See discussions, stats, and author profiles for this publication at: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/225979077

An Introduction to the Khettara in Morocco: Two Contrasting Cases

Chapter · September 2010

DOI: 10.1007/978-90-481-2776-4_10

CITATIONS

14READS

2,567

2 authors, including:

Some of the authors of this publication are also working on these related projects:

Merguellil View project

StorMer - LebxMed View project

Thierry Ruf

Institute of Research for Development

171 PUBLICATIONS   337 CITATIONS   

SEE PROFILE

All content following this page was uploaded by Thierry Ruf on 07 April 2015.

The user has requested enhancement of the downloaded file.

Chapter 10An Introduction to the Khettara in Morocco:Two Contrasting Cases

Mohammed El Faiz and Thierry Ruf

Abstract On each side of the High Atlas in Morocco, various societies have builtthousands of tunnel and well networks called khettaras, which are much like theqanats of Iran or the foggara systems of Algeria. Ancient writers have noted theingenuity of these devices, but in the last 30 years, the use of khettaras has declined.An inventory is necessary to understand the rural zones where groups of khettarasstill exist. The contrasting situations of the province of Marrakech (Haouz), wherepalm groves were irrigated primarily by hundreds of these underground tunnels,and the province of Tafilalet, where an inventory of 500 khettaras recently has beenmade, highlight the fate of the water management systems. Around Marrakech City,the collapse of the khettara is rapidly impacting water supply. In Tafilalet province,the situation seems more favorable for water supply sustainability and future useof khettaras, with 50% of the khettaras still “alive.” However, the modernization ofirrigation and the increase of wells are signs of change. How can these systems bemaintained, and how can farmers be allowed to innovate without destroying whatmade the inhabitants of arid regions relatively prosperous?

Keywords Institutional · Irrigation · Khettara · Morocco

10.1 The Khettara: A Historical Overview

Beginning in ancient times, diverse societies on both sides of the High Atlas inMorocco built thousands of well and tunnel systems similar to qanats in Iran or fog-garas in Algeria (see Chapters 6 and 8). These systems, called khettaras in Morocco,constitute a remarkable water management and delivery network that has enabledpeople to live in arid and semiarid environments. Comparing two areas of Moroccothat have the highest number of khettaras—Marrakech and Tafilalet—reveals impor-tant differences in the management and use of water. Marrakech (Fig. 10.1) is

M. El Faiz (B)Economiques et Sociales, UFR Analyse Economie et Développement, Faculté des SciencesJuridiques, Université de Marrakech, Marrakech, Morocco

151G. Schneier-Madanes, M.-F. Courel (eds.), Water and Sustainability in Arid Regions,DOI 10.1007/978-90-481-2776-4_10, C© Springer Science+Business Media B.V. 2010

152 M. El-Faiz and T. Ruf

Fig. 10.1 Khettaras around Marrakech within the hydraulic area of Haouz

characterized by interlinked zones around a central palm plantation, with khettarasorganized on the interfluves of the rivers N’fis, Baja-Rirhaia, Issil, Ourika, Zat, andTensift. Tafilalet uses khettaras in outlying areas and also in central systems thatdraw water from rivers (Fig. 10.2).

The ingenuity of khettara systems has been recorded by old and modern authorsin various areas of the world (Barcelo 1983; Chebri 2004; Hussain et al. 2008;IFAP 2005). Scholars disagree about how khettara technology was first introducedto Morocco, but the systems have been used there for centuries, if not longer. InMarrakech, the first record of khettaras dates from the founding of the city morethan 900 years ago (El Faiz 2002). In Tafilalet, some researchers hold that the sys-tems existed in the city of Sijilmasa before the eighth century AD (Oliel 1994)(Fig. 10.3). Various authors testify to the historical importance of the khettaras inlocal oasis development (Kabiri et al. 2003). Some are interested in the limitedwater resources and questions related to the protection of water harvesting zones(Jarar et al. 2004).

10 An Introduction to the Khettara in Morocco: Two Contrasting Cases 153

Fig. 10.2 Khettaras of Tafilalet within the hydraulic oasis area. (Source: El Faiz and Ruf 2006,based on ORMVA-TF-SCET 1983. “Plan directeur de mise en valeur agricole du Tafilalet” Vol.No. 9, Rapport de synthèse)

Hundreds of khettaras have been built around Marrakech. In 1970, 567 khettaraswere registered by the water administration, and 500 were still working at that time(El Faiz 2002). They provided approximately 5 m3/sec for 20,000 hectares (ha).Each khettara delivered on average 10 L/sec per 40 hectares. According to the mapsthat were published between 1940 and 1950 and those that were published by theRegional Office of Agricultural Development of Haouz (ORMVAH) in 1960–1970,khettaras primarily irrigated the palm plantations in the great periphery of the cityand the royal gardens of Marrakech. They also provided water in districts inside theMedina (the old city) (Figs. 10.4 and 10.5).

Several khettaras in the south and in the west of Marrakech have been studiedclosely (Fig. 10.6). In 1975, the irrigation system of the N’fis River constituted a

154 M. El-Faiz and T. Ruf

Fig. 10.3 Installation of a drainage canal. Ducousso, M. (based on Janvois, M.): http://zoumine.free.fr/tt/sahara/sahara.html

composite whole of interlaced networks. It appears that these khettaras were orga-nized in successive systems (El Faiz and Ruf 2006). From the south of the villageof Tamesloht to the banks of the Tensift River, six large sets of khettaras sharedby farming communities are still detectable as part of a repeated plan. First, awater collection area existed in the piedmont of the Atlas. Water was transferred

10 An Introduction to the Khettara in Morocco: Two Contrasting Cases 155

Fig. 10.4 Map of the khettaras of Marrakech in the periphery of the town – Original

Fig. 10.5 Map of the khettaras of Marrakech in the periphery of the town – Interpretation

156 M. El-Faiz and T. Ruf

Fig. 10.6 Organization of the khettaras in central Haouz, west Marrakech. (Most of the seguiasstill run, while most khettaras are out of order) (Source: ORMVA Archives) (See also Plate 11 onp. 342 in the color plate section)

by dozens of tunnels towards open-air tanks, which enabled the downstream water-ing of nearby crop lands. The water losses of the irrigated area of the first unit fedthe collecting area of the second set of tunnels. Then came two parallel tunnels: themain one was located on the bank of the desert escarpment of Tamesloht. This seriesfed the east portion of the palm plantations of Marrakech. Two other alignments ofkhettaras are also visible between the city itself and the bed of the Tensift River,which runs approximately 7 km north of the Medina. The recharge of the watertable in the collecting areas also depends on the contributions of seguias (canals),which derive water from rivers like the Wadi Baja, which is itself an extension ofthe Rirhaia River in the plain of N’fis.

10 An Introduction to the Khettara in Morocco: Two Contrasting Cases 157

Therefore, an intensive use of water channeled through khettaras appears in suc-cessive rows with hydraulic interdependences, which characterize the surroundingsof Marrakech. Technical and administrative records of irrigation services between1950 and 1970 reveal the attention of the managers to conserve the khettaras, updatethe registers, monitor the performances of the main khettaras, and help arbitrateconflicts between people using the same khettara system. The records also containseveral authorization requests to build khettaras in specific zones up until the 1960s,proof that the technique then was well adapted and anchored in local hydraulic cul-tures. Extensive records relating to the decline of khettaras in most other zones dateto the 1950s.

What led, then, to the decline of the khettara system around Marrakech? As tech-nical, social, cultural, and traditional systems, khettaras are inherently complex, anddifferent stakeholders hold different views on what caused the collapse. Water engi-neers, who prefer modern technology, have argued that drought caused the decreasein water tables. On the other hand, community-organized farmers and researchers,who are interested in preserving cultural heritage, have said over-pumping is toblame. Yet another factor is institutional management: private landowners, the gov-ernment, and farming communities were managing the systems and competing,without establishing any formal agreements to safeguard the khettaras (see Chapters6, 8, 9, and 13). This stands in contrast to the people of Tafilalet who have workedtogether to conserve their own khettaras.

Old records attest to the existence of many khettaras in Tafilalet. When Moroccobecame a protectorate of France in 1912, the French administration surveyed nativewater management techniques to prepare water resources for new settlements. Anorganized and systematic inventory of the systems was finally drawn up withJapanese cooperation from 2003 to 2005 (JICA 2003). Several hundred khettarasare also registered in the province, including the sites of Ferkla, Errachidia, andTaouz; Jarar Oulidi et al. (2005) counted 386 khettaras, including 138 in the periph-ery of the plain of Tafilalet (Jorf-Rissani). Unlike the system in Marrakech, khettarasin Tafilalet follow a parallel layout and seem less dependent on one another (seeFig. 10.7).

However, the water flow through khettaras has begun to diminish; this gen-eral tendency in this oasis area seems related to the dryness that prevails ratherthan to the over-exploitation of the water tables. The government of Tafilalet andsome nongovernmental organizations support drillings in some places, while pri-vate landowners definitely prefer them. Yet, drilling continues upstream of Jorf and,in some zones, downstream of the oasis of Bouia (El Baali et al. 2002; Ruf andBouaziz 2005). This continuous drilling endangers the “living” khettaras.

10.2 Death—and Survival—of Khettaras

In the last 30 years, the khettara systems have had an increasing number of prob-lems and will eventually disappear (El Faiz 2002; Kabiri 2005). Around Marrakech,the collapse of the system is causing several problems: the collecting fields of the

158 M. El-Faiz and T. Ruf

Fig. 10.7 Organization of the khettaras in Tafilalet province. (Source: Thierry Ruf 2008, basedon ORMVA-TF-SCET 1983. “Plan directeur de mise en valeur agricole du Tafilalet” Vol. No. 9,Rapport de synthèse) (See also Plate 12 on p. 343 in the color plate section)

khettaras are over-exploited by drillings and private pumping stations; the rural dis-tricts irrigated by khettaras are becoming increasingly urbanized and are losing theirlinks to the old structures, water, and users’ solidarity; and a few khettaras functionwith very small flows, including those upstream of Tamesloht.

One of the essential questions for the future of khettaras is to understand not onlythe historical process of their construction and their appropriation by farmers, butalso the process of abandonment. Climate and nature are not the only relevant fac-tors. In addition to the arid conditions and the negative impacts caused by drilling,questions of social organization and institutions also play a role in the disappearanceof khettaras. It is necessary to clarify the dynamics of the “extinction” of the systemsor, at least, the dynamics of their abandonment, deterioration, or lack of mainte-nance, which seems to have accelerated between 1960 and 1970. The southwesternsectors of Marrakech are a good example of the disconnection between the gov-ernment and the community based on joint work (touiza). The zone of Tamesloht

10 An Introduction to the Khettara in Morocco: Two Contrasting Cases 159

still receives water through some khettaras, such as the Bougdira khettara, alsosometimes called Khardali. The two names have been used, but according to thedocuments and maps found in the archives, the Khardali khettara dried out in 1950.

In this sector, three associations were impelled by the Office of the Haouz tomanage the khettaras: Aïn Mssa, Tamguelfa, and Lemliz. These khettaras providetheir users access to a small water flow (less than 10–15 L/sec) to irrigate olive treeplantations. The office helped only once to clear out the khettaras.

Abandoned khettaras have become an issue in Marrakech, where thousandsof shaft holes are still visible in areas that once were rural but since have beenconsumed by urban sprawl. Architect and town planner E. Sors (2005) proposedto reinstate these abandoned systems in the town planning of greater Marrakech.The obsolescence of this mode of water supply justifies neither its dissimulationnor its destruction, but instead its reassignment and transformation. The proposal(Fig. 10.8) suggests the khettaras should serve as interfaces between the city andthe countryside to restore the groundwater table as well as the indigenous plan-tations that suffered from its reduction. The wells could become natural watertreatment plants for isolated homes or for entire districts in the vicinity of aban-doned khettaras on the condition that collective water management among the city(consumer/polluter), khettara owners, and the eventual consumers of a renewed flowis actively and lastingly reactivated.

In Tafilalet, the situation of the old irrigation systems seems more favorable:nearly 50% of the khettaras are still perennial in areas that don’t face pressuresof urbanization. The studies that were undertaken recently on the oasis of Bouia,near Jorf, illuminate the essential social and hydraulic characteristics that the sys-tem of khettaras brings (Mbarga and Vidal 2005). The 75 families of the villagehave two working khettaras out of four that exist. The two inactive khettaras driedup decades ago with the encroachment of sand dunes. But the two others, the oldone (qdima) and the new one (jdida), each provide significant, uninterrupted flowsof 20 L/sec. Thanks to this regular contribution, the oasis of Bouia is permanentlyirrigated; floods provide a secondary source of irrigation, while a diesel pump down-stream provides groundwater. Without these regular supplies, life for the families inthe area would be much more precarious. This model of a local community of irriga-tors who control the resources significantly differs from that of water managementat larger scales, where distribution is sequential and hazardous because hydraulicinsecurity reigns. This is the case on the plain of Tafilalet, which depends on dis-charge from the Ziz River through a dam controlled by the water administration.

10.3 Tlout (Reviving)

The villages that preserved the khettaras are small islands of prosperity, while theremainder of the oasis is undergoing a severe hydraulic crisis. However, the mod-ernization of irrigation and the installation of drillings raise several questions: Howcan these systems be preserved, and how can the local human societies be allowedto innovate without destroying what made the inhabitants of arid regions relativelyprosperous? In Jorf, all the khettaras are managed by local institutions; users meet,

160 M. El-Faiz and T. Ruf

Fig. 10.8 Morphology of a buried water device in Marrakech’s palm grove: Khettara Bel Kamel

10 An Introduction to the Khettara in Morocco: Two Contrasting Cases 161

Fig. 10.8 (continued)

162 M. El-Faiz and T. Ruf

elect chiefs, and organize the joint work and the water schedule. Because of thereturn of rain in Tafilalet since 2005, water tables are rising, and many communitiesare acting collectively to resurrect the khettaras. More than 20 khettaras are nowworking again for hundreds of small farmers. The old khettara chiefs share with anew, young generation the responsibilities of managing the ancient systems. Theysay, “Tlout,” to explain what is happening. Tlout means “reviving.”

References

Barcelo, M. 1983. Qanât(s) a al-Andalus. Documents d’analisi geografica 2:3–22.Chebri, A. 2004. Les khettara du Maroc et du monde ressuscitées à Arfoud. Note sur le séminaire

international d’Erfoud sur les khettaras. Septembre 23–25, 2004. Electronic version availableat: http://www.errachidia.org/culture/khettara.php.

El Baali, H., M. Azouggagh, and O. Ahl Rchid. 2002. Water pumping for irrigation in a south-ern Moroccan oasis. In: Deutscher Tropentag, International Research on Food Security,Natural Resource Management and Rural Development, Challenges to Organic Farmingand Sustainable Land Use in the Tropics and Subtropics, Kassel-Witzenhausen, October9–11.

El Faiz, M. 2002. Marrakech: Patrimoine en Péril. Acte Sud/Eddif.El Faiz, M., and T. Ruf. 2006. La gestion collective de l’eau est-elle encore possible dans le

Nfis à l’Ouest de Marrakech? In: Coordinations hydrauliques et justices sociales. 4ème sémi-naire du PCSI Agropolis-Montpellier, 25 et 26 Novembre 2004. CIRAD, Actes sous formede CD.

Hussain, I., O. Siraj Abu-Rizaiza, M.A.A. Habib, and M. Asfaq. 2008. Revitalizing a traditionaldryland water supply system: the karezes in Afghanistan, Iran, Pakistan and the Kingdom ofSaudi Arabia. In: Water International 33 (3): 333–349.

International Federation of Agricultural Producers (IFAP). 2005. Good Practices in AgriculturalWater Management, Case Studies from Farmers Worldwide. Background Paper No. 3Desa/Dsd/2005/3. New York: United Nations, Department of Economic and Social Affairs,Commission on Sustainable Development, Thirteen Session, April 11–22, 2005.

Jarar Oulidi, H., L. Benaabidate, and S. El Jaafari. 2004. Impact de la désertification surles systèmes d’irrigation dans la plaine de Tafilalet. Journal International de l’Eau et del’Environnement 5:52–60.

Jarar Oulidi, H., A. Benslimane, L. Benaabidate, and S. El Jaafari. 2005. Elaboration d’un S.I.G.pour la gestion des ressources en eau des bassins versants de Ziz et Rhéris. Manuscrit.

JICA. 2003. Projet de Développement des Communautés Rurales à Travers la Réhabilitation desKhettaras dans les Régions Semi-Arides du Sud-Est Atlasique. In: Rapport d’activité initialde l’Agence Japonaise de Coopération Internationale (JICA) et l’Office Régional de Mise enValeur Agricole de Tafilalt (O.R.M.V.A/TF), 2003.

Kabiri, L., A. Jaakou, and A. Ouachoua. 2003. Irrigation à Ferkla: Enjeux et Défi (Tinjdad,Errachidia, Maroc). Atelier: Les pratiques d’irrigation dans les pays du Maghreb, quelle dura-bilité? ENDA Maghreb, Réseau Arabe pour le Développement d’une Agriculture Durable(ANSAD). Rabat, Maroc 23 et 24 octobre 2003.

Kabiri, L. 2003. Etude préliminaire de la dynamique des dunes continentales dans le Sud-Estmarocain (Tafilalt, Maroc). Sécheresse 14 (3).

Kabiri, L. 2005. Gestion des ressources en eau dans les oasis de sud marocain: Cas de Ferkla(Tinjdad, Errachidia, Maroc). Symposium international: développement agricole durable dessystèmes oasiens. Thème 3. Gestion durable des ressources naturelles de l’espace oasien. March7–10, 2005, Erfoud.

10 An Introduction to the Khettara in Morocco: Two Contrasting Cases 163

Mbarga, S., and H. Vidal-Mbarga. 2005. Ajustement entre des systèmes irrigués et des systèmesde culture diversifiés – Fonctionnement de deux oasis du Tafilalet (MAROC). Thèse de MastèreDéveloppement Agricole Tropical, CNEARC – Montpellier.

Oliel, J. 1994. Les juifs au Sahara; le Touat au moyen-âge. CNRS-histoire, 188.Ruf, T., and A. Bouaziz. 2005. La gestion de l’eau et les systèmes de culture dans les oasis entre

la tradition et la modernité. Symosium international sur le développement durable des oasis.Erfoud, mars 2005. INRA Rabat, Actes sous presse.

Ruf, T. (ed). 2008. Gestion collective de l’eau et innovations dans les systèmes de khettaras desoasis de Jorf, province du Tafilalet, Maroc. Rapport du projet IGEOT pour le projet “oasis duTafilalet,” Supagro Institut des régions chaudes, IRD, IAV Hassan II, ORMVA-TF, UniversitéCaddi Ayyad Marrakech, Montpellier, 104.

Sors, E. 2005. Valorisation du patrimoine hydraulique de Marrakech. Esquisse verte 2005. 2e prixd’architecture de l’ADEME – ARENE, Paris. www.areneidf.org.

View publication statsView publication stats