well as
practical, eficient, innovative and independent. In that, it relects accurately the spirit of the entrepreneurs it involves. The ambition of the G20 YES is that we do not
refer to the irst three decades of the 21st Century as “the Dreadful Thirties”, but as “the Fertile Thirties”.
Grégoire Sentilhes
President of the G20 YES 2011, president of
NextStage
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Summit 2011
72
Drug-Resistant Tuberculosis
A Global Emergency
Requires an Innovative
Response TB: A Global Overview
Tuberculosis (TB), often thought of as a disease of the past, continues to plague the world’s most vulnerable people. The World Health Organiza-tion (WHO) estimates there were 9.4 million new cases of TB globally in 2009; in the same year, 1.7 million people died of TB – equal to about 4,700 deaths each day.
The WHO estimates that of all new TB cases in 2009, about 3.3 percent of these were the drug-re-sistant form of TB, called multidrug-resistant tuberculosis, or MDR-TB. These indings by the WHO mark the highest rates ever of MDR-TB. In some settings in the former Soviet Union, these rates peaked at about 28% of new TB cases.
These dire statistics are even more dismal considering that TB and MDR-TB are treatable and curable. The real problem lies in the fact that TB – in all its forms – is a complex disease, one which is not only a medical problem; it is also a social and economic problem.
A Multi-Pronged Approach to
MDR-TB
The Lilly MDR-TB Partnership is a public-private initiative that encompasses global health and relief organizations, academic insti-tutions and private companies, and is led by Eli Lilly and Company. Its mission is to address the expanding crisis of MDR-TB. Created in 2003 to address the growing challenge of MDR-TB, the Partnership has adopted a 360-degree approach, and mobilizes over 25 global healthcare partners on ive continents to share resources and knowledge to confront TB and MDR-TB.
To drive the Partnership, Lilly is contributing US$ 120 million in cash, medicines, advocacy tools and technology to focus global resources on prevention, diagnosis
and treatment of patients with MDR-TB; and an additional US$ 15 million to the Lilly TB Drug Discovery Initiative to accelerate the discovery of new drugs to treat TB.
Empowering Local Communities
In order to prevent the spread of the disease and effectively care for those infected, the Lilly MDR-TB Partnership has implemented com-munity-level programmes to raise awareness about MDR-TB, increase access to treatment, ensure correct completion of treatment and empower patients by eliminating the stigma of the disease in communities and workplaces.
The Partnership also trains healthcare workers to recognize, treat, monitor and prevent the further spread of MDR-TB. These training materials and courses have been designed to ensure that the knowledge learned is passed on to peers, furthering the quality of patient care.
A Global Approach for Global
Results
While community and country-based activities empower local populations to ight MDR-TB, global change requires a global view. With this in mind, the Partnership works with policymakers to raise awareness about the toll that TB takes on the global population and encourages new initiatives that curb the spread of MDR-TB. Additionally, the Partnership promotes adherence to the World Health Organization’s standards on TB treatment and supports national TB programs that have been developed using these standards.
Sustainable Access
to Medicines
One of Lilly’s many goals is to increase the supply of high-quality, affordable medicines to the people who need them most. To do this, Lilly has partnered with manufacturers in countries hardest hit by MDR-TB, providing both
knowledge and inancial assistance to create sustainable, local sources for MDR-TB drugs. These locally produced drugs enable access to medicines at affordable prices for MDR-TB patients, while supporting local economies and ensuring high-quality manufacturing.
New Drug Discovery Initiative
While access to medicine and care help patients signiicantly, MDR-TB treatment remains a long, isolated process. To encourage patients to complete treatment and avoid even more drug-resis-tant strains of TB, research and development are necessary to discover faster-acting medicines. To address this need, Lilly has created the Lilly TB Drug Discovery Initiative, which is a not-for-proit public-pri-vate partnership that will draw on the global resources of its partners, including medicinal libraries donated by Lilly, to pioneer research.
A Public-Private Partnership for
Those in Need
Lilly and its Partners work together closely, sharing knowledge, expertise and research in the quest to contain and conquer MDR-TB, a disease that disproportionately affects impoverished populations. The initiatives of the Lilly MDR-TB Partnership all have one thing in common: improved care for some of the world’s most vulnerable people, delivered in a manner that is sustainable and builds capacity within the communities where it is needed most.
www.lillymdr-tb.comEmail: [email protected]
Phone: +41 22 306 0333
Advertisement
The Global Challenge of Human Security
By Dr. Cornelio Sommaruga, Diplomatic Courier Contributor
After the irst decade of the Twenty-First Century, we have come to recognize that the world has become
a dangerous place, with terrorism and bloody local
conlicts. Humanitarian efforts and human rights laws are largely ignored and systematically violated.
Social inequality, inside states and among states, has
increased dramatically, and poverty in the poorest
areas is deepening. Consequent increasing competition
for scarce resources contributes to unstable political
structures and favours eruption of conlicts. Fluctua-
tions in world commodity prices can trigger dangerous
destitution and civil strife. Indeed many of the apparently
senseless violent conlicts and acts of terrorism in the world become markedly more transparent when such
roots are explored.
Aid budgets have regrettably shrunk. Even advances
in debt relief have sometimes been at the expense of aid
budgets, and, as a result, resources were not necessarily
freed and banks were given more advantages than the
world’s poor. One has to underline again and again how
much issues such as conlict, disease, abuse of power, violation of human dignity, illiteracy and malnutrition are
bound up with abject poverty, a stat in which hundreds
of millions of human beings live.
In such a state of the world, where there is no hu-
manitarian space, it is not astonishing that there are
many factors of human insecurity that create a climate
of fear and hate. First of all, there is human insecurity generated by neo-liberal globalization. Despite the
many positive aspects of globalization that has certainly
beneited people in developing countries, inancial mis-
management and market fundamentalism have created
a large exclusion of people from the global mega-com-
petition. Many human beings are often caught between
criminal organizations and states; this is particularly the
case for migrant workers and environmentally displaced
persons. The label “illegal” is easily applied to them,
because of the lacking international legal basis for
a coherent global approach to these serious human
problems.
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There is a growing insecurity of indigenous
peoples, be it in Latin or North America, in Australia, in
Eastern Republics of the Russian Federation, in other independent republics of the former Soviet Union, and in
several other regions. These people are not only subject
to all sorts of discriminations, but they are also affected
by government agricultural policies pushing poor
peasants out of business to become itinerant agricul-
tural labourers. Their very existence as distinct societies
and cultures is often endangered.
There is also human insecurity generated by militari-
zation, the growing impact of the military – and increas-
ingly of the police – on the political economic power
relations and on everyday life of the most non lucrative
sectors of society. The globalization of military industrial
technology relates people’s security to an increasingly
powerful source of threat. Militarization triggers inter-
ventions in the name of “humanitarian aid”: this creates
more insecurity!
It is also obvious that climate change, with a number
of evident phenomena, is particularly feared and creating
severe insecurity.
A clear reference has to be made to gender
insecurity. Violence against women and children creates
a high human insecurity for families and individuals.
The expansion of the global sex industry, accompanied
by traficking of women and children into industrial-ized countries from developing and Eastern countries
constitutes violence against women and a double dis-
crimination, both gender-based and racial. Despite
a number of measures and declarations progress is
extremely limited. This remains a preoccupying cause
of insecurity in the world.
We have had nine years and more after 9/11 to recognise that the war in Afghanistan and the ensuing
violation of human rights around the world (not excluding
countries in other times committed to human rights, the
aftermath of the war on Iraq, the persistent Israeli-Arab
conlict with severe violations of international humanitar-ian law as well as the repeated corporate management
inancial scandals) are creating also in Western countries great insecurity. The clear statement of Common Article
3 of the Geneva Conventions, which sets precise limits
to all sort of violence in a mode which is clearly more
evident than the Bible, is ignored.
We could go on mentioning other causes of insecurity, but at this juncture one could simply state
this: when a hegemonic global system centralizes
power, wealth and knowledge in the hands of a minority,
when there are few avenues of action to ensure at least
a certain degree of accountability on the part of major
powers, there is a widespread feeling of marginalization
that can sometimes lead to disastrous consequences.
The invention of the Group of 20 has not improved the
sense of marginalization.
All these factors, including the cultural insecurity often
called “islamophobia”, bring individuals to desperation.
From there, the step to violence and terrorism is easy to be made.
A Change in Focus
During the Cold War period, the notion of security was indeed in generally understood terms of the security
of the State, the preservation of its territorial integrity,
and sovereignty against military attacks.
The UNDP Human Development Report of 1993 for
the irst time indicated in an oficial document that the individual must be placed at the centre of internation-
al affairs. The report expressly says that “the concept
of security must change – from an exclusive stress on
national security to a much greater stress on people’s
security; from security through armaments to security
through human development; from territorial security to
food, employment and environmental security”.
Even the G8 Foreign Ministers in a statement on Human Security issued in Cologne on June 10, 1999
said: “The G8 is determined to ight the underlying causes of the multiple threats to human security, and is
committed to creating an environment where the basic
rights, the safety and the very survival of individuals are
guaranteed…. We regarded the spread of small arms, the danger posed by landmines, international terrorism
and transnational crime, drugs and infectious diseases,
poverty, economic distress and oppression to be among
the most serious threats to mankind. …”
Recognizable here are elements of the root causes of
violence and terrorism: such as the systematic violation
of human rights and the denigration of human values,
poverty, hunger, thirst, inequalities, injustice; as well as
symptoms, such as arms proliferation and small arms
transfers, including landmines, corruption, organized
crime. All these elements must be addressed energeti-
cally and urgently for an effective answer to terrorism.
Ultimately human security emphasizes that the
security agenda and the development agenda are
merely different sides of the same coin.
Human Security
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As stated in the 2001 report “The Responsibility to
Protect” by the International Commission on Interven-
tion and State Sovereignty, there is a responsibility to
prevent. The failure of prevention can have wide inter-
national consequences and costs. Conlict prevention – and this is also valid for terrorism – is not merely a national
or local affair. In our Report, the Commission stated
that “there remains a gap between rhetoric and inancial and political support for prevention… Encouraging more
serious and sustained efforts to address the root cause
of the problems that put populations at risk, as well
as more effective use of direct prevention measures,”
remains crucial.
Prevention of violence is promotion of human
security. There is a need to constantly emphasize
human values and the ethical dimension of economic,
social and political life. Political systems indeed give
moral instructions through legislation; a nation’s law
relects its underlying moral norms, as a nation’s civics relects its constitutional mores.
Quoting again the report on The Responsibility to
Protect, I should like to refer to the concluding section,
which says “If we believe that all human beings are
equally entitled to be protected from acts that shock the
conscience of us all, then we must match rhetoric with
reality, principle with practice. We cannot be content with reports and declarations. We must be prepared to act.”
An Unprecedented Chance to Remake the World
Let us repeat: the world is heading for growing
suffering and eventual catastrophe as the climate irre-
versibly changes, agriculture is disrupted, hunger and
division intensify, arms spending escalate and nuclear
weapons proliferate. The world’s political establish-
ment – in full contradiction with humanitarian politics -
seems unable to grasp both the urgency of the threat,
and the potential of the opportunity, brought about by
movements of conscience and concern.
Our generation has an unprecedented chance
to remake the world in a real form of humanitar-
ian engagement. Matters needed to be addressed
urgently are:
Poverty: Inequality and poverty are increasing both
within and between countries. Humanity possesses
both the capital and the knowledge that everyone has
enough.
Hunger and Thirst: The number of hungry and
thirsty people has risen to more than a billion. Enough
is produced every year to feed everyone on earth well,
if justly distributed. Increasing production through
sustainable agriculture – which restores soil and
conserves water – can ensure that this continues to be
the case.
Climate Change: The planet is warming fast, and
rising sea levels and shifting rainfall will drive millions of
people from their homes, slash harvests, and disrupt
societies. Developing existing clean technologies will
do much to produce the sustainable growth required to
ensure a future of low carbon prosperity.
Resource Depletion: Over-exploiting land, water,
isheries, forests and other natural resources will result in scarcity and and growing conlict – and this threatens to get worse as the population rises to nine billion over
the next few decades. Just an eighth of global defence
spending would provide massively enlarged programmes
to reduce suffering and the mentioned threats..
War and Conlict: World arms spending is rising rapidly, encouraged by deeply entrenched vested
interests. There must be a new determination in resolving
conlict.
Reconciliation, justice and forgiveness are interde-
pendent: We must genuinely commit to human rights and International humanitarian law for all and address
seriously injustice and oppression.
To meet all these challenges a revolutionary world
wide coalition of conscientious people is urgently
needed. Such a revolution has to start with individuals;
however it must be recognized that individual humanitar-
ian engagement is not enough. A movement of people
is required to bring about the global transformation that
is so desperately needed. We have to unite efforts to multiply effectiveness.
The construction of a renewed humanitarian space
depends on it.
Human Security
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Hyatt Regency Paris-Madeleine“Your Parisian Residence in the City of Light”
Hyatt Regency Paris-
Madeleine, a ive-star boutique hotel, is
nestled in a convenient
and bustling area of the
8th district in the cen-
tre of Paris. Situated on the typically Parisian
Boulevard Malesherbes, this luxury hotel is close to the city’s most
important fashion streets, among
them Faubourg Saint-Honoré, Rue Royale and Boulevard Haussmann, home to the department stores
Printemps and Galeries Lafayette.
Hyatt Regency Paris-Made-
leine is also near the city’s iconic
attractions of Opéra Garnier, Place de la Madeleine, Place de la
Concorde, the river Seine and the
Champs-Elysées.
Glamorous, chic and sophis-
ticated, Hyatt Regency Paris-
Madeleine offers 86 rooms and suites. The hotel specialises in
a discreet personalised service,
with particular attention paid to
each guest’s individual preference.
La Chinoiserie
La Chinoiserie, spectacularly
redecorated by the talented French architect Pascal Desprez, sets the
sophisticated tone for the entire hotel.
Rich sofas and a contemporary
decor inluenced by tones of black and silver, and subdued illumination
creates areas for discreet, personal
gatherings enveloped in a soothing
atmosphere, making this a special
place to experience the personally
created menu prepared with
expertise by Chef Frédéric Charrier.
La Chinoiserie is the ideal
location for a moment’s respite
between shopping expeditions. A
large number of celebrities have
discovered the elegance of a club on
the Left Bank of Paris here among the most prestigious addresses for
luxury shopping. A place where,
in the evenings, candlelight and
an open ireplace create a magical atmosphere for joyful gatherings of
friends or, perhaps, the most secret
of rendezvous.
Café M & Champagne Bar
Continuing in the spirit of
glamour and professionalism,
Pascal Desprez introduced a new
decor and atmosphere to Café M with the elegant tones of a lounge
bar, featuring natural wood, dark
drapes, and accents of black and
gold. During the evenings, Café M transforms into a champagne bar,
offering an unrivalled selection of
cocktails and champagnes.
Our barman, Alexis Martinez,
has personally selected a menu that
features the best champagnes from
the biggest names in champagne
production, and welcomes guests to
discover the exclusivity of products
from Selosse and Gratien, the most
reputable Champagnes in Paris.
Banquet Rooms
Meeting rooms and banqueting
areas offer the perfect space for
events.
Advertorial
All rooms are designed by
Pascal Desprez following the
theme for the entire hotel. Any
event, party or conference enjoys a
streamlined decor and outstanding
service, perfect for privacy and
concentration.
All banqueting rooms are
also equipped with the latest in
technology and services. They also
offer extensive banqueting menus
designed by Chef Frédéric Charrier, and available for breakfast, lunch,
dinner and cocktail occasions.
In each of hotel’s rooms, four
lighting levels are monitored to
personalise the atmosphere of
guests’ events, from business
meetings or audiovisual events
to dinners and cocktails. A video
projector is installed in the largest
room, while all the other areas have
plasma–screen TVs with network
hook-up available. Unlimited
Internet access and mini bar facilities
are at guests’ disposal, while, for
their security and comfort, a safe
and cloakroom are available.
The smallest room, Manhattan,
relects the hotel’s professional-ism in terms of conidentiality and discretion. This room can cater to
up to six people and enjoys natural
light with a view of the boulevard.
M’Eating Performance concept
Today, as performance is linked
closely to the notion of speed,
Hyatt Regency Paris-Madeleine has
developed a “non-stop” meeting
concept.
M’Eating Performance has been
created to answer the growing
needs of companies that approach
hotels to organise their meetings,
seeking irst and foremost luxurious space, eficient service and beneits that meet their needs.
Business guests can experience this “non-stop” meeting special offer
for just €105 per person, including
bento boxes prepared by Chef
Frédéric Charrier, a candy bar and a mini bar.
The bento boxes, prepared
according to the season, feature
mixed salads, sandwiches (Club
sandwiches and wraps), a fruit
salad and macaroons from Ladurée. Practical, quick and modern,
this makes guests’ lunches both
delicious and energising!
In addition, the set-up displayed
before the beginning of the meeting
assures guests total autonomy, as
well as lexibility and complete con-
centration.
Spa Kéraskin Esthetics
Reinforcing its luxury positioning,
Hyatt Regency Paris-Madeleine
recently launched a unique Spa
offer in collaboration with Kéraskin Esthetics.
As part of its efforts to provide
guests with tailor-made services, the
hotel has partnered with Kéraskin Esthetics to develop a special beauty
offer featuring speciic esthetic rituals that involve high performance
and wellness.
This new brand of excellence
offers a menu of facials and full-body
treatments, combining the best
formulas of Advanced Research
at L’Oreal and novel techniques
for exceptional results and deep
well-being.
Created two years ago,
Kéraskin Esthetics has positioned itself as the leading brand in the
market for esthetic treatments and
conirms the success of today’s selective implantation.
As a result of the collaboration,
customers have at their disposal a
complete spa menu offering mixed
facial care (New Youth), body
treatments (Body Immersion) and express treatments. This turnkey
service relects the hotel’s desire to meet and exceed the expectations
of increasingly demanding guests.
Treatments are provided at
the Spa, which is open daily and
offers a fully redecorated treatment
room, a itness room equipped with modern machines, a sauna, a
steam room, two cloakrooms and a
relaxation room.
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The IMF Repositions Itself with the Rise of Emerging MarketsBy Oscar Montealegre, Diplomatic Courier Correspondent
Prior the inancial crisis of 2008, the IMF was on the verge of becoming obsolete. Countries were success-
fully inding inancing through private capital markets with lower rates with no strings attached-contrary
to IMF loans that require strict adherence to IMF’s conditions. Moreover, the IMF in terms of branding and public relations was being tarnished, with no apparent
ix in sight.
Many countries in Asia blamed the IMF for their own economic crisis in 1997/98, and adopted precaution-
ary strategies like stockpiling currency reserves to avoid
ever having to request assistance from the IMF again. Countries in Asia did not want to be stigmatized for being
associated with the IMF. In Argentina, after economic default of 2003, the IMF became persona non grata,
being blamed for the economic collapse that brought
Argentina to its’ knees. In Ecuador, the IMF’s represen-
tative left after constant viliications and provocations by President Correra, not to mention Venezuela’s and
Bolivia’s fervent displeasure with the IMF.
But, as the old adage goes, where there is bad there is good. The Global Financial Crisis of 2008 did much damage across the world-especially to developed
markets-however, it also resurrected the IMF, giving the institution a new life and an opportunity to re-stamp
its’ legitimacy. Interestingly, the actors that pumped
new money into the IMF fund were not your usual suspects, i.e. the Unites States, Western Europe and Japan. Instead, Brazil, China and India were the main contributors, underscoring the new realization that the
international inancial and monetary system is being rebalanced, where the West is descending and the East and Co. is ascending.
In a very short timeframe, the G-7 became
secondary to the G-20- an expansion that accurately
represents the current state of our world economy. The
strongest currency being the dollar-by default as it may
be-has been lately challenged by both developed and
developing markets. More and more policymakers and
central bankers are touting the advancement of the
SDR (Special Drawing Right), a basket of currencies
(the dollar, the euro, the yen and pound and maybe one
day include the yuan) that may one day be the world’s
currency safe haven, with the purpose of relying less on
the U.S. greenback. Pre-2008, when the U.S. would encounter economic turbulence, the ramiications were felt throughout the world. That is no longer the case,
Asian and Latin American economies were resilient
to the latest inancial crisis, solidifying the theory that decoupling (where emerging markets are no longer
dependent on the U.S., Europe and Japan) is real. The
economic recovery in the West is weak, vulnerable, and can easily be eroded. In the East and Latin America, G20
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recovery already occurred, thrusting emerging markets
as the engines that are currently driving the world’s
economy; hence, conirming the rise of the emerging markets.
The emerging markets are gradually being given
more inluence; as a result, their added participation in international organizations such as the IMF has already yielded decisive outcomes. For instance the IMF’s special funds in the last three years have extended loans
to countries such as Hungary, Greece, Ireland, Iceland,
Ukraine, and Pakistan. Not only are the emerging markets
moving their weight when it comes to GDP growth, but
ideas and capital are stemming from Asia and Latin
America as well. For instance, cash transfer schemes were irst developed in Latin American and are now practiced in Asia and Africa. Unprecedented amount of
capital inlows are entering emerging markets, - albeit risking the possibility of inlation and overheating asset bubbles- where emerging markets are gradually using
this excess capital to inance projects abroad, purchase foreign private assets, and packaging loans needed by
other countries.
Just recently the IMF chose Christine Lagarde as its leader. The leaders of the emerging markets missed
an opportunity to rally behind one candidate for the top
spot at the IMF, enabling the IMF to better relect the shifting balance of powers in the global economy. But here lies the problem with the emerging powers, when
having to debate the U.S. and Europe on economic
issues, solidarity exists, as a front to prevent U.S. and
European interests. But when decisions on who will lead, or which country will take charge on a certain
matter, fragmentation instead prevails. Many divisions
and jealousies exist, for instance, China vs. India, Brazil vs. Mexico, Latin America vs. Asia, Russia vs. Asia,
an endless menu of partings. If these divisions are not
remedied, the emerging powers will struggle in the
realm of diplomacy, conlict resolution and international relations. Consequently, despite their economic strength
waning, the U.S. and Europe will dictate the narrative in
international affairs if the emerging powers don’t act in
line with their aspirations.
Consequently, the IMF is going through a restructur-ing as well. Where before it was the lifeline for developing economies, such as in Mexico in the 1980s, Southeast Asian countries in the 90s and Uruguay in the early
200os. Today, clearly the outlook has changed, the IMF’s main concern is EU member Greece, and it is monitoring
with an awfully close eye the likes of Ireland, Portugal,
Italy and Spain-the latter two being fully developed
economies. In addition, other institutions such as the
Inter-American Bank (Latin America/Caribbean) and the ASEAN (Southeast Asia) are accumulating more
clout, reinforcing the notion of the present shifting of
economic powers.
Thus, is the new scenario now an ideological battle
between East and West? Due to restructuring of the inancial globally system, should the West be threaten by the East? It seems that international relations and
geopolitical power can no longer be measured by
political and military power. The main global indicator is
now GDP. It is GDP that dictates who leads and who
doesn’t. As a result, the West will have to accept this new normal. Vilifying emerging powers such as China has
no favorable consequences; in fact, it moves countries
further away from inding solutions. Economies in the West must adjust and ine new sectors where they can uphold a comparative advantage in the international
marketplace.
The IMF now is in a precarious position, because it can change its’ framework of not just proving aid to
countries in dire need or coordinating policies among
countries. Instead the IMF has the opportunity to implement a global economic model that countries can
refer to when debating domestic economic reforms.
Economics, trade and commerce is local and global,
therefore domestic policymakers have to take into
account international affairs when implementing iscal and monetary policy. The IMF no longer needs to be just the lifeguard of the global economy, it can approach
its’ new rejuvenation by creating a web-like matrix (in
both lending and consulting) that represents the current
global economic reality-interconnectedness. The idea of
developed vs. developing markets will soon be outdated,
and the IMF must prepare for this new reality where the emerging powers will soon warrant the same merit and
signiicance as the West.
Global Finance
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Commodities and Risk
By Chrisella Sagers, Diplomatic Courier Correspondent
Sometime around Halloween this year, the world
reached a population of 7 billion people. Somehow,
each of those 7 billion people will need to have access
to enough food and energy to survive. But as the population increases, so does the competition for these
vital commodities, leading to skyrocketing prices.
This is a concern that will affect not only the poorest,
but all the nations of the world.
In the richer half of the world, increased consumer
demand in the richest countries leads to increased
demand for energy to run machines in manufactur-
ing countries. This drives up energy prices across the
board, negatively affecting consumer-driven economies
when household budgets are pinched by the rising cost
of transportation, heating in the winter, and manufac-
tured goods.
In order to protect their economies, countries
begin to seek out the cheapest forms of energy. The
foremost example of this has been China’s search for
energy sources to fuel its red-hot economy in far-lung places such as Africa and Kazakhstan. Much of China’s
foreign policy has been built around this search for
energy and economic opportunity, and it has led to
some potentially dangerous conlicts. The South China Sea is supposedly home to very rich oil deposits, but
the waters are contested, claimed by multiple countries
as their Exclusive Economic Zone (EEZ) due to the
confusing legal boundaries laid out by United Nations
Conventions on the Law of the Sea. Rising tensions over
the claims to the sea, through which runs some of the
busiest shipping lanes in the world, have led to military
confrontations. If the issue of demand for commodities
and volatility in the markets is not addressed on a global
scale, this area could see an outbreak of war.
In the poorest half of the world, volatile food prices
contribute greatly to dangerous instability. The timing of
the Arab Spring after a sharp rise in wheat prices was
no mistake; the riots originally began as protests against
the government for the failure to insulate the population
against high food prices, and gained enough momentum
to overthrow the unresponsive leaders. The West has attempted to save face by calling these movements
“pro-democracy” efforts, without actually taking the
steps to ensure that more such movements would not
be sparked by continuing volatility in food prices.
The government of France has attempted to lay out a global framework to lessen commodity volatility during
its leadership of this year’s G20, but simply discussing
ideas is not enough. Oil prices continue to grow ever
higher, and food prices are once again nearing the
global high that they reached in 2008. This issue must be addressed in concrete terms on the global scale,
before increasing volatility leads to more instability and
violence. G20
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