AN ASSESSMENT OF ENERGY USE AS A RURAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY: THE CASE OF CHIWUNDURA COMMUNAL AREA, ZIMBABWE.

By

Mangizvo Remigios Vurayayi

200904472

A THESIS SUBMITTED TO THE FACULTY OF SOCIAL SCIENCES AND HUMANITIES IN FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS FOR THE DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY DEGREE

SUPERVISOR: PROFESSOR R. THAKATHI 2013

i

Declaration I, Remigios Vurayayi Mangizvo, solemnly declare that this study is my original work and has not been derived from, or submitted to, any other organization prior to submission to the University of Fort Hare. I further declare that due care has been taken to acknowledge sources in order to avoid infringing on the intellectual property of those cited, overtly or covertly, in this study. All sketches, figures and tables were drawn by the researcher save where it is acknowledged that another is the author. Any interpretation and representation of information contained in this study rests with the author.

Signature Date: 05-04-14

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ABSTRACT Households in Chiwundura Communal Area continue to depend on traditional biomass

fuels, that is, fuelwood, agricultural residues and in some cases dung. This is despite

the fact that grid electrification has been introduced in the communal area. A few

households have been able to adopt the grid electrification whilst the rest remain rooted

in the use of the inefficient and polluting traditional biomass. Some of those who have

adopted the grid electricity only use it for lighting and entertainment whilst they continue

to use fuelwood for cooking. A number of households that have connected to grid

electricity have reverted to the use of the traditional biomass. This means that the

generality of people in Chiwundura Communal Area continue to be subjected to energy

poverty, which is a constrained access to modern energy services such as electricity.

As a result these households will not be able to meet the millennium development goals

among many other achievements. This state of affairs motivated the researcher to

conduct this study. The study wanted to find out why the transition from traditional

biomass energy forms to modern energy services was slow in Chiwundura Communal

Area. The study also wanted to establish the factors that influenced household en ergy

choices as well as establish the ways in which the traditional biomass energy forms had

affected the livelihoods of households in the study area. In order to get information on

the above mentioned questions, this study which was a case study of Chiwundura

Communal Area utilised the triangulation of both qualitative and quantitative techniques.

These methods were meant to complement each other and benefit from the strengths of

each method. The study used questionnaires, interviews, observations, transect walks,

focus group discussions and content analysis. The researcher spent up to three

months in the study area so as to get first hand information on the issues under study.

A total of 215 households and 106 school children were conveniently sampled to

respond to the questionnaires whilst fifty household heads participated in the interviews.

The study looked at three energy theories namely the energy ladder, the leapfrogging

and the multiple fuels use models as well as consumption and decision making theories

to open this discussion. The study made a number of critical findings. Firstly, there was

very little transition as most households remained as users of biomass energy; hence

they were at the lower rungs of the energy ladder. Those that had moved up the ladder

tended to back switch to the use of fuelwood. This made them multiple fuel users.

Generally fuelwood was the dominant source of energy as it was used mainly for

cooking, space and water heating, space lighting and other domestic needs such as

smoking meat. About 22% of all respondents were connected to the grid and used

electricity mainly for lighting. Candles, paraffin, gensets and solar energy were part of

the energy mix. It was established that income was the most important determinant in

the energy choices made by the different households. Most of the households were

peasant farmers who could not harvest excess crops for the market. A few households

with members in paid employment or obtained remittances from relatives in South Africa

iii

or the Diaspora were able to get connected to the grid or could afford to purchase

fuelwood from vendors. Households could not procure solar house systems as the start

up costs were beyond their reach. Those who were able to acquire generators could

not run them for many hours as they could not afford to refuel them regularly.

Household characteristics such as age and education of household- head were also

important factors. It was however established that cultural and traditional factors were

as usual not given the attention they deserved yet they were very significant in

determining the type of fuel a household chose. Food preparation and taste always

played an important role in determining whether a household chose traditional fuels for

certain cuisines. It was also realised that failure by numerous households in the study

area to access modern energy sources meant that they could not attain the millennium

development goals by 2015. They could not move out of abject poverty as they lacked

irrigation schemes to assure them of food security. Universal access to education was

affected by lack of light to use for studying and reading after hours. Adult education

was also frustrated. The boy child was worst affected as he came to school late or at

times missed school altogether collecting fuelwood for the household. In Chiwundura

Communal Area men and boys were responsible for collecting fuelwood. This signified

a shift in gender roles. Men and boys took it upon themselves to have these

responsibilities as women and girls could not walk the long distances. The health of the

household particularly women and children who spent several hours close to the fire

was compromised as most huts were poorly ventilated. They therefore could not

adequately deal with indoor air pollution challenges. Other MDGs were also likely not to

be achieved by the families. The study also found out that men were not dictatorial in

determining the fuel that a household used. Some form of democracy existed within

homes and negotiations between husband and wife often took place away from the

public domain. Oftentimes women often aped their colleagues who owned modern

energy technologies within the villages; hence they pressurised their husbands to buy

them SHSs and gensets. This was conspicuous consumption. The study established

that there was need for modern energy in the study area. Grid electricity was not the

panacea for this as it was beyond the reach of many. It was therefore important to look

at renewable energy forms such as gel fuel, SHSs and biogas. It was also pertinent to

educate and make households aware of dangers posed by indoor air pollution. The

government and different stakeholders must give it equal importance and publicity as

that given to HIV and AIDS as it kills several children annually. Housing interventions

should be made so that households build huts with proper ventilation.

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Acknowledgements “GOD’S WORKS ARE WONDERFUL”

I want first and foremost to thank the Almighty God for being with me through this academic journey. His grace, love and protection during my stay at the University of Fort Hare is greatly cherished. It was through him that I was nurtured by highly regarded scholars such as Professor Reckson Thakhathi and Professor Leslie Bank. Professor Thakhati came into my academic life at the most critical hour. He is a very passionate, skillful and thoughtful supervisor. He imparted some very important intellectual skills which enabled me to produce this document. He was a pillar of strength whose criticisms were essential as they critical in the ultimate production of this thesis. His consistent encouragement, professional etiquette and genuine concern for my academic welfare and progress will forever remain entrenched in my mind. I would like to thank Professor Bank for the support he gave me during my time at Fort Hare Institute of Social and Economic Research. His supervision was incisive and his comments were thought provoking. I am grateful for his tireless efforts. May God richly reward the two professors so that they continue to guide many more students in their academic endeavours. I would like to extend my sincere gratitude to the University of Fort Hare through the Govan Mbeki Research and Development Centre for giving me an opportunity to pursue my PhD studies and supporting me by providing tuition fees. This made my studies comfortable and affordable. This study could not have been successful without the support of the library staff. In particular I would like to thank Moyo Matthew and Tobela for their guidance on the use of online database resources; Phillip from Howard Pim Library; and front desk staff namely; Madikane Nomzingisi, Jekwa Sipho, Hlakanyana Sandile, Songwiqi Phindile, Mbongisa Ndzima, Kembe Malusi, Bill Xolisile and Ntsendwana Buyisile.

I would like to thank households in Chiwundura Communal Area, staff at the Vhungu Rural Council, Rural Electrification Agency particularly Mr. Matovera, Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority and the District Administrator’s offices for their time and information they gave me. They made my work easy. They went beyond the call of duty to attend to my needs. The following individuals and fellow postgraduate students deserve special mention supporting and encouraging me when the going seemed very difficult; for sustaining my research interests: Dr. Alfred Henry Makura, who was benefactor in many ways, Professor Tevera, my role model, Dr. Matunhu, Dr. Mupindu, Dr. Dzimbanhete, Dr. Gwirai, Dr. Dewa, Mr. Ngara Renias and Mr. Wutete. I also want to thank my employer Zimbabwe Open University for granting me study leave in order to pursue my studies. In particular I want to thank Mr. M.P. Mugwangi and Dr. G. Mavundukure for their support.

My family deserves heartfelt gratitude as they were very supportive. I appreciate the support and encouragement I got from my beautiful wife Kudakwashe, children Fungai, Tafadzwa and Tawananyasha. They missed me during the time I was holed up at UFH. I will always remember your patience and perseverance. I am grateful to my brothers and sisters: Claudius, Edwin, Reginald, Rita and Lucia, for their moral and spiritual

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support. A special word of gratitude and appreciation goes to my parents, my mother Rita, and my late father Aaron Chavora for understanding the value of education and sending me to school. I will always remember my late brother Timothy for his guidance. All these people shaped my academic life in a special way. To my friends and colleagues, thank you for your prayers, as well as the material and intellectual support you offered: Steven Jerie, Rogers Musiyarira and Tanyanyiwa Lawrence, Makota Tinashe and Tarumbira Willard. Thank you all the significant others who, due to the constraints of space, cannot be listed.

vi

Dedication This study is dedicated to my late father Chavora Aaron, a dedicated educationist par

excellence, my mother Rita, my wife Kuda and wonderful children Fungai Nicole,

Tafadzwa Remigios (Jr) and Tawananyasha Aaron.

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Key words

Chiwundura Communal Area Fuelwood

Households

Income

Energy transition

Rural electrification

Electricity

Solar house system Gensets

Cultural/traditional determinants

viiiviii

List of abbreviations and acronyms AFREPREN African Energy Policy Research Network

AGRITEX Agriculture and Extension Services APA African Purchase Area

ALRI Acute Lower Respiratory Infection

ARI Acute Respiratory Infection

CBM Coal Bed Methane

CA Communal Area

CO Carbon monoxide

COPD Chronic obstructive pulmonary disease CSO Central Statistical Office

DA District Administrator

DoE Department of Energy

EMA Environment Management Agency EREP

Expanded Rural Expansion Programme ESAP

Economic Structural Adjustment Programme

ESMAP Energy Sector Management Assistance Programme FGD Focus Group Discussion

GEF Global Environmental Facility

GMB Grain marketing Board

GTZ German Technical Cooperation Agency

HCB Hidroelectrica de CahoraBassa(CahoraBassa Hydro electricity)

IAP Indoor Air Pollution

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IEA International Energy Agency IMF International Monetary Fund

INEP Integrated National Electrification Programme IPP Independent Power Producers

JICA Japan International Cooperation Agency

JPOI Johannesburg Plan of Implementation

LPG Liquefied Petroleum Gas

LSCF Large Scale Commercial Farming

MASO Midlands AIDS Service Organisation

MDC Movement for Democratic Change

MDG Millennium Development Goals

MoENRM Ministry of Energy of Energy and Natural Resources Management MoEPD Ministry of Energy and Power Development

MW Megawatt

NEP National Energy Policy

NERSA National Energy Regulator South Africa

NGO Non-Governmental Organisations

NO Nitrogen Oxide

PM Particulate Matter

PSI Population Services International

PV Photovoltaic

RDC Rural District Council

RE Rural Electrification

REA Rural Electrification Agency

REF Rural Electrification Fund

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REGS Rural Electrification Guarantee Scheme REP Rural Electrification Programme

RETs Renewable Energy Technologies

RIERF Rural Institutions Electrification Revolving Fund

SADC Southern African Development Community

SARDC Southern African Research and Documentation Centre SAPP Southern African Power Pool

SHS Solar Home Systems

SMEs Small and medium-sized enterprises

TPS Thermal Power Stations

UN United Nations

UNDP United Nations Development Programme

VIDCO Village development Committee

WADCO Ward Development committee

WSSD World Summit on Sustainable Development

ZANU (PF) Zimbabwe African National Union – Patriotic Front

ZEDC Zimbabwe Electricity Distribution Company ZERC

Zimbabwe Electricity Regulatory Commission ZERO

Zimbabwe Environmental Research Organisation ZESA

Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority

ZETCO Zimbabwe Electricity Transmission Company ZDERA Zimbabwe Democracy Recovery Act

ZIMSTAT Zimbabwe National Statistics Agency

xixi

GLOSSARY OF TERMS

Bagasse Organic residue from sugar processing. It is frequently used as a fuel for power generation.

Biofuels Fuels derived from organic matter (wood, agricultural

residues, dung and grass) that can be used to substitute other fuels.

Biomass Organic, non-fossil material of biological origin constituting

an exploitable renewable energy resource. This includes organic waste, natural forests, energy crops and residues.

Carbon Dioxide (CO2) The gas formed in the ordinary combustion of carbon, given

out in the breathing of animals, burning of fossil fuels etc. It is a major contributor to climate change.

Coal A readily combustible black or brownish-black rock formed

from plant remains that have been compacted, hardened, chemically altered, and metamorphosed by heat and pressure over geologic time. The most common types found in Swaziland are anthracite and semi-anthracite.

Cogeneration The production of electricity and another form of useful

energy (such as heat or steam) used for industrial, commercial, heating, or cooling purposes.

Cost-reflective In relation to electricity tariffs, whereby the price is

representative of the actual cost of supplying electricity. For example, industrial electricity tariffs should be lower than those for domestic customers, as they do not involve the lower voltage networks.

Electricity generation The process of producing electric energy or transforming

other forms of energy into electric energy. The amount of electric energy produced is expressed in watt-hours (Wh/kWh/MWh/GWh).

Energy The capacity for doing work. Energy has several forms,

some of which are easily convertible and can be changed to another form useful for work. Most of the world’s convertible energy comes from fossil fuels that are burned to produce heat that is then used as a transfer medium to mechanical or other means to accomplish tasks. Electrical energy is

xii

usually measured in kilowatt-hours, while heat energy is usually measured in British thermal units.

Ethanol A type of alcohol, manufactured frequently from molasses,

and used as a petroleum substitute. Geothermal Utilisation of heat energy from deep inside the earth .

Wells are drilled to exploit the steam or hot water. This is either converted to electricity or utilised directly.

Gross Domestic Product The total value of goods and services produced by labour

and property in the country.

Hydropower The production of electricity from the kinetic energy of falling

water. Independent Power Wholesale electricity producers (other than the Producer (IPP) Government parastatals) that are not affiliated to the utility.

Unlike traditional electric utilities, IPPs do not possess transmission facilities and in most cases sell power to the grid.

Methane Hydrocarbon gas, can be formed through the breakdown of

organic matter in the absence of oxygen, for example when organic waste is buried.

Modern energy Electricity, paraffin, liquefied petroleum gas, wind, solar

Ministry The Ministry of Energy and Power Development within the Government of Zimbabwe.

Photovoltaics Direct-current electricity generated from the sun’s rays

through solid state semiconductor devices that have no moving parts.

Poverty The state of having insufficient income, consumption

possibilities, and human development, and a lack of access to and control over assets, with consequent insufficient education and health.

Renewable Energy Energy obtained from sources that are essentially

inexhaustible (unlike, for example, fossil fuels, of which there is a finite supply). Renewable sources of energy include conventional hydroelectric power, wood, waste, geothermal, wind, photovoltaics and solar thermal energy.

xiiixiii

Sustainable Energy Energy produced and used in ways that support human in Development all its social, economic and environmental dimensions.

Traditional fuels Wood, charcoal, agricultural residues, dung, leaves

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TABLE OF CONTENTS 1.0 Chapter 1

General introduction and background 1 1.1 Introduction 1

1.2 Background to the study 2

1.3 Background on Zimbabwe 7

1.3.1 Geographical background 7

1.3.2 Political structures and administrative structures 10

1.3.3 Population 12

1.3.4 Domestic energy use 13

1.3.5 Electricity situation in Zimbabwe 15

1.3.6 Highlights of the country 19

1.3.6.1 Land reform 19

1.3.6.2 Economic Structural Adjustment Programme 21

1.3.6.3 Economic sanctions 22

1.3.6.4 Political and economic meltdown 24

1.3.6.5 Dollarization of the economy 25

1.3.6.6 Energy policy 26

1.4 Statement of the problem 26

1.5 Research questions 28

1.6 Purpose of the study 29

1.7 Objectives of the study 29

1.8 Significance of the study 30

1.9 Research methods 31

1.10 Field of study 32

1.11 Study area 32

1.11.1 Geographic al description 32

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1.11.2 Population 35 1.11.3 Types of dwellings 36

1.11.4 Livelihoods 37

1.11.5 Vegetation types in Chiwundura Communal Area 42

1.11.6 Domestic energy use 43

1.12 Limitations of the study 43

1.13 Ethical considerations 45

1.14 Chapter outline 46

1.15 Conclusion 47

Chapter 2 49

2.0 Legislative and legal framework on energy in Zimbabwe 49

2.1 Introduction 49

2.2 National Energy Policy (NEP) 49

2.2.1 The background of the NEP 49

2.2.2 The goals and objectives of the National Energy Policy 50

2.2.3 The NEP and supply side of energy 51

2.2.4 The NEP and the demand side of energy 54

2.2.4.1 Households 54

2.2.4.2 Policy Measures 54

2.2.4.3 Strategies 55

2.2.5 Gender and energy 55

2.2.6 Observations 56

2.3 Electricity Act 60

2.4 Rural Electrification Act 65

2.5 The Forest 9Control of Firewood, Timber and Forest Produce) 68

2.5.1 Observations 69

xvixvi

2.6 The South African electrification situation 70

2.6.1

The South African Rural Electrification Policy

70

2.7

Summary

73

Chapter 3

74

Literature Review

74

3.1

Introduction

74

3.2

Energy poverty

75

3.2.1

Definition of energy poverty

75

3.3.2

Implications of energy poverty

76

3.2

Fuel options

78

3.3.1

Traditional energy services

78

3.3.2

Transitional fuels

81

3.3.2.1

Kerosene

81

3.3.2.2

Improved stoves

87

3.3.2.3

Wind energy

91

3.3.2.4

Biogas

93

3.3.3

Morden fuels

96

3.3.3.1

Liquefied petroleum gas

96

3.3.3.2

Solar energy

99

3.3.3.3

gelfuel

102

3.3.3.4

Electricity

104

3.4

Determinants of energy choices in rural areas

111

3.4.1

Household income

111

3.4.2.

Affordability

112

3.4.3.

Availability of fuel

113

3.4.4.

Household size

114

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3.4.5. Socio-cultural factors 114

3.4.6.

Gender

116

3.4.7.

Education

116

3.4.8.

Remoteness

117

3.5.

The energy –gender –poverty nexus

117

3.5.1.

Gendered aspects of energy

118

3.6.

Energy and the Millennium Development Goals (MDG)

121

3.6.1.

Background to the millennium development goals

121

3.6.2.

Eradication of extreme poverty and hunger

121

3.6.3.

Achieving universal primary education

122

3.6.4.

Millennium Development Goals 4,5 and 6:

123

3.7.

The concept of sustainable energy development

124

3.7.1.

Introduction

124

3.7.2.

Barriers to renewable energy penetration in developing Countries

129

3.8.

Theoretical frameworks

133

3.8.1.

Household decision making theories

134

3.8.2.

The Theory of the Leisure Class

139

3.8.3.

The Energy ladder model

141

3.8.4.

The leapfrogging model

147

3.8.5.

The ‘multiple fuels’ model

154

3.9.

Summary

Chapter 4

161

4.0.

The Research Methodology

161

4.1.

Introduction

161

4.2.

Statement of the problem and research questions

161

4.3.

Purpose of the study

162

xviiixviiixviii

4.4. Research design 163

4.5.

Population and sampling procedures

167

4.6.

Pilot testing

169

4.7.

Research methods

169

4.7.1.

Survey Questionnaires

170

4.7.2.

Interviews

171

4.7.3.

Focus group discussions

175

4.7.4.

Observations

177

4.7.5.

Transect walks

179

4.7.6.

Content analysis

180

4.8.

Data analysis

181

4.9.

Ethical considerations

181

4.10.

Conclusions

182

Chapter 5

183

5.0.

Data Presentation, Analysis and Interpretation

183

5.1.

Introduction

183

5.2.

Household energy use portfolios in Chiwundura Communal Area

183

5.2.1.

Cooking

184

5.2.2.

Water heating

188

5.2.3.

Space heating

189

5.2.4.

Space lighting

191

5.2.5.

Entertainment and communication

194

5.2.6.

Household Income generating activities

196

5.2.7.

Traditional ceremonies and functions

201

5.2.8.

Other uses

202

5.3.

Energy use determinants in Chiwundura Communal Area

203

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5.3.1. Income 204

5.3.2

Availability of fuel

214

5.3.3.

Accessibility of energy sources

218

5.3.4.

Household characteristics

219

5.3.4.1

Age of household characteristics

219

5.3.4.2

Household size

222

5.3.4.3

Gender of household head and energy use

224

5.3.4.4

Education

227

5.3.5.

Remote location of households

230

5.3.6.

Cultural practices associated with meal preparations and cooking

231

5.3.7. Lack of information 240

5.3.8. Lack of skilled manpower 241

5.3.9. Household decision making 242

5.4. Fuelwood acquisition 246

5.5. Energy and development in Chiwundura Communal Area 249

5.5.1. Energy and poverty alleviation 250

5.5.2. Energy and Education 257

5.5.3. Energy, gender and health 266

5.5.4. Energy and the environment 283

5.5.5. Energy, communication, entertainment and development 287

5.6. Electrification in Chiwundura Communal Area 289

5.6.1. Grid electrification 290

5.6.1.1 The electrification phases in Chiwundura Communal Area 290

5.6.1.2 Challenges faced by grid sector in Chiwundura Communal Area 296

5.6.2. Solar 303

5.6.2.1 The incident of solar energy use in Chiwundura Communal Area 304

5.6.2.2 Challenges associated with solar house systems 306

5.6.3 Diesel powered generators (gensets) 315

5.6.3.1 The use of gensets 316

5.6.3.2 Challenges associated with the use of generators 317

5.7 Summary 320

6.0

Chapter

322

Summary, Conclusions and Recommendations 322

6.1 Introduction 322

6.2 Summary 323

6.3. Conclusions 324

6.3.1 General observations 324

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6.3.2 Confirmation of theories 325

6.3.3 Energy transition 326

6.3.4 Increased scarcity of biomass 327

6.3.5 Lack of awareness 328

6.3.6 Limited use of renewable energy technology 329

6.4 Recommendations 330

6.4.1 Education and awareness 330

6.4.2 Community involvement an d participation 331

6.4.3 Government policy 332

6.4.4 Creation of woodlots 335

6.4.5 End use finance mechanisms 335

6.4.6 Removal of duty on imported panels 336

6.4.7 Relevancy of projects 337

6.4.8 Housing intervention 338

6.4.9 Encourage outdoor cooking 338

6.4.10 Management of fuelwood 339

6.4.11 Improved stoves 339

6.5 Areas for further study 340

6.5.1 Multiple cooking fuels 340

6.5.2 Fuel biographies 340

6.5.3 Solar cookers 341

6.5.4 Gelfuel 341

6.5.5 Biomass gasification 341

6.6 Summary 343

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LIST OF FIGURES

1.1 Levels of government in Zimbabwe 12

1.2

Location of power stations in Zimbabwe

17

1.3

Location of Chiwundura Communal Area in Zimbabwe

33

1.4

A sketch map of Chiwundura Communal Area

34

3.1

Energy ladder model

142

5.1

Metal grate

186

5.2

Three stone stove

186

5.3

Brick making venture in Gunde in Chiwundura Communal Area

198

5.4

Preparation of lunch in progress

200

5.5

Meal preparation at a funeral

202

5.6

A charcoal iron found at one residence in the study area

203

5.7

Income groups in Chiwundura Communal Area

205

5.8

Gender of household head in the study area

224

5.9

An elderly woman preparing sadza

234

5.10

A diagrammatic representation of a family

235

5.11

The versatility of the open fire

238

5.12

The dover stove

240

5.13

Use of animal drawn carts to transport fuelwood

247

5.14

Use of wheelbarrow to transport fuelwood

247

5.15

Fuelwood collection in the study area

257

5.16

Traditional kitchen showing ventilation openings

269

5.17

A lady tending to a pot on three stone stove

274

5.18

A student using a solar lantern

306

5.19

Solar panel placed against a drum as a safety precaution

314

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LIST OF TABLES

1.1 Provinces in Zimbabwe 11

1.2 Percentage distribution of household using main source of energy for

cooking by land use sector 15

1.3 Zimbabwe’s energy sources and their potential generation capacity 16

1.4 Population distribution in Chiwundura Communal Area (wards) 36

1.5 Business centres in Chiwundura Communal Area 41

5.1 Types of fuel used for cooking 185

5.2

Fuel used for heating

188

5.3 Fuel used for space heating 190

5.4 Types of fuel used for space lighting 192

5.5 Income groups in Chiwundura Communal Area 204

5.6 Association between income groups and methods of acquiring fuel wood 209

5.7 The relationship between income and means of transporting fuel wood 210

5.8 Prices for liquefied petroleum gas components 213

5.9 Cross-tabulation of Age and Type of fuel used for cooking 220

5.10 Cross-tabulation of household size and type of cooking fuel 222

5.11 Link between gender of household head and income 224

5.12 Cross-tabulation of highest educational level and type of fuel used 228

5.13 Cross-tabulation Type of fuel used for cooking and number of meals per

day 253

5.14 Fuelwood collection frequency 257

5.15 Cross-tabulation on link between sources of light and sore eyes 261

5.16 Ailments due to smoke 273

5.17 The cost of solar module at a flea market in Gweru 308

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LIST OF APPENDICES

1. Letter of introduction 381

2. Permission to use Rural Electrification Agency 382

3. Consent form 383

4. Questionnaires on rural energy use 385

5. Questionnaires for school children 390

6. Interview guide approach 392

7. Focus group discussion 395

8. Observations and transect walks 396

9.

10.

Chi-square test to establish relationship between the type of energy used Chi-square test to establish the relationship between coming late to school and the persons who collected fuelwood

397

398

11. Chi-square to establish association between the source of energy school children used for reading and the hours they spent on studying

399

1

CHAPTER 1

GENERAL INTRODUCTION AND BACKGROUND

1.1. Introduction

This chapter gives a theoretical background on the study which sought to critically

assess how energy use in Chiwundura Communal Area in Gweru Rural District in

Zimbabwe was a component of the rural development strategy. The section on the

background provides a synopsis of issues surrounding energy use particularly in the

rural areas of the developing countries. It is important to highlight that a lot has been

written on energy use and transition in rural areas of Asia, mainly India and China,

and Central America. It is however a different case with Africa and Zimbabwe in

particular where a lot of writing on energy transition and modern energy adoption

concentrated on urban areas. Although much has been talked about concerning the

importance of modern energy as a panacea to rural development in Zimbabwe, it is

apparent that not much has been written on the subject. Furthermore, the use of

traditional energy and the adoption of modern energy are associated with a myriad of

challenges. This chapter is composed of the following sections; the background of

Zimbabwe, the statement of the problem, the research questions, purpose of the

study, objectives, research methodology, field of study, limitations of the study,

ethical considerations and the outline of the chapter. The section on the

background of Zimbabwe covers the geographical information such as its location,

the political and administrative structures, population, domestic energy use and the

electricity situation at the national level. There is also a section that looks at some

highlights of the country such as the land reform, the economic structural adjustment

programme, economic sanctions, the political and economic meltdown and the

dollarization era. All these have a direct bearing on energy use in Zimbabwe and

this will be highlighted mainly in Chapter 5 where the discussions on energy will be

done in greater detail.

2

1.2. Background to the study

The study on energy use in Chiwundura Communal Area is important as it

addresses one of the challenging global issues affecting almost every country. The

world is currently facing twin energy-related threats: that of not having sufficient and

secure supplies of energy at affordable prices and that of environmental harm

caused by consuming too much of it (Viglasky, Barborak, Suchomel and Langova,

2009). The energy threats have different meanings to the developed and developing

countries. On the one hand the people and governments of the developed world are

preoccupied with issues such as the rising global oil prices, energy security and

climate change (Practical Action, 2009). On the other hand the household sector in

the developing world, incidentally one of the largest users of energy, is exposed to

energy poverty, which is by any means one of their defining characteristics. It is

paradoxical that some of the African countries that are well endowed with energy

resources such as oil, gas and hydro power, are the worst affected by energy

poverty. Oil rich sub-Saharan African countries such as Nigeria continue to rely on

biomass energy to meet the bulk of their household energy requirements.

Approximately 91% of Nigeria’s household energy needs are met by biomass

(Karekezi, 1999). Furthermore in Nigeria, 73% of its population are without access

to electricity (Igbinovia and Orukpe, 2007). The situation is worse in Mozambique

where 80% of the population do not have access to modern energy services and rely

entirely on traditional biomass to meet their energy needs (Mulder and Tembe,

2008). This is despite the fact that Mozambique has one of the largest hydro electric

power stations in Africa, located at Cahora Bassa, and is even exporting electricity to

countries in the SADC region for instance (SARDC, 2008).

The study on Chiwundura Communal Area focused on the implications of energy

poverty on lives and livelihoods of households. Energy poverty is defined as a

constrained access to modern energy services such as electricity (Obeng, Akuffo,

Braimah, Evers and Mensah, 2008; Modi, McDade, Lallement and Saghir, 2005;

Onyeji, 2010). This means households that are energy poor are not able to cook

with modern cooking fuels and they do not have electricity to read, or to use for

household and productive activities in the evening. Households in the study area

join more than 2.5 billion people worldwide who continue to rely on biomass fuels,

3

namely wood, dung, and agricultural residues, as their main source of energy (Birol,

2007; Howells, Alfstad, Victor, Golistein, and Remme, 2005; IEA, 2009; Mapako and

Mbewe, 2004: Malyshev, 2009; Practical Action, 2009; Sagar, 2005; Schlag and

Zuzarte, 2008). They burn biomass fuel in inefficient stoves thereby presenting

several other challenges that will be discussed shortly (Host and Hovorka, 2008).

The number of people using solid fuels however increases to 3 billion people when

coal is included (Practical Action, 2009; Warwick and Doig, 2004). This means that

approximately half of the world’s population relies on biomass fuel for cooking,

boiling water, and lighting and, when it is cold, space-heating. Over half of those

people live in either India or sub-Saharan Africa (IEA, 2009; Mekonnen and Kohlin,

2008). Incidentally sub-Saharan Africa is the region with the highest levels of

populations in poverty, which at the same time have the least access to supplies of

modern energy. The region has about 68% of its population living in the rural areas

(World Bank, 2000; Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002) which are characterised by

inadequate access to electricity. According to Kammen and Kirubi (2008) less than

5% of the rural population has access to the central grid and new connections fail to

keep pace with population growth. This means that biomass fuels continue to be the

dominant energy sources, meeting between 70 and 90% of energy demands in sub-

Saharan Africa (IEA, 2006; Folarnmi, 2010; Kammen and Kirubi, 2008). Brew-

Hammond (2010) observes that at the national level, specific countries like Liberia,

Burkina Faso and Tanzania have more than 95% of their population relying on

traditional biomass for cooking and heating.

Even though electricity has been introduced into Chiwundura Communal Area

several households do not have access to this modern energy source because of

one reason or another. The reality is that they are amongst approximately one-

quarter of the world population, that is 1.6 billion people, mostly in the rural areas of

the developing countries, who live without access to electricity (Goldemberg,

Johansson, Reddy and Williams, 2004; Hasan, 2010; Mulder and Tembe, 2008;

Mutale, 2007). Specifically these countries are India, Bangladesh, Indonesia,

Nigeria, Pakistan, Ethiopia, Myanmar, Tanzania, Kenya, Nepal, DPR Korea,

Mozambique, Uganda and Sudan (Bhattacharyya 2006). India alone accounts for

more than 35% of the world’s population without electricity access, making it the

largest contributor to the problem in the world (Folarnmi, 2010). These people do

4

not have light in the evening, and have limited access to radio and modern

communications. In addition to that they also have inadequate education and health

facilities, as well as inadequate power for their work and businesses. This

predicament stifles development opportunities for these people in a serious way as

modern energy is a catalyst for development. The general impression that emerges

is that grid electricity is the key to development. Reality however shows that grid

electricity is beyond the reach of most poor households. It is important therefore to

conduct this study as alternatives which may improve the lives and livelihoods need

to be identified as electricity is expensive and beyond the reach of most individual

households in the study area.

Chiwundura Communal Area suffers from serious shortage of firewood which is the

main source of energy due to effects of deforestation. Since the area also suffers

from lack of modern energy forms, men and boys who have the task of fetching

fuelwood walk long distances in search of fuelwood. This obviously impacts on their

lives and livelihoods in a negative way. The same scenario is experienced in a

number of developing countries where women spend several hours and walk several

kilometres collecting wood. This impacts negatively on their health as well as reduce

the amount of time that could be devoted to other productive activities. Studies

conducted in South Indian villages showed that families spend 2-6 hours each day

collecting 10 kilograms of wood over distances of 4-8 kilometres (Cabraal et al.

2005). The surveys done in Africa showed that women spent several hours

collecting fuelwood. In Tanzania women spent 8 hours, while in Senegal they spent

4 to 5 hours, in Niger 4 to 6 hours and in Kenya 3 to 5 hours (Cabraal et al. 2005;

Folarnmi, 2010).

The continued use of biomass fuels in Chiwundura Communal Area is associated

with a number of negative externalities which have implications for health,

productivity and the environment (Brook and Besant-Jones, 2000; Heltberg, 2004;

Heltberg, 2005). Most of these problems have implications on the attainment of

millennium development goals. The shortage of energy could mean that households

in Chiwundura Communal Area will not be able to eradicate extreme poverty and

hunger. Energy is necessary in the fight against extreme poverty and hunger and

is used in meeting human nutritional needs. Almost all staple foods need to be

5

cooked, and 95% of them require heat and fuel (Cabraal et al. 2005; GNESD, 2002;

UNDP-GTZ, 2005). The shortage of energy could make some otherwise edible

products inedible thereby increasing hunger and malnutrition. The study is likely to

come up with strategies to have energy that could be utilised to eradicate poverty

and hunger.

Access to modern energy forms such as electricity and solar power is an essential

condition for poverty reduction and sustainable human development. Energy

services such as lighting, cooking and water heating, space heating, cooling,

information and communication as well as earning a living, have significant impacts

upon all aspects of people’s lives and livelihoods. It is apparent that people who lack

access to these services are constrained to a life of poverty. The provision of

modern energy will go a long way in addressing poverty, one of the world’s greatest

challenges bedevilling developing countries such as Zimbabwe.

Over the years it has been debated whether traditional biomass fuels are the lead

cause of deforestation or not. The link between fuelwood collection and forest

degradation and soil erosion is more complex than normally acknowledged. In the

1970s it was widely believed biomass collection was massively unsustainable and

led to the depletion of forest resources, biodiversity loss, climate change and land

degradation (Madubansi and Shackleton, 2007). It is argued the subsequent

deforestation leads to fuelwood scarcity and this forces households to resort to even

less efficient sources of fuel such as crop residue and dung, which could be used

otherwise for fertiliser and improve food security. Productivity of the land is also

compromised when cow dung and agricultural residues are diverted to be used as a

fuel instead of being used as fertiliser to replenish soil nutrients (Malhotra, 2010).

Crop residues maintain the organic content and humus of the soil and also provide

soil protection. The reduction in crop residues makes the soil vulnerable to erosion

and drought. Shortage of fuelwood increases the opportunity costs due to additional

time spent and distance covered by women and children in search of firewood.

Women and children spend several hours a day collecting biomass fuels (Pachauri,

2004). This means that this time cannot be used for other livelihoods activities.

Children’s learning is also compromised as they spend valuable time searching for

biomass fuels. Reddy (2004) and Clancy (2003) observe that precious time is used

in collecting low quality fuels, which are then used at low efficiency, reducing their

6

ability to accumulate the financial resources they need to invest in strategies for

improving their livelihoods.

However in the mid-1980s it emerged that other activities such as land clearance for

agricultural expansion and timber harvesting were primarily responsible for

deforestation (Arnold, Köhlin and Persson, 2006; Heltberg, 2005). In Malawi,

nationally, clearing of land for farming was the main cause of deforestation, driven by

a growing population in need of food and cash crops between 1983 and 2007

(Mapako, 2010). During the period under study there was significant new planting

of some cash crops, for example land under tobacco increased by 830% (Mapako,

2010). This is typical of most developing countries which are experiencing

population growth. It turns out that in many areas, woodfuels are being sustainably

cut or are a by-product of land clearing for farming (Mapako, 2010). This is the case

in most African countries where fuelwood collection in rural areas is largely in the

form of dead wood or twigs without cutting the entire tree (Chidumayo, 1997). In fact

what has emerged in the recent years is the increasing concern for deforestation

arising from the ever growing charcoal industry which fuels the urban energy needs

of many developing countries (Clancy, 2008). Many rural areas together with the

peri urban areas are heavily deforested due to the effects of the charcoal industries.

Climate change is a problem that is closely linked to the use of traditional biomass

energy. Zimbabwe is a signatory to the Kyoto Protocol on climate change which

sought to cut the emissions of greenhouse gases by an average of 5.2 per cent in

the period 2008 to 2012. Poor households in rural areas of the developing countries

such as Chiwundura Communal Area however continue to use traditional biomass

energy sources that emit greenhouse gases such as carbon dioxide because they do

not have realistic alternatives in place. These gases contribute to climate change

and global warming. International organisations and governments are obsessed with

the climate change agenda and are proposing that modern energy forms particularly

grid electricity could ameliorate this problem. This is however not possible as the

provision of grid electricity is beyond the capabilities of most governments in the

developing world. It is therefore prudent for governments and nongovernmental

organisations to find simple and effective technologies that deliver clean and efficient

energy to the energy poor communities such as Chiwundura Communal Area.

7

This study is essential because it acknowledges that rural communities are in

desperate need of modern energy forms which improve their lives and livelihoods. It

also shows that the modern energy does not need to be grid electricity as it has a

number of challenges. Instead it is important to find alternative energy sources that

are sustainable which help them to achieve the millennium development goals.

1.3. Background on Zimbabwe

1.3.1. Geographical background

Zimbabwe is a landlocked country in sub-Saharan Africa, covering approximately 39

million hectares of land. It lies between 150 40" and 220 30" South and 250 15" and

330 05" East latitudes (Marufu, Ludwig, Andreaf, Meixner and Helas, 1997). The

country shares borders with four countries, that is, Botswana to the west,

Mozambique to the east and north east, South Africa to the south and Zambia to the

north. The Caprivi Strip of Namibia touches the western border at the intersection

with Zambia. The Zambezi River to the north of Zimbabwe and the Limpopo River to

the south provide some of the natural boundaries.

Eighty percent of the land in the country is more than 600 metres above sea level,

while the rest is below this height. The central plateau which is known as the

Highveld is an outstanding feature of the country’s landscape. It is approximately

650km long and 30km wide. On either side of the Highveld is the Middleveld which is

between 600 and 1 200 metres above sea level. The Lowveld comprises the lowest

points in the country and these are below 600 metres above sea level. It is found

mainly along the Zambezi Valley and the area between the Limpopo and Save

Rivers. The area along the border with Mozambique has ranges of mountains

known as the Eastern Highlands comprising Vumba, Chimanimani and Inyanga

which rise above 1 800 metres. Inyanga Mountain has the highest point in the

country at 2 592 metres.

Although Zimbabwe lies within the tropics, its inland location, altitude and relief play

a significant role in modifying its climate; hence sub-tropical climate prevails in most

8

parts of the country (Marufu et al., 1997). Zimbabwe has one rainy season that

stretches from November to March while the dry cool season is between May and

August. The country does not receive uniform amounts of rainfall across the

regions. The low lying areas such as the Lowveld receive below 400 mm whilst the

central watershed receives up to 900 mm, and the parts in the eastern highlands

receive up to 1 500 mm per annum. The Lowveld which receives low rainfall tends

to specialise in livestock and game ranching. The Middleveld which has medium

areas specialises in intensive cropping and pasture production, whilst the Highveld

which is a high rainfall area is well known for afforestation, agriculture and intensive

livestock production.

Zimbabwe can also be looked at from an agro-ecological perspective. The country

has five agro-ecological regions. The first one is Natural Region I which covers

about 5 835 km² and is basically located in the eastern part of the country. This

region receives over 1 000mm of rainfall in all months and is suitable for forestry-

based activities, agriculture and intensive livestock production. The climatic

conditions prevalent in Natural Region 1 encourage the production of crops such as

tea and coffee, especially in the frost free areas. Natural Region II (72 745 km²)

receives annual rainfall of 800 -1 000 mm and this is often confined to the summer

season. The climatic and soil conditions in this region are suitable for intensive crop

and pasture production. This region in normal rainfall seasons is regarded as the

bread basket of Zimbabwe as it accounts for approximately 90% of the country’s

annual crop productivity. Natural region III (67 690 km²) in normal rainfall seasons

receives an annual rainfall of 650 – 800 mm. The area however experiences

seasonal drought and is therefore suitable for livestock based production systems as

well as short season and drought tolerant crops like millet and root crops. Natural

region IV (128 370 km²) receives an annual rainfall of 450 – 650 mm and

experiences frequent seasonal droughts. The region experiences some severe dry

spells during the rainy season; hence it is suitable for livestock ranching and wildlife

production. Natural region V (112 810 km²) has an erratic annual rainfall of less than

450 mm. The region is not good for crop production; hence extensive cattle and

game ranching are usually practised.

9

In general Zimbabwe’s natural vegetation is the savanna-woodland type. It is

however interspaced with open grasslands and dambos (seasonally water-logged

low lying areas) which are mainly found in the central watershed area. Sub-tropical

forests are found in the Eastern parts of the country. The savanna woodland can be

further divided into three phytogeographic regions; the Afromontane, the East African

coastal, and the Zambesian. Approximately 95% of the country is covered by the

Zambesian region, which comprises five woodland types - acacia, miombo, mopane,

teak, and Terminalia Combretaceae. Over 60% of the forest areas in the country are

dominated by the Miombo woodlands which are composed primarily of Brachystegia

species with Julbernadia globiflora. The different tree species in the miombo

woodlands are of economic importance and are used for timber, fuel, poles,

medicine and fruit. The Eastern Highlands, especially the Chimanimani Mountains

are part of the Afromontane region and they have the utmost level of endemism.

It is important to observe that despite the fact that forests in Zimbabwe have social

and economic value, they are being depleted at a disturbing rate. Population density

in almost all rural areas exceeds the natural capacity of the land, and this leads to

the depletion of the natural resources. It is estimated that between 70 000 and

100 000 hectares of the country’s forests are lost annually to agriculture and

sustaining energy needs (Masara, 2012). The failure by government to provide

enough electricity for its people means that trees continue to be cut so as to sustain

energy needs. It is also observed that the sale of firewood has become big business

in Zimbabwe and this is likely to continue as long as electricity remains in short

supply. The situation is even worse in densely populated areas such as Chivi

Communal Lands where approximately 30% of the land is vegetated (Shumba,

2001). The situation in most rural areas is exacerbated by the fact that most of the

households in communal areas continue to depend on wood for fuel. This will be

elucidated in Chapter 5. It is always critical to realise that the land tenure system

which was prevalent in Zimbabwe at independence in 1980 has a strong bearing on

the amount of vegetation cover in an area. There is an emerging scenario in the

resettlement areas that were established by the government to relieve population

pressure in the rural areas. Although resettlement areas are still wooded there is

massive deforestation going on as households depend on fuelwood as there are

limited options. Some use the wood for their purposes while others are actually

1010

involved in illicit woodfuel trade. This will be dealt with in Chapter 5. The

resettlement areas are former white commercial farms that were acquired by

government in the early 1980s as well as in early 2000s when the government

embarked on accelerated land reform better known as Fast Track Land Reform.

1.3.2. Political structures and administrative structures

Zimbabwe became independent from British colonial rule in 1980. The country has a

centralised government. The Constitution is the supreme law in the country. The

state is made up of three arms namely the Executive, the Legislature and the

Judiciary. The Executive which is the cabinet is headed by the President, who is

also the head of state. There are two vice presidents who have turns to act in the

absence of the head of state. The creation of the Government of National Unity in

2008 ushered in the posts of Prime Minister and two deputy prime ministers. The

prime minister oversees the Council of Ministers. The cabinet is responsible for

formulation of policies and supervision of government ministries. The Ministry of

Energy Development oversees the development and provision of electricity in the

country. The rural electrification programme which is viewed as the impetus for rural

development falls under this ministry. The legislature is responsible for making law.

Since 2005 Zimbabwe’s legislature is bicameral and consists of the lower house

(parliament) and the upper house (senate), which came into being through

Constitutional Amendment Number 17 of 2005 (Zimbabwe Constitution, 2006). A

number of energy acts and policies that will be discussed in Chapter 2 have been

developed in parliament and approved in the senate.

For administrative purposes, Zimbabwe is divided into the following geographic

areas - Provinces; Districts; Rural Councils; Wards1; and Villages. Zimbabwe is

divided into ten provinces for administrative purposes. Of those provinces two are

metropolitan provinces of Harare and Bulawayo which are Zimbabwe’s largest cities

that were given a provincial status. Each province has a provincial capital where

official business is usually conducted. Table 1.1 shows the different provinces and

their capitals.

1 A ward is an administrative unit made up of six or seven villages (Madzudzo, 1997)

1111

Table 1.1: Provinces in Zimbabwe

Province Capital

Bulawayo Bulawayo

Harare Harare

Manicaland Mutare

Mashonaland Central Bindura

Mashonaland East Marondera

Mashonaland West Chinhoyi

Masvingo Masvingo City

Matebeleland North Lupane

Matebeleland South Gwanda

Midlands Gweru

Source: Research data, 2011.

Each province is headed by a Provincial Governor who is appointed by the

President. This is a political appointment. The governor heads the provincial

council. Both the governor and provincial council have the responsibility of

coordinating the preparation of development plans of the province as well as

promoting the implementation of plans by the different ministries, authorities,

agencies as well as people working within the province. In this case provincial

council supervises programmes such as the rural electrification which will be looked

at in greater depth in this study particularly in Chapter 5.

The provincial government is run by a Provincial Administrator who is appointed by

the Public Service Commission. The provincial administrator is therefore a civil

servant. Other government functions at provincial level are carried out by provincial

offices of national government departments.

Provinces are subdivided into 59 districts and 1 200 wards. Each district is headed

by a District Administrator (DA) who is appointed by the Public Service Commission.

There is also a Rural District Council which appoints a Chief Executive Officer to run

it. The RDC is composed of elected ward councillors, the DA, and one

1212

representative of the chiefs (traditional leaders appointed under customary law in the

district). Other government functions at district level are carried out by district offices

of national government departments.

At the ward level there is a Ward Development Committee comprising the elected

councillors, the kraal heads (traditional leaders subordinate to chiefs) and

representatives of Village Development Committees (VIDCO). Wards are

subdivided into villages, each of which has an elected VDC and a headman;

traditional leader subordinate to the kraal head. The levels of government in

Zimbabwe are illustrated in Figure 1.1.

Figure 1.1: Levels of government in Zimbabwe.

1.3.3. Population

Zimbabwe has a total population of 12 973 808 people made up of 6 234 931 males

which is 47.6% of the population, and 6 738 877 females make up 52.4% (ZIMSTAT,

2012; ZIMSTAT, 2013). The country has about 3 076 222 households with an

average size of 4.4 persons per household. Chiwundura Communal Area is located

1313

in the Midlands Province which has 1 622 476 people, of which 779 233 are males

while 843 243 are females. Generally households in rural areas are larger on

average (4.7 persons per family) compared to those in the urban areas 4.0 persons)

(ZIMSTAT, 2013). This could be as a result of a number of factors. Firstly, rural

families depend on agriculture; hence they tend to have large families that provide

labour. Secondly, life in general tends to be cheaper in the rural areas than in urban

areas, so having many children is not as burdensome as in urban areas. Thirdly,

cultural and religious factors which tend to discourage family planning practices are

more prevalent in rural areas than in urban areas. According to the census that was

conducted in 2012, 68.3% of the population resides in rural areas while 31.7% of the

population resides in urban areas. This makes the communal areas densely

populated and this has led to the depletion of natural resources such as wood fuel.

Households resort to the use of biomass fuels such as crop residues and dung which

could be used as fertiliser in the fields. As will be discussed in Chapter 5 this

impacts on agricultural productivity negatively and this has a bearing on

development.2

The results for the 2012 census revealed that at the national level 65% of the

households are headed by males while 35% are headed by females. In the rural

areas 61.9% of the households are headed by males compared to urban areas

where 69.3% of the households are headed by females. During the time the census

was conducted the national literacy ratio was 91.3%.

1.3.4. Domestic energy use

Several energy types are used in Zimbabwe in the different sectors of the economy.

These range from biomass, coal, electricity, oil to liquefied petroleum gas. This

study however did not consider the general picture of energy use; instead it focused

on domestic energy use in Chiwundura Communal Area which is located in a rural

area. Before having a deeper analysis of domestic energy use in the study area it

was important to look at the energy sources for cooking which is the most important

2 Marufu et al (1997) postulate that the shortage of wood fuel due to population pressure in the rural areas of Zimbabwe has driven households into using dung as energy for cooking and space heating and lighting. This deprives the households of essential fertiliser that could boost their agricultural productivity.

1414

of all energy services. According to ZIMSTAT (2013) wood fuel is the main source of

energy for cooking. On average, 66% of households in the country use wood fuel for

cooking as shown in Table 1.2. Its usage is particularly high in the rural areas where

96% of households depend on it, compared to urban areas where 15.4% of

households use it for cooking. The use of electricity for cooking remains low in the

country as 31.9% of households in the country use it for that purpose. Electricity

usage in rural areas is significantly low as only 3.6% of households depend on

electricity for cooking. The situation is better in urban areas where 79.6% of

households use it for cooking. All other forms of energy such as paraffin and

liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) which are to some extent popular in countries such as

South Africa remain very subdued in Zimbabwe. Paraffin is almost a staple fuel in

South Africa where it meets energy demands as dictated by certain diets as well as

cultural and traditional practices (Panday, 2007).3 Charcoal which is not used at all

in Zimbabwe’s rural areas as reflected in Table 1.2 is an important source of energy

for cooking in other parts of Africa (Havet, Braun and Gocht, 2007).4 Biomass is

also used for lighting and space heating. The use of electricity, paraffin and solar is

insignificant because of the prohibitive costs (Muchawaya, 2007). More detail on this

will however be provided in Chapter 5. It is also apparent that because of the

increasing wood fuel shortage the use of cow dung as an energy source is becoming

popular in several rural areas (Muchawaya, 2007).5

3 In South Africa electrified rural communities use paraffin to cook hard foods such as dumplings, pap, tripe, samp and beans, which require slow cooking, so as to save on prepaid electricity (Panday, 2007) 4 In Senegal charcoal represents 53 percent of Senegal’s final energy consumption (Havet et al., 2007) 5 Cecelski, Sengendo and Aisu (2011) contend that dung is part of the energy mix for more than 90% of the 650 million people in Africa.

1515

Source of energy Rural Urban Zimbabwe

Wood 96.0 15.4 66.0

Paraffin 0.4 4.2 1.8

Electricity 3.6 79.6 31.9

Liquid gas 0.0 0.3 0.1

Biogas 0.0 0.2 0.1

Charcoal - 0.1 0.0

Other 0.0 0.2 0.1

Total 100.0 100.0 100.0

Table 1.2: Percentage distribution of households using main source of energy for cooking by land use sector

Source: ZIMSTAT, 2013

1.3.5. Electricity situation in Zimbabwe

At independence in 1980 there was almost 100% electrification of the areas where

the white and black urban elite lived while the bulk of the poor black population had

little or no access (Mangwengwende, 2005). This deficiency influenced the national

energy policy of the government to give priority to the electrification of the urban and

rural poor. Nationally, only 20% of Zimbabwean rural households have access to

electricity. Electricity is a major form of energy in the urban areas of Zimbabwe

where approximately 84% of the houses are connected (Dube, 2003; Mapako,

2004). Statistics show that over 90% of households in Bulawayo, the second largest

city and over 80% in Harare, the capital city are electrified (Mapako and Afrane-

Okese, 2002). Nevertheless the grid is well developed with efforts after 1980 having

extended supplies to rural business and government administrative centres. It has

always been easier to connect the urban poor as most of their residential areas have

a close proximity to the existing grid. This is not the case with many rural

communities except those that are located adjacent to electrified white commercial

farms (Mangwengwende, 2005). The government endeavour to electrify rural areas

has not been smooth sailing and this will be discussed later in the ensuing section

under rural electrification.

Zimbabwe experiences a net deficit in the supply of its electrical power. The power

generated from Kariba, Hwange, Harare, Bulawayo, Munyati, Harare power stations

1616

and independent power producers (IPPs) is not sufficient to meet current demand

due to a number of challenges the country is experiencing. The national electricity

demand stands at 2 200MW and yet the country is only able to produce an average

of 1 200MW against its potential of 1800MW as shown in Table 1.3 and in Figure

1.2. To augment its supplies, ZESA imports up to 40% of its demand from South

Africa, Mozambique, Zambia and Zaire (Kayo, 2002). In real terms the country’s

ability to import power is limited because of shortages of money; hence the imports

fluctuate between 50 and 300MW (Rafemoyo, 2010).

Table 1.3: Zimbabwe’s energy sources and their potential generation capacity

Source of energy Amount of energy

generated in MW

Kariba Power Station 750

Hwange Thermal Power Station 920

Bulawayo Thermal Power Station 90

Munyati Thermal Power Station 90

Harare Thermal Power Station 45

Total 1795

Figure 1.2 shows the stations where electricity is generated in Zimbabwe as well as

the total capacities they are able to produce.

1717

Figure 1.2: Location of power stations in Zimbabwe, Source: Rafemoyo (2010)

ZESA employs load shedding on a daily basis to cover for the gap between supply

and demand. Load shedding at peak times may result in up to 50% of the power

demand being curtailed (Rafemoyo, 2010). The situation can only be rectified when

additional generation capacities are developed in Zimbabwe as well as the SADC

region.

Zimbabwe is experiencing several challenges which militate against its efforts to

provide enough electricity for the nation. There is general lack of adequate working

capital. This situation results in ZESA being unable to maintain its infrastructure and

equipment which in turn leads to supply disruptions. The severe financial restrictions

means that ZESA cannot invest in new system infrastructure (network and

generating plant), and it cannot refurbish Hwange Thermal Power Station (the main

source of electricity) and small thermal power stations in Bulawayo, Munyati and

Harare, to unlock their full potential (Rafemoyo, 2010). The poor capital base also

means the utility has to reduce the importation of electricity from Mozambique and

South Africa which represents a major expense (ESMAP, 2000)

1818

Zimbabwe and ZESA have experienced inadequate foreign currency supplies for

power imports. The current infrastructure cannot be run and maintained due to

limited foreign exchange to buy spare parts and components. The scarcity of foreign

currency led to the introduction of load shedding (Mbowa, 2007). To meet future

demand, the power sector requires large-scale investment in electricity generation of

between US$ 1.5 and 2 billion over the next decade (ZESA, 1999; ZESA, 2000). In

the immediate future the country needs an additional thermal plant with a capacity of

300MW and this requires around US$ 450 million in investment capital (Deepchand,

2001). Unfortunately ZESA is heavily indebted and the Government of Zimbabwe

cannot afford this level of investment at the moment. The situation is further

compounded by the fact that ZESA is running at a loss (ZESA, 1999) which makes it

difficult to attract any new investment.

The utility is under-funded due to the uneconomic tariffs and slow energy uptake by

target communities. ZESA is selling electricity well below the cost of supply,

effectively giving a subsidy to almost all consumer categories. This means that even

the non-poor enjoy the same level of subsidy as the poor (Rafemoyo, 2010). This all

happens against the backdrop of increased operation costs related to payment for

import of power in foreign currency and servicing of foreign debt. The

undercapitalised utility is therefore unable to service its equipment, import spares

and even acquire adequate coal supplies for Hwange Power Station and the smaller

thermal power stations. Low tariffs also scare away potential IPPs and this explains

why there has been lack of investments into new power stations for decades.

The macro-economic crisis that prevailed in Zimbabwe from the late 1990s

characterised by high inflation and the devaluation of the Zimbabwe dollar is the

main cause of ZESA’s poor technical and financial performance. Inflation in 1998

averaged over 50 percent per annum; as of mid-1999 it was about the same

(ESMAP, 2000). The situation got even worse between 1999 and 2008. For

example the rate of inflation peaked at 231 million per cent by July 2008

(Makochekanwa, 2010, Makochekanwa 2009). The Zimbabwe dollar suffered

substantial depreciation against all major currencies during that period. This has had

a major effect on household incomes throughout the country and this had a ripple

effect on ZESA as it experienced revenue collection challenges. The ultimate result

1919

was the inadequate working capital (Rafemoyo, 2010). This scenario resulted in

poor service delivery by the power utility.

ZESA transmission equipment has suffered from serious vandalism over the years

(Rafemoyo, 2010). Thieves target transformer oil, overhead and underground

cables, bolts, nuts, guy grips and washers. It is believed they sell cables to scrap

metal dealers while transmission equipment is said to have ready market in

neighbouring countries such as South Africa, Mozambique and Botswana

(Matambanadzo and Tembo, 2011; The Zimbabwean, 2011). Theft of equipment

results in power cuts and extra cost to ZESA. It costs US$20 000 to replace a single

transformer (Matambanadzo and Tembo, 2011). It also slows down the rate of new

connections to the national electricity grid as the available equipment is

subsequently used for replacement purposes instead of network expansion (Bwititi,

2011). Incidentally this has a direct effect on rural electrification.

ZESA is also faced with the problem of idle and/or underutilised infrastructure. That

ZESA infrastructures are old and obsolete and are in urgent need of refurbishment

has already been alluded to; there is no capital to bring them on line. The utility’s

woes have been worsened by serious brain drain (Rafemoyo, 2010). During the

years of economic meltdown ZESA experienced serious human capital flight and this

negatively affected its programmes.

The above discussion portrays a gloomy picture on the electricity situation in the

country. The utility is in urgent need of funding so as to be able to carry out its

mandate. Without stability in its operations ZESA may not be able to undertake

some of its programmes which include rural electrification as will be discussed later

on in this study.

1.3.6. Highlights of the country

1.3.6.1. Land reform

Zimbabwe has embarked on land reform since 1980 when it became independent.

This was a way of redressing the disparities that existed between the blacks and

whites residing in the country. At independence whites who made up 3% of the

2020

population owned 51% of the country’s farming land, and this was 44% of all total

land (Weiner et al., 1985). Furthermore 75% of all prime agricultural land was under

Large Scale Commercial Farming (LSCF) owned by whites and these farms ranged

between 500 and 2 000 hectares (Weiner et al., 1985). On the one hand most of the

LSCF land was located in agro-ecological regions I, II and III. On the other hand

approximately 4.3 million blacks (72% of the population), living in the communal

areas (CAs) had access to only 42% of the land which was mainly in agro-ecological

regions IV and V (Marongwe, undated). These areas were densely populated and

were severely degraded. The areas lacked services such as electricity and

households depended mainly on wood fuel for domestic energy. In some areas that

had suffered massive deforestation communities relied on other biomass energy

forms such as dung and agricultural residues. Today, households that have not

been resettled and continue to remain in these areas suffer from serious shortage of

energy as there are no forests to provide them with wood fuel. Those that have

been resettled are better off as resettlement areas which were formerly white

commercial farms still have forests. The challenge however in these areas is that

households do not see the need to switch to modern forms of fuels as wood fuel is

found in abundance and at no monetary cost except human labour and time. The

rate of deforestation in these areas is high as certain unscrupulous individuals are

involved in illicit wood vending. There is need to provide these areas with alternative

energy sources to avert the dangers that are associated with the use of wood fuel.

According to Moyo (2013) the land reform policy in Zimbabwe was carried out in

three phases which were characterised by critical shifts in economic policy and

performance and by changes in the electoral political circumstances. The first phase

was from 1980 to 1989 and land reform was based on state-led purchases of land

that was available on the market (willing buyer-willing seller). The land was then

allocated to selected beneficiaries. The second phase was conducted from 1990.

This phase despite the adoption of land expropriation laws was characterised by

slackened pace in land redistribution because of neoliberal policies that restricted

state interventions in markets. The third phase commenced around 1997 and this

was the period that was characterised by a rising social crisis which translated into

political polarisation (Moyo, 2013). In July 2000, the “Fast Track” resettlement

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phase6 was put in motion so as to speed up land acquisition and resettlement.7 The

land reform programme switched to land expropriation. Extensive land redistribution

took place as the government was at the centre of this process. This programme

forced most of the white farmers off the land and approximately 200 active large-

scale commercial farms remain now. From 2001 the former large-scale commercial

farms have been transformed into A1 model farms which are basically small

subsistence farms; and A2 model farms which are operated by commercial medium

and large farmers. This phase was concomitantly accompanied by the hotly

contested elections. The combination of fast track land reform and the disputed

elections resulted in the impositions of sanctions also known as targeted economic

measures.8 The sanctions as will be discussed in Chapter 5 impacted negatively on

modern energy use and adoption. The rural electrification process has been stalled

in most rural areas of Zimbabwe.

1.3.6.2. Economic Structural Adjustment Programme

When Zimbabwe became independent in 1980, there were a lot of socio-economic

disparities that the government needed to correct. It invested heavily in education

and health and embarked on rural development using the parastatals to drive this

endeavour. These programmes however increased public expenditure and also

fuelled inflation. There was little private sector investment, shortages of imported

goods and limited job opportunities. In order to correct these anomalies the

government adopted the Economic Structural Adjustment Programme (ESAP) in

1990-91 (Mangwengwende, 2002). This was a prescription from the International

Monetary Fund and the World Bank which was intended to reduce government

expenditure through the removal of subsidies, cost recovery, price decontrol,

devaluation of the local currency, civil service rationalisation, and parastatal reform

(Dhliwayo, 2001). The government together with IMF/World Bank believed that

6 The official term is accelerated land reform but the term “fast track” has been popularised and it is apparently used more often than the former both in literature and in everyday talk. 7 A law was enacted for the purpose, with compulsory acquisition and resettlement being the key focus. 8The United State of America government passed the Zimbabwe Democracy Recovery Act in 2001. The Act allows USA executive director to each international financial institution to oppose the vote against any extension by the respective financial institution of any loan, credit or guarantee to the government of Zimbabwe; or any cancellation or reduction of indebtedness owed by the government of Zimbabwe to the US or any international financial institution (Makonese et al., 2011).

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reforms in public expenditure would result in price stability that was accompanied

with an improvement in the cost effectiveness of the provision of social services

(Dhliwayo, 2001). This signified a major departure from socialism which was an

ideology that the ruling party (ZANU PF) had followed since independence in 1980.

ESAP had a number of negative impacts on the energy sector in Zimbabwe. The

phasing out of subsidies negatively affected the adoption and dissemination of

electricity in the rural areas as well as poor urban households. It stifled the adoption

of modern energy technologies in the country. Subsidies on liquid fuels except

paraffin were removed (Makonese et al., 2011). The disparities between the rich

and the poor households were further widened. The situation in the rural areas and

some urban areas was such that only the well to do could afford to adopt modern

fuels including the backup diesel powered electricity generators. The

commercialisation of ZESA meant that electricity rates were pegged at market rates

and this was beyond the reach of many (Zhou and Masunungure, 2006). Most

communal households who depend on seasonal agriculture could not adopt

electricity. They were therefore forced to continue depending on biomass

alternatives, thereby promoting deforestation.

1.3.6.3. Economic sanctions

Between 2000 and 2003 the United States of America, United Kingdom, Australia,

Canada and the European Union imposed what they called targeted economic

measures on Zimbabwe (Chingono, 2010). In essence these were economic

sanctions imposed on government ministers, politicians aligned to Zimbabwe African

National Union (Patriotic Front) (ZANU PF), and government companies

(parastatals) such as Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority. There are two schools

of thought that could be used to explain why Zimbabwe was slapped with sanctions.

The first one which is a Euro-centric perspective argues that sanctions are only

restrictive economic measures on President Mugabe and his party officials (Hove,

2012). This school is of the opinion that sanctions are not responsible for the

economic meltdown that the country experienced. Instead they blame corruption,

dictatorship, lack of rule of law and no protection of private property, abuse of human

rights, and jeopardizing productivity and foreign currency earnings through the land

2323

reform programmes as the main reasons behind the country’s economic problems

(Mhiripiri, 2012; Mhiripiri, 2008). This group of people argue that sanctions were

imposed so as to correct this state of affairs. The other school of thought with an

Afro-centric persuasion is of the opinion that sanctions were used as a

countermeasure to the genuine Land Reform Programme. Britain which was

affected by the land programme imposed sanctions as retribution and had a regime

change agenda. The sanctions were imposed soon after the Accelerated Land

Reform Programme which began in earnest in 2000 when blacks from the previously

congested communal areas invaded the white owned commercial farms. This was a

move that was spearheaded by the ZANU PF led government and was regarded as

a political gimmick intended to sway votes in its favour from the Movement for

Democratic Change (MDC) a new political party that emerged in the late 1990s. The

western countries also argued that the 2002 elections that were won by ZANU PF

were marred by violence; hence the imposed sanctions as a way to restore

democracy and normalcy in the way the western countries prescribed it.

Furthermore, sanctions were imposed because there was an array of human rights

abuses, disrespect for the rule of law and the violation of property ownership rights.

The imposition of sanctions had several negative impacts on the provision of

electricity as well as the extension of the rural electrification programme which the

government had embarked on. In actual fact the sanctions worsened the energy

poverty that prevailed in the country. Firstly, there were no longer the financial flows

such as aid, short and long term loans, and this reduced the foreign exchange flows

into the country. ZESA therefore had limited foreign currency and this reduced the

power utility’s capacity to import spare parts to maintain its plants. The lack of

foreign currency also compromised ZESA’s ability to import electricity from

Mozambique, Democratic Republic of Congo and South Africa since it could not pay

its suppliers who demanded advance payment before electricity was supplied. As a

result ESKOM (South Africa national power utility) switched off its lines to Zimbabwe

in 2000 due to non payment. The presence of sanctions increased the cost of

transporting coal from Hwange to Harare, Bulawayo and Munyati Thermal Power

Stations (TPS) and their maintenance. As a result the three TPSs had to be

decommissioned. The TPSs used to contribute a total of 670MW to the grid

(Bulawayo 370MW, Harare 200MW and Munyati 100MW) (ZESA, 2006). The

2424

imposition of sanctions tarnished the image of the country as it was regarded as

risky to do business with. Donor agencies were unwilling to support projects in the

country. Companies such as ZESA and the Rural Electrification Agency found it

very difficult to access lines of credit. They therefore had to pay cash for all their

imports thereby making their operations very difficult. The bad image also scared

away potential investors in the energy industry. The sanctions crunch has resulted

in serious load shedding since 2000. The pace of rural electrification has also been

slackened. The imposition of sanctions also had negative impacts on the adoption of

renewable energy technologies as the buying power of the general populace had

been eroded (Makonese et al., 2011). Further discussions on the issue will be done

in Chapter 5.

1.3.6.4. Political and economic meltdown

The period between 1999 and 2009 was one of the worst in the history of Zimbabwe.

Zimbabwe experienced a political and economic meltdown. The meltdown was

closely linked to the 2002 and 2008 elections as well as the fast track land reform

programme. It resulted in hyperinflation which brought the economy to its knees. At

the height of hyperinflation in November 2008 prices were doubling every 24.7 hours

or an equivalent daily inflation of 98% (Mangizvo and Jerie, 2011). In 2008,

Zimbabwe experienced record inflation and this made it difficult for businesses and

other institutions to plan ahead as the rate of inflation peaked at 231 million percent

by July 2008 (Makochekanwa, 2010, Makochekanwa 2009). For example, ZESA

could not effectively use the money it collected as tariffs because it was eroded by

inflation. As a result it could not convert the Zimbabwe Dollar to foreign currency.

Furthermore, a number of consumers were not able to keep pace with the rate of

inflation; therefore they fell behind on their bill payments. When the Zimbabwe Dollar

was abandoned in favour of the United States dollar as the country’s legal tender

many consumers owed ZESA. The debts could not be converted to US dollar and

this compounded the utility’s financial problems. As such, the inflationary situation

meant that ZESA could not import electricity from its suppliers as well as import

maintenance parts. The situation also meant that the basic subsidies to support the

poor could not be maintained. The prevailing situation during the inflationary period

2525

disturbed the rural electrification programme as both the power utility and consumers

were incapacitated.

1.3.6.5. Dollarization of the economy

In January 2009 when Zimbabwe was at the pinnacle of its economic meltdown the

government dollarized the economy (Chagonda, 2010; Kairiza, 2012).9 The

dollarization of the economy was intended to resuscitate the economy from the

doldrums it had sunk into between 1999 and 2009. The country, parastatals and

local authorities utilised the US dollar for their budgetary purposes (Gukurume,

2011). The use of the US dollar, the Pula and the Rand was able to tame the

hyperinflation which had gone out of control for a decade (Mangizvo and Jerie,

2011). At least dollarization stabilised the economy and improved the buying power

of some households particularly those in the urban areas. However, the situation

has not improved significantly as load shedding has continued. It is argued that the

tariffs charged by ZESA are sub economic since they are politically determined. As

a result ZESA is unable to recoup all its incurred expenses. Even with dollarization

the power utility is unable to make a profit; hence it cannot maintain its equipment let

alone replace the obsolete infrastructure. This situation does not encourage the

expansion of the system. Although the government is pushing for rural electrification

not much is being achieved on the ground. At least consumers could pay for their

energy bills. Although the economy is currently dollarized, relations with the Bretton

Woods institutions have yet to normalise. There are a number of conditions that

Zimbabwe has to fulfil before there can be a resumption of full co-operation.

Zimbabwe must improve its economic policies and must also clear its arrears to the

International Monetary Fund (IMF, 2013). Furthermore economic and targeted

sanctions are still in place. Therefore ZESA and REA cannot access credit lines,

grants and loans from multilateral institutions that allow them to borrow money for

refurbishment and replacement of obsolete infrastructure. ZESA cannot expand its

rural electrification programme without the support of these multilateral

organisations. As will be observed in Chapter 5 rural communities find it hard to

access the United States dollar and the South African rand; hence they cannot

9 Dollarization refers to a situation where a country has no locally issued currency and therefore utilises foreign currency instead, although the currency is not necessarily a US dollar (Schuler, 2005).

2626

electrify their homes or pay for their bills. Quite a number of them use barter trade to

conduct trade.

1.3.6.6. Energy policy

The Deputy Prime Minister Thokozani Khupe launched Zimbabwe’s energy policy in

early September in 2012 (UNDP, 2013). Since attaining independence in 1980, the

country did not have a clear energy policy to guide it. The energy policy which took

more than five years to draft with the support of United Nations Development

Programme (UNDP) provides a roadmap for the country on how to address key

issues which include exploitation, distribution and utilisation of different energy

resources which include solar, biogas, biomass and wind among many others. The

policy is likely to address challenges which affected Zimbabwe during the decade it

experienced its economic meltdown. These include lack of new investment, poor

maintenance, low funding from treasury and huge import burden. These challenges

stalled the extension of electrification into rural areas. While the approach that was

adopted by the energy policy enables the people of Zimbabwe to have full access to

modern energy sources by 2040, it is favourable to rural areas as it looks at other

alternatives such as renewable sources of energy. The energy policy promotes local

manufacturing of energy technology by the private sector. The approach will avail

more energy which is affordable and relevant to rural areas. In addition, the

approach creates green jobs and also reduces poverty.

1.4. Statement of the problem

Households in Chiwundura Communal Area in the Midlands Province of Zimbabwe

continue to depend predominantly on traditional biomass fuels such as wood and

agricultural residues, and in some cases animal dung, to meet virtually all their

energy needs. This is despite the fact that grid electrification has been introduced in

most parts of the communal area through the government’s rural electrification

programme. The grid electrification infrastructure has not reached very few places

such as Mabhungu, Tongogara and Ruware. Observations show that even some of

the households that have connected to the grid continue to rely on biomass fuels for

cooking, water heating and space heating. These households use electricity mainly

for lighting and powering entertainment gadgets such as radios and televisions. This

2727

situation means that generally households in Chiwundura Communal Area are at the

lowest rung of the energy ladder.

Biomass is regarded as an inferior form of energy, with several social, economic and

environmental disadvantages (Reddy, 2003). Continued reliance on biomass

energy exposes poor families which are not able to switch to modern fuels such as

electricity and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) to energy poverty. Energy poverty is

the absence of sufficient choice in accessing adequate, affordable, reliable, high

quality, safe and environmentally benign energy services to support economic and

human development (Birol, 2007; Reddy, 2000). Households in Chiwundura

Communal Area can be described as being energy poor.

The widespread use of biomass energy has several repercussions for the users.

Firewood which is the dominant source of cooking energy is inefficient and has

harmful impacts on human health. A kilogram of wood generates only a tenth of the

heat yielded by a kilogram of liquid petroleum gas (LPG) (Baltiwala and Reddy,

2003; Barnes et al, 1997). Women and children who spend on average 3 hours a

day cooking are exposed to suspended particulates which are emitted by firewood,

dung cakes and crop waste (Baltiwala and Reddy, 2003). Women and children who

live in some areas in Chiwundura Communal Area with some human imposed

scarcity of wood spend many hours, and walk long distances in search of firewood.

Time that could be devoted to improving livelihoods such as working in the fields or

studying is spent in search of firewood (Birol, 2007). Energy poverty in Chiwundura

Communal Area is negatively impacting on women because of their gender roles of

collecting, transporting and storing of fuels, as well as cooking activities. Women in

Chiwundura Communal Area have therefore a very long arduous day. Use of other

biomass forms such as crop residues and dung has become more prevalent

because wood is scarce in some communities in the Chiwundura Communal Area.

These could be used as fertilizer to improve agricultural productivity. Madubansi and

Shackleton (2007) argue that this threatens food security and leads to a vicious cycle

of poverty.

The continued dependence on traditional biomass means school going children are

also affected as they cannot study after dark. The candles and oil lanterns they use

2828

are overly expensive, while at the same time they provide poor quality light. They

also produce smoke that irritates the eyes, making it difficult for the pupils to

concentrate on their studies. This means that lack of modern energy services will

make it practically difficult for households in the communal area to attain the second

millennium goal on universal primary education.

Scarcity of energy has several implications on nutrition and health of individuals in

Chiwundura Communal Area. Fuel shortages cause families to change their eating

habits and the types of food consumed in homes. Due to the shortage of adequate

energy services some households have fewer meals cooked, and substitute quickly

cooked foods for slow cooking foods while raw and cold dishes have become

common (Aina and Odebiyi, 1998). Rukato (2002) argues that households in parts

of Southern Africa frequently eat undercooked food, reheated and cold food as they

do not have adequate fuels. Due to the shortage of energy, less water is boiled for

drinking and other hygiene purposes, increasing the likelihood of water borne

diseases which lead to illnesses (Clancy et al., 2002). Illnesses reduce the ability of

poor people to improve their livelihoods. Poor health makes people vulnerable and

prevents adults from working effectively and also negatively affects children’s

learning. Poor households are therefore trapped in the vicious cycle of poverty.

1.5. Research questions

1.5.1. Why is the transition from traditional biomass energy forms to modern energy

services slow in Chiwundura Communal Area?

1.5.2. How are household fuel choices influenced by the socio-economic, cultural

and environmental factors?

1.5.3. In what ways have the traditional biomass energy forms impacted upon poor

rural households’ livelihoods and sustainable development with special

reference to women and children?

1.5.4. To what extent can modern energy services be utilised to reduce poor

people’s vulnerability and increase their empowerment?

These are some of the critical research questions that were used to address the

research problem. The questions were the basis on which energy use issues in

Chiwundura Communal Area in particular, and in rural areas in Zimbabwe and other

2929

developing countries in general could be addressed with the hope of improving the

welfare of households. Bless, Smith and Kagee (2006) contend that new knowledge

can only be obtained by formulating specific questions and finding answers to them.

This enables people to have a better understanding of themselves as well as their

environment. By articulating these questions the study sought to bring to the fore an

understanding and appreciation of why households continue to rely on the traditional

biomass despite the fact that grid electrification was introduced into Chiwundura

Communal Area. These questions should therefore help the policy makers and

development oriented organisations to come up with realistic policies and

programmes that address the energy plight of rural communities. This study is an

endeavour to show that the one size fits all policy is not suitable in addressing

energy challenges in rural areas of the developing countries as households have

specific challenges that inhibit them from adopting modern energy forms. Energy is

a human right, hence the responsible authorities should ensure that households

have access to it in order to achieve basically all the millennium development goals.

1.6. Purpose of the study The main aim of this study is to assess how energy use is linked to development in

Chiwundura Communal Area in Zimbabwe. In doing so it is always important to

understand that energy use is contextualised as a mixture of energy poverty, energy

choices and energy transition. It is envisioned that this study will reveal the essential

social, cultural, economic and technical issues that need to be understood in rural

energy discourse and policy formulation. The findings of this study could save as

some of the building blocks for reforming the Zimbabwean government’s rural energy

policies, which should ultimately benefit rural areas such as Chiwundura Communal

Area.

1.7. Objectives of the study

The study on rural energy use in Chiwundura Communal Area intends to do the

following:

1.7.1. Establish why households continue to depend on traditional biomass energy

forms despite the introduction of grid electricity in the area.

3030

1.7.2. Examine how energy use has impacted on the lives and livelihoods of

households.

1.7.3. Suggest strategies and energy options that are relevant to the different

households as determined by their economic capacities.

1.8. Significance of the study

The study on energy use in Chiwundura Communal Area is very important because

it helps to solve a number of misconceptions. It is apparent that most policy makers

and development agencies do not understand rural energy use issues. This stems

from the fact that processes of fuel transition and fuel switching in the rural context

are poorly understood. Most of the current understanding about inter-fuel

substitution comes from urban case studies that simply describe the process of

moving from biomass fuels to higher value modern fuels as a linear one-way process

driven by household income (Hosier and Dowd, 1998). The underlying mechanics

which determine fuel substitution particularly in the rural areas are more complex

than this assertion and remain poorly understood; hence it was imperative to conduct

this study. Furthermore, relatively little is known about variables associated with

household fuel choice and fuel switching. The relative lack of solid knowledge

concerning energy use in developing countries, particularly in rural areas, translates

into uncertainties when formulating energy policy. Therefore a better understanding

of the obstacles for greater spread and utilisation of modern fuels in Chiwundura

Communal Area would clearly be of policy interest.

Apparently there are few studies on the demand for domestic fuels in the rural

context for Zimbabwe compared to those conducted on energy supply. The studies

done so far seemed to be skewed in favour of urban areas (Attwell, Campbell, du

Toit, Lynam, 1989; Campbell, Vermeulen, Mangono and Mabugu, 2003; Chambwera

and Folmer, 2007; Mapako and Dube, 2002). More village level energy studies are

needed to understand the other factors affecting cooking fuel choices at the

household level. Many governments and aid donors have stepped in to address the

problem and much of the effort has been concentrated on the supply side, with

programmes such as tree planting being prominent. The demand management

activities are lacking.

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This study sought to understand and give meaning to why the majority of rural

households continued to depend on traditional fuels in spite of the inherent

disadvantages associated with traditional fuels and stoves. Literature reveals that

rural energy is an abandoned priority and is not getting the attention it deserved. It is

therefore pertinent to get the meaning and appreciation of why rural households

continue to depend on traditional biomass energy, before deciding energy services

deemed appropriate for those communities. Some of the traditional fuels, because

of the concentration of their use in the rural areas, receive scant attention in planning

and policy making, yet, their relative scarcity affects the lives of the majority of the

people living in the rural areas of the developing countries such as Chiwundura

Communal Area. This study is important as it endeavoured to identify the gap

between policies on rural energy and what was really obtaining on the ground. In

most cases energy sector reforms are promoted at the highest levels of government,

yet they are far removed from the ordinary people who are on the ground. This

study will attempt to find out what really works for the people as rural energies are an

important component in rural households’ livelihoods.

Lastly this study will add onto the body of existing knowledge, and it will trigger the

continuity of research in rural energy transition and use in the developing world.

1.9. Research methods

Since this study intended to assess the use of energy as a rural development

strategy in Chiwundura Communal Area which is a small geographical area with a

limited number of people, it was appropriate to use the case study method. Zaidah

(2007) contends that a case study allows a researcher to closely examine data within

a specific context. Zaidah further elaborates that a case study method selects a

small geographical area or a very limited number of individuals as the subjects of the

study. Case studies have an added advantage of exploring and investigating

contemporary real-life phenomena such as energy use in rural areas, through

detailed contextual analysis of a limited number of events or conditions, and their

relationships. The case study research design was selected because it provides

much more detailed information than other methods. The method also allowed for

the use of other methods such as surveys, interviews, observations, focus group

3232

discussions, transect walks and document review. The study was a triangulation of

both qualitative and quantitative methods. The triangulation strategy was adopted

because both methods complement each other. More detail on the methods that

were used to collect data will however be discussed in Chapter 4 which is the

methodology chapter.

1.10. Field of study

This study is situated in the Development Studies domain. Development Studies is

generally inter-disciplinary and multi-disciplinary in nature. In a way it

accommodates ideas from disciplines such as Geography and Environmental

Studies. This study on energy use as a strategy for development is also multi-

disciplinary and inter-disciplinary hence it was important to locate it in Development

Studies. Development will be analysed in the context of an integrated discipline.

The study will look at how energy relates to issues that are central to rural

development which includes poverty, education and health among many others.

Energy is a critical component in development as it provides the impetus that lacks in

most rural areas of the developing countries. Development Studies generally deal

with issues that improve the lives and livelihoods of individuals, communities and the

nation as well. The improvements are both qualitative and quantitative.

Development studies also deal with situations that empower people and energy is

contextualised in the same sphere. Energy on its own cannot result in development

but it is important for governments to provide an enabling environment so as to

achieve development goals.

1.11. Study area

1.11.1. Geographical description

Chiwundura Communal Area is located in Vungu Rural District also known as Gweru

Rural District which is in the Midlands Province of Zimbabwe. It lies about 45

kilometres North East of Gweru, which is the provincial capital, and about 40

kilometres South East of Kwekwe as shown in Figure 1.3.

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Figure 1.3: Location of Chiwundura Communal Area in Zimbabwe Source: Research data, 2011.

It is situated between 29°E and 31°E and 18°S and 20°S. The communal area has

four wards namely Gambiza (Ward 10), Mutengwa (Ward 11), Gangira (Ward 12)

and Masvori (Nyabango) (Ward 13). Wards 10, 11 and 12 consist of the traditional

rural areas (formerly known as tribal trust lands10), that were established during the

colonial era. Masvori (Ward 13) is made up of the old resettlement areas, which

were created in the early 1980s shortly after independence. Currently the four wards

are surrounded by either the “new resettlement” areas that were created from the

former large commercial farms under the accelerated land reform programme

otherwise known as “fast track land reform” in 1999-2000, such as KwaMeyer11,

Garapasi and KwaKuhn or by white commercial farms such as KwaFrancis and small

10 Tribal trust lands were formerly known as African or indigenous reserves until 1965 when the Tribal Trust Act was gazetted. In 1982 they became known as Communal Lands (Areas) through an act of parliament (Manzungu and Kujinga, 2002) 11 Kwa is a possessive prefix and Kwa-Meyer and Kwa-Kuhn means owned by Meyer or Kuhn. These are former commercial farms owned by White farmers like Kuhn and Meyer.

3434

farms owned by black farmers known as African Purchase Areas (APA)12. These

areas are shown in Figure 1.4 in form of a sketch map of the study area.

Figure 1.4: A sketch map of Chiwundura Communal Area, Source: Research Data, 2011.

Chiwundura Communal Area like many other rural areas in Zimbabwe came into

being in 1894 when Native Reserves were established (Mushinje, 2001). The tribal

trust lands were consolidated through the Land Apportionment Act of 1930 and the

Land Tenure Act of 1969 which prohibited blacks to own land in white areas (Cutrin,

2008). The communal area lies close to the Great Dyke13 and is one reason it is one

12 These were small to medium farms (20 to 100 ha) that were created for black farmers during the

colonial era. 13 The Great Dyke is a linear geological feature that stretches for about 550 kilometres north-south through the centre of Zimbabwe. It consists of a band of narrow short, narrow ridges and hills and is renowned for vast ore deposits, which include gold, chromium, silver, platinum, asbestos and nickel.

3535

district in the country that has a cosmopolitan population. Workers on the mines

sought homes in the communal area; hence it has Shona and Ndebele speaking

people, which are the main indigenous languages in Zimbabwe. It also has people of

the Malawian, Zambian and Mozambican origins. Chiwundura Communal Area is

administered by the Gweru Rural District Council. The communal area is made up of

76 villages and each village is headed by a headman who is called a sabhuku. For

the purposes of this study seven headmen were purposively sampled and were

interviewed to get their views on energy poverty, energy use and energy transition in

the communal area.

The communal area has four major rivers, namely Kwekwe River, Mlezu River,

Shamba River and Mbembezvane River. There are several small tributaries that

feed into these river systems. It was observed that Kwekwe River, Mbembezvane

River and Shamba River which pass through the former white commercial farming

areas are not silted, while Mlezu which flows through the former Tribal Trust Lands is

heavily silted. This is explained by land use practices which were prevalent in the

areas. The white commercial areas were sparsely populated as opposed to the tribal

trust lands which were densely populated and were characterised by massive

deforestation through expansion of cultivation area and fuelwood collection.

1.11.2. Population

During the 2002 census Chiwundura Communal Area recorded a total population of

15 769 people as well as 3 284 households (CSO, 2002). The Gweru Rural District

had 84 333 people while the Midlands Province had 1 463 993 people. The

breakdown of the population according to the four wards is shown in Table 1.4 below.

3636

Table 1.4: Population distribution in Chiwundura Communal Area according to

wards

Population Household

Ward Males Percent Females Percent Total

No.

Number Ave

size

Gambiza

10

2506 45.89 2955 54.11 5461 1203 4.54

Mutengwa

11

1788 45.60 2133 54.40 3921 818 4.79

Gangira

12

2187 47.14 2452 52.86 4639 962 4.82

Masvori

13

871 49.83 877 50.17 1748 301 5.81

TOTAL 7352 46.62 8417 53.38 15769 3284 4.99

Source: Central Statistical Office (2002)

Wards 10, 11 and 12, which consisted of the traditional rural areas had more people

and households compared to Ward 13 which was a resettlement area. This implied

that there was generally pressure on natural resources and in particular fuelwood

which was dominantly used as a source of energy in the former tribal trust lands. In

the resettlement areas the picture was completely different. More on this aspect will

be discussed in Chapters 4, 5 and 6.

1.11.3 Types of dwellings

During the transect walks it was observed that the dwelling units in the communal

area were a combination of traditional dwelling units and mixed dwelling units. The

former were the old style family settlements in which buildings were made of pole and

dagga (these were on the decline) and in some cases brick, with thatched roofs,

while the latter were found in the old style family settlements where one or more of

the buildings in a cluster were built of modern materials such as bricks, asbestos or

zinc roofing sheets and tiles. According to the 2002 census the traditional dwelling

units made up 36.56 percent of the dwelling units, while the mixed dwelling units

3737

were 40.77 percent of the units. The remainder were composed of modern dwelling

units in the mode of detached and semi-detached units. It was observed that all the

traditional dwelling units were not connected to the electricity grid while some of the

modern units with asbestos and zinc roofs were connected to either the grid or made

use of solar energy. This will be further elaborated on in Chapter 5 of this study,

which discusses rural electrification issues in greater detail.

1.11.4 Livelihoods

Chiwundura Communal Area is largely an agricultural community, with the majority of

households depending on subsistence farming for their sustenance. The communal

area is a semi-arid region and falls within ecological regions, III and IV. Ecological

Region III covers the largest portion of the area and is a semi intensive farming

region. The annual rainfall in this region is moderate and ranges from 650 to 800

millimetres (Pierce, Mbwaga, Press and Scholes, 2003). The rainfall usually occurs

as heavy falls but the region also experiences severe dry spells during the rainy

season, thus limiting the potential for cash crop production. The region is therefore

most suitable for livestock production. The other section which is in Ecological

Region IV is a semi extensive farming region and receives total annual rainfall

between 450-650 mm. Usually the rainfall period (summer season) commences in

October/November and ends in March/April. The dry season with low or no rainfall

covers the rest of the months. The highest rainfall figures are recorded in the months

of November to February, while the lowest figures are usually recorded in July, and

are usually less than 1.0 mm. The communal area usually has maximum

temperatures of around 26 °C degrees during the summer season and lowest

temperatures occur in July, and are usually below 5 °C. The area is subjected to

periodic droughts and severe dry spells during the rainy season. Since the onset of

the new millennium rainfall has become erratic due to the El Nino effect and

households have been exposed to either agricultural drought or climatic drought;

hence the rainfall received in the area has been usually very low and uncertain for

cash cropping. Periodic seasonal droughts with severe dry spells even during the

rainy season have become more frequent than before. According to information

provided by the extension supervisor in the Department of Agriculture and Extension

Services (AGRITEX), since 2000 the area has been experiencing recurrent droughts

3838

and in every five seasons only one was good. This means that only livestock farming

and irrigation were the most viable agricultural activities in this area. Most of the

households in Chiwundura Communal Area are subsistence farmers who grow crops

such as maize which is their staple food, groundnuts, rapoko, sorghum and bambare

nuts. Agricultural productivity is however limited by a number of factors. The

extension supervisor revealed that the amount of arable land in the area was limited.

On average each household had about one and half hectares of arable land on which

they produced their crops. The situation was further worsened by the fact that the

sandy loam soils that were predominant in the area did not support crop production

because they had been used for several decades. In order to obtain increased yields

from the fields, farmers needed to apply fertiliser and manure. This was a big

challenge to the majority of peasant households, and only the well-to-do households

with members in full-time employment either in the local area or in urban centres

were able to procure fertilisers. Households with some livestock were able to apply

some manure into their fields. Such households were able to produce enough maize

to last them up to the next season. Households that did not have a regular source of

income and did not have any livestock struggled to produce enough maize to feed

their families. They therefore depended on either buying from successful farmers or

on hand-outs from Non-Governmental Organisation such as Caritas, Population

Services International (PSI), AFRICARE, Midlands AIDS Service Organisation

(MASO), and Christian Care which operated in the area. Incidentally these poor

households which lacked liquid cash often depended on barter trade. Families

exchanged livestock such as goats and chickens with maize. This was never a win-

win situation as poor families were always at the losing end.

The majority of households on average harvested one and half tonnes of maize

which was just enough to sustain the annual needs of a family of six people. The

agricultural extension supervisor revealed that most households in the former tribal

trust lands could not produce excess maize that they could sell to raise money for

other needs such as school fees, health and entertainment. He however explained

that in a normal season households sold about half a tonne of maize to the Grain

3939

Marketing Board14 (GMB). At the time of study a tonne of maize was sold for

US$285. This means most of the families worked on the fields for about six months

to raise US$143. Families in the communal area had resorted to the production of

small grains such as rapoko and sorghum. Families in the resettlement areas where

the soil was still fertile were able to produce an average of three tonnes of maize for

sale.

Some of the households practised horticulture to sustain themselves. They produced

beans, tomatoes, carrots, peas, sweet potatoes and leaf vegetables. They sold their

produce to either Kwekwe or Gweru depending on distance from their homesteads.

They relied on public transport to carry their produce to the market. Most of them did

not have overnight accommodation in Kwekwe or Gweru; hence they had to ensure

that they used early morning buses to get to town, and then returned to their bases in

the evenings after having sold their products. This compromised their position and

they were usually at the mercy of transporters and urban marketers who took

advantage of them and induced them to sell their produce at give away prices. Most

of them just make very little profits to remain in business.

Some households practised dry land crop irrigation on irrigation schemes at Mavodza

and Mutorahuku, where they utilised a combination of gravity and flooding as there

was no electricity at the schemes. These two projects were threatened by siltation

which was caused mainly by recent uncontrolled settlements in the catchment areas,

which were accompanied by extension of crop land and an insatiable demand for

fuelwood. A few enterprising households had piggery and chicken projects. They

sold their products to the local communities. Generally these were well to do families

with electrified homes.

The study area had a number of civil servants working mainly as teachers. These

were either from the local area or were people from other parts of Zimbabwe who

were in the area because of employment. Civil servants were among some of the

well-to-do members of the community. The study area had a number of pensioners

who earned a regular pay-out. Most of them were former civil servants particularly

14Grain Marketing Board is a government parastatal with the monopoly of buying grains from farmers in the country.

4040

teachers. As will be observed in Chapter 5 these were some of the people with

households that has access to modern energy. A significant number of households

had members who left the country during the economic crisis, which hit Zimbabwe

between 1999 and 2009, and were now based mainly in South Africa. These

repatriated some money to their families. Such families as will be discussed in

Chapter 5 were able to either access modern energy or buy woodfuel from vendors.

A few individuals were employed in menial jobs such as herd boys and housemaids

in the local area, and they earned paltry wages averaging US$50 per month. The

money was often shared with the household to acquire the basics needed for

household survival and education.

Some members of the communities were involved in illegal sell of fuelwood.

Fuelwood codes were usually piled on the sides of the roads ready for sale. This

was particularly common near Mlezu Agricultural College. All the fuelwood that was

sold was obtained from the resettlement areas and commercial farms, especially

KwaStaunton, KwaMeyer, Garapasi and KwaFrancis. It was also revealed that some

fuelwood was poached from the small scale farms formerly known as African

Purchase Areas (APA). Observations showed that there were basically two groups

of fuelwood sellers. The first group were people who were based in both the new

and old resettlement areas. They often hid behind the fact that they sold wood

derived from field clearance. They sold fuelwood to emergent fuelwood vendors who

in turn sold the fuelwood to the desperate Chiwundura Communal Area households.

The second group comprised fuelwood poachers who stole fuelwood from farms and

resettlement areas. Both sets of vendors used scotch carts and wheelbarrows to

transport the fuelwood. Despite penalties and fines from Environmental Management

Agency (EMA)15 and traditional leaders the sale of fuelwood continued unabated. The

market for fuelwood was triggered by lack of alternatives in the area.

Chiwundura Communal Area had 9 business or service centres and these were all

electrified with the exception of Masvori/Nyabango. These centres however were

poorly serviced in terms of service provision as most lacked clinics, banks, police

stations and garages or filling stations. They had supermarkets, general dealers and

15 This is a government department tasked with overseeing regulating and supervising environmental issues in the country.

4141

butcheries which provided domestic commodities such as food and toiletries. Table

1.5 below shows the nature of business centres in Chiwundura.

Table 1.5: Business centres in Chiwundura Communal Area

Name of Centre Status Electrification

Mawodza Rural Service

Centre

Yes

Gambiza Business Centre Yes

Masvori Business Centre No

Gunde Business Centre Yes

Chiwundura Business Centre Yes

Muchakata Rural Service

Centre

Yes

Savannah Business Centre Yes

Gangarabwe Business Centre Yes

Game Park Business Centre Yes

Source: Research data, 2011.

It was however established during the study that the majority of centres were not fully

operational. In interviews conducted with some business people it was found out that

the economic and political crunch that affected Zimbabwe as from the late 1990s to

2009 affected the operations of most of the businesses in the area. The dollarization

era which came into effect in 2009 did not really help matters. Rural communities

could not access the United States Dollar (US$) easily. As a result several shops

were closed for business during the time this study was conducted. It was observed

that energy items such as candles and cell batteries were not available in most

shops. Some shop owners revealed that most of the people in the community were

very poor to such an extent that they could not afford to buy candles and cell

batteries. It was therefore not economic to stock these items since they took very

long to sell. The civil servants in the area often bought batteries from either Gweru or

Kwekwe whenever they went for their monthly shopping. It was also realised that

there was no single business centre selling paraffin. Most business owners revealed

that it was difficult to transport paraffin from town as they did not have their own

4242

transport. Public transporters were reluctant to have paraffin on their vehicles as it

could cause fires.

The situation explained above compelled poor households who rarely visited the

urban centres for shopping to continue depending on light from woodfuel as candles

and paraffin were not always available at the local shops. When available they would

be generally sold at exorbitant prices.

1.11.5 Vegetation types in Chiwundura Communal Area

Chiwundura Communal Area was not endowed with forests and woodlands as these

had been cleared over the years due to over-population and extension of agricultural

land. The predominant vegetation in the area was “miombo” woodland and

savannah, which was an association of musasa (Brachystagiaspiciformis), munhondo

(Julbernardiaglobiflora) and muzhanje/mushuku (Uapacakirkiana). Mopane

(Colophospermum mopane) woodland was also found in the drier parts of

Chiwundura Communal Area such as Mlezu, Umhlali Farm and KwaMeyer where the

soils are rich in sodium nitrates (Nhandare et al., 2010; ZIMSTAT, 2010). Chiwundura

Communal Area also had Acacia woodlands which were located mainly in Mutengwa

Ward. Common trees in this woodland include muunga/isinga (Acacia karoo);

muchecheni/umphafa/buffalo thorn (Ziziphusmucronata) and mukuyu/umkaya/hook

thorn (Acacia species).

There was skewed wood availability in Chiwundura Communal Area with the

crowded communal (rural) areas (Wards 10, 11 and 12) having a deficit, while the

resettlement area (Ward 13) has excess firewood. Areas in Mutengwa Ward such as

Chinamasa, Mabhungu, Chiwundura Secondary School and Ruware no longer had

forests compared to the resettlement areas such as KwaMeyer, KwaStaunton,

Riverdale and Garapasi, and small scale farming areas such as Dukutira and

Mutsvisi. As a result most of the fuelwood that was used in Chiwundura was

obtained from the resettlement areas. Although wood was generally collected at no

cost in most rural areas of Zimbabwe, in Chiwundura it had become commercialised

due to its scarcity. Wood vendors travelled to the resettlement areas to source the

wood, and mupfuti (Brachystegiaboehimiiis) and munhondo were the most preferred

4343

species selling at US$6 to US$ 8 for a scotch cart load. Mupani provided better heat

quality; therefore it cost more than mupfuti and munhondo (US$8-10 per load). In

recognition of the excessive deforestation that had occurred in the area, the chiefs in

collaboration with headmen and EMA put up stringent measures to regulate the use

of wood resources. Cutting of wood was strictly prohibited in the communal area and

permission had to be sought from the respective authorities in the resettlement areas.

Under traditional law an offender could be fined a goat or sheep. During transect

walks in Gangarabwe, Muchakata and Mukosi areas it was noticed that forest

regeneration was progressing at a steady pace. At the same time households

continued to flout regulations on tree cutting signifying the dire fuelwood situation in

Chiwundura Communal Area.

1.11.6 Domestic energy use

Households in Chiwundura Communal Area use a number of energy sources which

include traditional biomass such as fuelwood, agricultural residues and dung; solar,

paraffin, fuel powered generators and electricity. The majority of households in the

study area depend on fuelwood for cooking. A few electrified households use

electricity for cooking; otherwise they use it for lighting and entertainment. The area

suffers from serious shortage of fuelwood although it is heavily dependent on the

resource. This pushes down the energy ladder and it is not surprising that some

households depend on fuelwood and agricultural residues. In most cases paraffin

and candles are used for space lighting, while fuelwood is often for space heating. A

number of households own solar home systems and diesel powered generators but

these are not as operational as they should be. These are some of the energy forms

in the study area but more will be discussed in Chapter 5.

1.12 Limitations of the study

The study on energy use in Chiwundura Communal area was faced with a number of

challenges which to some extent compromised the quality of the findings. Firstly,

there was time constraint. The researcher was based at the University of Fort Hare

in South Africa while the study area was in Zimbabwe. This meant that the visits to

the study area were limited. As a result it was not possible to follow up on all issues.

For example during the study it was evident that electricity infrastructures like poles

4444

and cables were being installed in the study area. It was difficult to establish the

extent covered towards the end of the study. The researcher was not able to get to

some of the areas in the study area. Places such as Dukutira and the newly

resettled areas such as KwaMeyer and KwaStaunton were not easily accessed.

These were located in the former white commercial farms which were generally

remote and had poorly maintained roads. As a result they were not serviced by

public transport. It was therefore impossible to get first hand information for these

areas as the researcher did not have transport of his own.

The researcher had limited financial resources as he was on unpaid study leave

while at same time he was not on any form of scholarship. The lack of funds meant

that the researcher could only administer 215 questionnaires and 106 questionnaires

to households and school children respectively. This in a way compromised the

depth of the study. Limited funds also meant that the researcher could not visit all

the areas in the study area. The inability to access some relevant information and

documents might have affected the final outcome of this study. Some organisations

were reluctant to avail certain documents such as departmental meetings, that they

considered security material. The different departments in ZESA were not willing to

divulge certain information. For example they were reluctant to give connection

costs, and the researcher had to solicit information from individuals who had

previously been charged connection fees by the authority.

Some key people who were critical in this study refused to participate in this

exercise. These included some headmen who were sceptical of the research even

though everything had been clarified to them before hand. Some departmental

managers in ZESA continued to dillydally and never committed themselves to giving

interviews to the researcher. During the study it also emerged that some

respondents particularly those whose homesteads were not electrified misconstrued

the intentions of this study. They thought that the purpose of the study was to

eventually provide their homesteads with electricity. This was despite the fact that

the intentions of the research had been made clear to them. On learning that this

study was purely an academic undertaking their participation became indifferent.

4545

The researcher however devised strategies to get round these challenges. The

researcher found ways to supplement his limited research funds. The challenges

that appeared overwhelming from the outset did not discourage the researcher who

engaged strategies which included walking long distances on foot, as well as

engaging research assistants from the local community and from ZIMSTATS who

already possessed skills in administering questionnaires. In some instances the

researcher had to persuade individuals to participate in this study. In the end most

of these challenges were eased and the exercise was completed satisfactorily.

1.13 Ethical considerations

This study was conducted in Chiwundura Communal Area with the endeavour to find

new knowledge on the use of energy. The research process as well as the findings

had bearings on the rights and individuals since they were at the centre of this study.

It was therefore essential to protect the welfare of the research participants as

postulated by Wassenaar (2006). Like most of the rural areas in Zimbabwe,

Chiwundura Communal Area has its own local tribal authorities who act as ‘gate

keepers’. These include traditional leaders namely Chief Chiwundura, Chief

Gambiza, Headman Mangwiro, Headman Nyoka and Headman Masvori, and local

government officials such as the chairperson of Vungu Rural District Council, which

oversees the affairs of Chiwundura Communal Area. The ‘gate keepers’ of all areas

were contacted and permission was obtained from them to conduct the surveys. A

letter of introduction, (Appendix 1) which authorised the completion of the

questionnaires and which explained the objective and purpose of the study

accompanied each research assistant. The study could only commence after getting

authorisation (Appendix 2).

The study never attempted to deceive the participants. Effort was therefore made to

inform the participants on the true purpose of the research which was to assess the

role of energy in development in the communal area. Prior to the survey,

respondents were informed about the objective of the research, the possibility of

publicising the data, and the duration of the study. Respondents were asked if they

were willing to participate. It is important to get permission from people and they

need to know what they are going to participate in so they can make informed

decisions. It was imperative to obtain informed consent from all the respondents, and

4646

it was essential to allow them to ask questions about the research before asking

them to complete the questionnaire or respond to interview questions. Participation

was voluntary and those who chose to participate were free to withdraw their

participation at any stage if they so wished. No one was forced to participate, or was

there any deliberate attempt to invade the privacy of households when they seemed

unwilling to participate. Permission was sought whenever a photograph or interview

was recorded. In some cases permission was not granted.

Informants were promised anonymity. The identity of participants will not be revealed

after the data has been gathered hence the questionnaire was anonymous as

respondents did not indicate their personal details such as names and addresses.

Neuman, (2006) asserts that people who have participated in a study remain

anonymous and nameless. Whatever the informants reveal to the interviewer in a

study of this nature should never be used in any way which enables them to be

identified (Le Voi, 2002). It was critical to promise the respondents confidentiality.

Information will be maintained as a secret from the public and any information that is

released must not be linked to specific individuals. They were also assured of their

privacy. Since this study looked at some cultural and traditional issues efforts were

made so as not to probe into beliefs, backgrounds and behaviours in a manner that

reveals intimate private details or denigrate them. The participants were then asked

to sign the consent form (Appendix 3) if they wished to participate in the study.

1.14 Chapter outline

This thesis is organised into six chapters.

Chapter 1: General introduction and background of the thesis.

It looks at the following areas; background to the study, background about

Zimbabwe, the problem statement, the research questions, purpose of the study,

objectives of the study, research methods, limitations of the study and ethical

considerations. The outline of the chapters that make up the thesis is also given.

Chapter Two: Legislative and legal framework on energy in Zimbabwe.

4747

In particular the chapter analyses the energy acts and policies and energy strategies.

The chapter looks at how these have impacted on the topic. The chapter also looks

at South Africa’s energy policies and acts since it is one country that has a high rate

of rural electrification.

Chapter Three: Literature survey.

This chapter provides a synopsis of energy theories that show why it is difficult to

switch over to modern energy forms particularly electricity. The chapter identifies

some of the gaps that actually form the basis for this study.

Chapter Four: The Research Methodology

The chapter revisits the statement of the problem, research questions and the

purpose of study. The chapter also looks at research types and methods that were

used for data collection. In each case justification why the method was used is

made whilst at the same time effort is made to show the shortcomings of each

method. The chapter also considers the population as well as the sampling

technique that was used in this study. The chapter also gives the data analysis

techniques that were used in the study.

Chapter Five: Data Presentation, Analysis and Interpretation

In this chapter, all the data collected were presented, analysed and then interpreted.

This was the only way that could be utilised to give meaning to this study. This is the

core of the study. This chapter has a bearing on the findings, conclusions and

recommendations.

Chapter Six: Summary, Conclusions and Recommendations

This chapter provides a summary on the study. It also makes conclusions as well as

recommendations that could be carried out in alleviating energy poverty. It also

suggests areas for further study.

1.15 Conclusion

This chapter provided the general background to the study on energy use and

energy transition in Chiwundura Communal Area. The chapter made a deliberate

4848

attempt to give a background which looks at how energy use has been a factor in

rural development. A number of countries in Africa as well as other developing

countries were considered. This was meant to provide the necessary springboard to

look at the situation in Chiwundura Communal Area in greater depth. This chapter is

critical because it sets the tone of the study while at the same time the research

questions and objectives function as the compass to direct this study in a given

direction.

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CHAPTER 2

LEGISLATIVE AND LEGAL FRAMEWORK ON ENERGY IN ZIMBABWE

2.1. Introduction Since attaining independence in 1980 the government of Zimbabwe has crafted a

number of policies and legislative instruments which have both direct and indirect

influence on energy use, accessibility and transition in the country (Davidson and

Mwakasonda, 2003). This chapter looks at some of these instruments which include

the National Energy Policy, the Electricity Act, the Rural Electrification Act and the

wood legislative instrument. A deliberate attempt is also made to look at the

Government of South Africa’s energy policy and Electricity Act. South Africa is an

example of a country which has made some concerted effort to correct the historical

disparities in the distribution of energy between rural and urban areas. Its historical

past is almost similar to that of Zimbabwe; hence it makes a lot of sense to look at

how it implements its rural electrification programme. By 2008 the country had high

level of national electrification of 75%, with 88% urban and 55% rural (Niez, 2010).

The country has the highest level of rural electrification in sub-Saharan Africa. This

comparison will help show why this is the case and where Zimbabwe is falling short.

The ensuing discussion will give an overview of each of the instruments then look at

the implications of each of them to energy use, access and transition.

2.2. National Energy Policy (NEP)

2.2.1. The background of the NEP

Since attaining independence in 1980, the country did not have a clear energy policy

to guide it (UNDP, 2012). It was in early September 2012 that the Government of

Zimbabwe launched its National Energy Policy (NEP) (UNDP, 2013). The energy

policy was drafted over a period of five years with the assistance of United Nations

Development Programme (UNDP) and Practical Action. This energy policy provides

a roadmap for the country on how to address key issues which include exploitation,

distribution and utilisation of different energy resources which include solar, biogas,

biomass and wind among many others (MoEPD, 2012). It is therefore prudent to

5050

look at the policy because it has critical implications on all energy developments and

energy use in the study area. It underscores the importance of the availability and

accessibility of energy to cater for development needs of the nation. The policy

takes into cognisance the need to have sustainable energy which meets today’s

needs while looking at the needs of the future generations. It was therefore

developed to address the overall development of the country with specific focus on

the following sectors: mining and transport; agriculture; commerce; transport and

households (MoEPD, 2012). This study looks at the part of the policy that addresses

the demand side by households particularly those in rural areas. The policy realises

that it is essential to increase access to both rural and urban households at

affordable prices in a sustainable way. The policy further postulates that energy

basic needs should take into account variables such as cost, availability and health

matters. It also realises that the use of fuelwood as their primary energy in rural

areas has a number of negative environmental consequences. The government

therefore endeavours to promote alternatives for fuelwood so as to conserve the fast

declining wood resources.

2.2.2. The goals and objectives of the National Energy Policy

The aim of the NEP is to provide a framework for exploitation, distribution and

utilisation of energy resources, especially indigenous energy forms for socio-

economic development, in a safe, sustainable and environmentally benign manner.

In order to achieve this aim a number of objectives were crafted (MoEPD, 2012).

This study however looks at those objectives that have direct bearing on rural

household energy issues:

to increase access to affordable energy services by all sectors of the

economy through optimal use of available energy resources and

diversification of supply options;

to promote research and development in the energy sector;

to develop the use of renewable sources of energy to complement

conventional sources of energy; and

to promote the use of clean energy technologies to mitigate climate change.

5151

2.2.3. The NEP and supply side of energy

The policy has a critical look on the supply side of energy. This relates to the use of

sources such as electricity, petroleum products, coal, gas and renewable energy.

This study however pays special attention to the supply of electricity, petroleum

products, which are paraffin and liquid petroleum gas, and renewable energy, in

particular, fuelwood, which is declining at a fast rate, as these are the commonly

used in the household sector. The policy acknowledges that electricity supply and

use is one of the most significant aspects within the energy sector in Zimbabwe. It

supports both commercial and domestic consumers. As a way of improving

efficiency in electricity supply the government wants to attract private investment by

encouraging IPPs to participate in the sector (MoEPD, 2012). The supply

infrastructure should be continuously upgraded so as to meet the needs of industry

and society. This is achieved through the sustainable utilisation of local energy

resources and ensuring that tariffs are transparent and cost-reflective. The policy

shows that by creating an infrastructure that is attractive to Independent Power

Producers more indigenous local power generation will be encouraged, and this will

result in an increased diversity of energy supplies and a reduction in energy imports.

The policy mentions that there in need to fully maximise the utilisation of renewable

energy since it is a local resource. This means that once an energy source has been

developed more people particularly those in the rural areas will have access to it

while at the same time enjoying environmental benefits such as reduced pollution.

Renewable energy includes the sustainable use of biomass resources (e.g. wood

fuel, industrial waste such as bagasse and pulp), hydropower, solar power and wind.

Zimbabwe uses hydropower that is generated at Kariba Dam (Sustersic, 2007) and

this contributes a substantial amount of electricity to the national grid. The policy

acknowledges that there is need to exploit the potential that exists both in grid and

off-grid so as to contribute towards rural power needs. The policy also recognises

that solar is underutilised in the country and that programmes will be developed in

order to increase the uptake of solar electricity and solar thermal technologies.

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Observations made in Chapter 5 on the depressed use of solar energy in Chiwundua

Communal Area confirm that use of solar energy in the country is at low levels.

The policy articulates the need for mainstreaming gender into all energy projects and

programmes. This is prudent as women and children in the rural areas have a very

close association with energy and it is only fair that they are included in all issues

that relate to energy. Women in Chiwundura Communal Area, like in many other

developing countries, are normally burdened by the responsibility of collecting fire

wood as a source of energy beside working in the field and attending to the normal

domestic duties, while men, seen as head of the family, are normally selective in the

tasks they carry out which are mainly associated with income generation and the

control of resources. The policy’s main goal is to relieve the women from carrying

out the burdensome type of work. This will be achieved through the provision of

efficient biomass stoves which use less wood, and increasing the accessibility of

households to more affordable and convenient fuels. This will result in the women in

the study area having more time to themselves and their family members where they

can get involved in income generation activities, in educating themselves and fully

participating in the decision making regarding their family and the community affairs

at large.

The implementation of the NEP should result in the economic and social

empowerment of rural women through poverty alleviation, reduction of illiteracy rate

and above all gender imbalance correction. The policy encourages women

participation in both family and community affairs. The policy also emphasises the

need to take the energy agenda to the traditional structures. This will give the

communities a sense of ownership as they are involved in setting up their own

priorities in energy matters. The current state of affairs is that decisions on energy

provision such as rural electrification exclude inputs by the beneficiaries. This may

be problematic as there is no guarantee that communities are provided with energy

requirements of their choice.

The policy observes that the environmental effects of household energy use are

severe in rural areas where people use fuelwood as their primary source of energy.

The government intends to promote fuelwood substitution as a way of conserving the

fast dwindling wood resources. It therefore elucidates the importance of coal,

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petroleum products, electricity, gas and renewable energy. This is however difficult

to achieve as the use of fossil fuels leads to global warming and climate change.

Zimbabwe is a signatory of the Kyoto Protocol (Chuma, 2012), and should

endeavour to reduce the emission of greenhouse gases. The quest by government

to use gas and electricity as enunciated by the energy policy remains futuristic as

these energy forms are still underdeveloped in the country. Households especially

those in the rural areas are wary of using gas as they associate it with accidents and

fires. There is urgent need to change this mindset and encourage households to

adopt LPG as a source of energy. Furthermore, there is need to make LPG more

accessible than the current position and also make it easily available than what is the

case. Electricity continues to be associated with the financially stable households.

The enunciation in the policy is a positive development which however requires

massive financial commitments from government and donor and development

organisations. The current state of the economy is not conducive for the

development of gas and grid energy.

The policy stresses the place of research and development by stressing the

utilisation of local coal for coal liquefaction and resource potential of coal bed

methane (CBM). The clean technology will reduce the environmental impacts that

are associated with coal. The policy also looks at the challenges facing the

petroleum products. In particular this study is interested in the procurement of

paraffin as well as the pricing mechanisms associated with it. The policy observes

that electricity is one of the most important aspects within the energy sector in

Zimbabwe hence the government has embarked on the rural electrification

programme. In order to improve on power generation in the country as well as

reduce energy imports there is need to promote IPPs to participate in the sector.

This will allow more indigenous power generation. The policy also notes the role of

renewable energy technologies (RETs) in availing energy especially to the rural

communities. RETs allow for the utilisation of local resources in bringing access to

energy and the environmental benefits accrued from their use. The use of RETs

includes the sustainable use of biomass resources such as woodfuel, industrial

wastes such as bagasse and pulp, hydropower, solar and wind. All of these except

for woodfuel are under-utilised.

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Through the National Energy Policy the Government of Zimbabwe acknowledges the

existence of cross-cutting issues that need to be addressed in the provision of rural

energy (MoEPD, 2012). These are safety, health, environment, energy efficiency,

access to energy for low-income groups, gender, quality assurance and quality

standards, research and, development and energy planning. The above mentioned

issues have an inextricable relationship with rural energy.

2.2.4. The NEP and the demand side of energy

There are several sectors in Zimbabwe that are on the demand side of energy.

These include commerce, mining and industry, agriculture, transport and the

household sectors. The household sector is at the centre of this study; hence it may

not be necessary to have a look at other subsections.

2.2.4.1. Households

The national energy policy identifies the household sector as a prominent subsector

constituting the demand side of energy. The policy appreciates that household

energy use is consumptive in nature, and is determined by a number of factors which

include income, settlement type, and available energy infrastructure and energy

price. It also observes that fuelwood is responsible for indoor air pollution and

deforestation. At the same time the policy is aware that household energy use also

includes the energy that is used for small-scale enterprises, which often start in the

households.

It was therefore pertinent for the Government of Zimbabwe to come up with a

number of policy measures so as to address energy use in households.

2.2.4.2. Policy Measures

The NEP has therefore crafted policies for households and these are as elucidated

below (MoEPD, 2012):

Increase access and penetration of modern energy sources in

households;

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Adopt energy efficiency standards and best of practice;

Promote use of more efficient equipment and devices;

Consider gender issues in the provision of household energy; and

Promote decentralised electricity production in rural areas.

In order to achieve these policy measures the government devised a number of

strategies as expressed below.

2.2.4.3. Strategies

Promoting use of renewable energy in households;

Setting targets for households electrification in urban households;

Raising energy conservation awareness;

Determining energy efficiency standards for buildings;

Availing information on energy consumption for different household gadgets;

and,

Adopting community based planning techniques.

2.2.5. Gender and energy

The policy recognises the link between energy and gender; hence it intends to

mainstream gender issues into all energy matters. It acknowledges that although

gender issues have come to the forefront in many development sectors, the energy

sector has been slow to recognise the association between gender equality, energy

and development. The policy shows that energy and the roles of women and men

have social and cultural dimensions. The linkages between gender and energy have

evolved over time and vary across income groups, between urban and rural

households, and from region to region.

The policy posits that the role of women in energy provision and their participation in

different facets of the energy sector have not been given sufficient attention. The

policy further observes that energy is needed for household uses, such as cooking,

lighting, space heating and other appliances. It is also required for agricultural uses,

such as tilling, irrigation and post-harvest processing. Energy is also vital for rural

industry uses, such as milling, mechanical energy, and process heat. Energy is also

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an input to water supply, communications, commerce, health, education and

transportation in rural areas. It is important to realise that much of this energy is

used and produced by women. The policy recognises that women’s micro-

enterprises which are an important factor in household income as well as in women’s

welfare and empowerment depend on heat. A lack of sufficient energy negatively

affects women’s ability to run these micro-enterprises in a profitable and safe

manner. These issues will be afforded greater attention in Chapter 5 of this study.

It is envisaged that once the challenges associated with gender and energy are

addressed then all negative economic, social and cultural practices that hinder

equality and equity of sexes will be eliminated. In order to achieve this, the policy

advocates for accelerated representation of women at all levels and in all spheres of

energy development and management activities.

2.2.6. Observations The NEP is a recent development in the history of Zimbabwe and therefore it may be

too early to judge whether it has been successful or not. All the same it is important

to make some observations concerning some of the issues raised by the NEP. It is

interesting to note that the national energy policy was launched against a plethora of

challenges both on the supply and demand sides. The policy will therefore find it

very difficult to achieve the intended outcomes. A closer analysis of the prevailing

situation in the study area revealed that about 28% of the population have access to

electricity while the rest of the households still rely on fuelwood for cooking.

Furthermore, the fuelwood is not readily available in the study area and households

are burdened by the drudgery involved in order to access fuelwood. Some

observations made show that despite the presence of grid electricity in the study

area, households fail to access energy services at affordable prices and in a

sustainable manner. This is despite the fact that Zimbabwe has some of the lowest

tariffs in sub-Saharan Africa. The prevailing situation in Chiwundura Communal

Area shows that there is a limited diversity of energy supply options in the study

area. Although there is obviously an attempt to adopt the use of renewable sources

in the study area numerous challenges militate against the adoption of modern

energy by a number of households. In actual fact there is nothing as yet on the

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ground to show the quest by government to adopt renewable energy forms.

Communities are still heavily reliant on traditional biomass energy. This will be

discussed in greater detail in Chapter 5.

The government in its NEP has emphasised the need for rural electrification as was

elucidated in the rural electrification master plan. The government through the Rural

Electrification Agency has introduced grid electrification into several rural areas

including Chiwundura Communal Area. This has however not translated into the

immediate adoption of grid electricity by the communal households as only about

28% of the communal households have electrified their homes. Although the thrust

by government has been grid electrification, this is proving to be a pipedream for

several rural households due to a number of factors which include costs, availability

of equipment and remoteness of some of the dwellings among many other factors.

More on this will be discussed in Chapter 5 but it is prudent for the government to

focus on developing environmentally friendly energy sources as these are a more

realistic option. The NEP highlights the lack of funding as critical in the provision of

energy. The government and stakeholders should look into this issue so as to come

up with practicable solutions in dealing with this real problem. The government could

borrow a leaf from the Government of South Africa which has ensured that in areas

where it has been difficult to introduce electricity they have made sure LPG and

paraffin are readily available at affordable prices. In recent years there have been

numerous government driven solar projects where the government of South Africa

has partnered with international organisations to avail solar energy. As will be

observed in Chapter 3, paraffin is a staple fuel in rural areas of South Africa where it

is used extensively for cooking. In Zimbabwe this is not the case; it is used mainly

for lighting. LPG is still to penetrate rural areas. Apparently there has not been

support from government to make paraffin, solar energy and LPG available to rural

communities. It is worth mentioning that the political meltdown in the country has

soured relations between Zimbabwe and the international community. The strained

relationships have made it difficult for the country to get support in energy related

issues.

Although the NEP encourages the diversification of sources of supply of energy so

as to reduce an over-dependence on one type of energy which makes communities

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vulnerable, it falls short on the implementation side. In some parts of Chiwundura

Communal Area where land degradation and deforestation are prevalent it is difficult

for communities to access fuelwood, yet it is their main source of energy. The NEP

in an effort to avert this untenable situation promotes improved access to commercial

energy. However, this endeavour to avail cleaner and more efficient means of

household energy to rural communities will remain a pipedream as the majority of

households in the study area do not have the financial capacity to afford grid

electricity. Instead, the focus should be on the dissemination of information about

efficient biomass stoves, and the risks of indoor air pollution (IAP) to such

communities. At the same time information about how to reduce the level of IAP will

be widely disseminated which will contribute to efforts in reducing the levels of ALRI

in the impoverished communities in the study area. This is pertinent as it

encourages households to make an energy transition, which enables them to use

sustainable sources of energy.

It is also observed that the NEP endeavours to address numerous areas that have

stalled the adoption of modern and renewable energy services. For example lack of

awareness of available energy sources is a critical problem in the study area. It is

apparent households are not aware of advantages of using LPG stoves as well as

solar stoves. They remain confined to the use of fuelwood and to a very limited

extent electricity. It is therefore important for the government and all other

stakeholders to make information available to rural communities so that this helps

them in decision making in energy choices as well as in energy use. There is also

evidence that women who sit very close to the fire for very long periods are not

aware of the health problems that are likely to be caused by exposure to smoke.

The NEP if implemented will go a long to alleviate the suffering associated with

energy shortages.

The NEP dwells on the aspect of resistance to technological changes. This is a

salient issue that most development scholars and practitioners take for granted.

Some rural communities do not want to abandon the traditional technology because

of inertia. They do not want to experience the hassles associated with change.

Others are laggards who take long to change. These are issues that the NEP should

address appropriately. Some do not simply want to change for cultural reasons.

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They use traditional biomass energy to prepare certain dishes and cannot simply

change to modern energy systems. Others have phobia for electricity and cannot

adopt it. The NEP therefore should find ways to incorporate all these groups of

people and find ways to address their relative challenges.

The NEP does well to mention lack of expertise and skills, as well as use of obsolete

equipment and technology. The expansion and adoption of modern energy

particularly into the rural areas requires the availability of experts to propagate the

modern services. There is a dearth of expertise in Zimbabwe’s rural areas and fuel

powered generators lie idle because when they developed faults there were no

experts to repair them. There are no experts to conduct wiring in houses in the rural

areas. They have to come from the urban areas. This presents another hurdle in

the adoption of modern energy forms. Zimbabwe has been dependent on obsolete

equipment particularly in the provision of electricity (Musademba, Kanyepe, Madiye

and Hove, 2012). This has been one of the main reasons behind the constant

breakdown at Hwange Thermal Power station. This has resulted in reduced power

supply which in turn has caused blackouts and outages as well as load shedding.

These developments do not encourage expansion of electrification programmes.

There is need to address this area so as to ensure rural electrification progresses

without hiccups.

One major setback is the implementation of programmes. The policy is a very good

document but just like a number of programmes is likely to be affected by lack of

implementation. For instance in the 1980s and 1990s the government realised that

the country had a serious challenge of power deficit but failed to correct this situation

up to the time of this study when the country was experiencing one of the worst

power challenges since independence (Nyakazeya, 2013). Policy documents and

blueprints were put in place but these came to naught because policymakers and

bureaucrats were lethargic in the implementation process. The new energy policy

could also suffer the same fate if no serious action is taken. One case in particular

was the failure by government to prioritise the development of solar energy as an

alternative energy solution. In September 1996 the government of Zimbabwe hosted

the World Solar Summit (The Sunday Mail October 6, 2013). The summit looked at

how house energy problems could be addressed through the increased use of

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alternative renewable energy such as solar together with biogas, geo-thermal,

ethanol and wind. It is surprising that Zimbabwe which hosted and chaired the

summit has not developed a solar energy industry. It does not manufacture solar

equipment and relies on imported SHSs. This places the energy policy in the same

vein whereby its implementation may not take off because of lack of commitment to

solving the pressing energy challenges.

2.3. Electricity Act

Since attaining independence in 1980 the Government of Zimbabwe has embarked

on a number of energy sector reforms (Mangwengwende, 2000). The main purpose

of the reforms was to increase energy access to the formerly disadvantaged sectors

of the country, in particular the rural areas. This was intended to be through grid and

off-grid extension.

In 1985, the Government through the Electricity Act reformed the structure of power

utilities (Kayo, 2001). At independence the government inherited a power sector that

comprised six publicly owned utilities. These were the Central African Power

Corporation (CAPCO), Electricity Supply Commision (ESC), and four municipal

electricity undertakings owned by the cities of Harare, Bulawayo, Gweru and Mutare

(Kayo, 2002). CAPCO which was jointly owned by the governments of Zambia and

Zimbabwe was responsible for generation and transmission of power from the Kariba

Hydro Electric Scheme to the two countries. ESC was responsible for the generation

at thermal power stations at Hwange and Munyati. ESC also distributed power

throughout Zimbabwe excluding the four main cities (Kayo, 2002). The thermal

stations in the four main cities provide power to the cities and their environs. The

five publicly owned power utilities were merged to form the current Zimbabwe

Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA). The intention was to streamline the

administration of the electricity sector, improve efficiency, standardise tariffs and

reduce duplication of functions. Through this Act ZESA became the only legal entity

with the right to generate and transmit electricity; hence it became a vertically

integrated monopoly with functions of generation, transmission and distribution

(Kayo, 2001). The Act gave ZESA the option of licensing independent power

producers (IPP) to generate electricity. The Act also gave ZESA the prerogative to

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set the purchase price of electricity from the producers. The Act did not provide

room for third party access, nor for other uses of the grid by third parties (ESMAP,

2000).

However the Act did not last long before ZESA started experiencing some serious

challenges. Within three years of its establishment ZESA was experiencing some

problems. The utility was characterised by operational inefficiencies such as running

at a loss, being overstaffed, as well as brain drain of skilled manpower (Kaseke,

2013). The drought of the early 1990s led to power shortages (Soderholm, 1999).

These challenges had a significant impact on the rural electrification programme

which was one of the key projects that the post independent government embarked

on to correct the imbalances that prevailed under the colonial government. The

electrification programme virtually came to a halt (Mangwengwende, 2002). The

utility was characterised by power shortages and frequent breakdown. The situation

was not helped by the poor performance of the economy in the late 1980s and early

1990s (Mangwengwende, 2002). In essence the Electricity Act of 1985 did not bring

with it any achievements. If anything it was responsible for the collapse of the early

rural electrification efforts.

The government made some revisions to the Electricity Act in 1996, with the

intentions to create room for independent power producers (Kayo, 2001). The

response by independent power producers was however poor because the

environment was not conducive. Some of the challenges included the requirements

by the Act that independent producers planning to generate more than 100 kW,

needed to get approval from the Government and ZESA (Kayo, 2001). Furthermore,

the pricing, expenditure, capital budgets, procurement and staffing were to be

regulated by the Government (Mangwengwende, 2002). This discouraged the

desire by IPPs to start projects as their autonomy was taken away from them. IPPs

are business entities who in the final analysis are supposed to make profit. The

situation above was not conducive for their operation.

In 2002 the Government of Zimbabwe came up with the Electricity Act 13:05

(Kaseke, 2013; Mangwengwende, 2005). It was passed together with the Rural

Electrification Act. The Act brought about the restructuring and unbundling of ZESA

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from a vertically integrated utility into separate successor companies under ZESA

Holdings. The new companies that were created included: Zimbabwe Power

Company (ZPC), responsible for all generating stations and for the supply of power

to the transmission grid; the Zimbabwe Electricity Transmission Company (ZETCO),

Zimbabwe Electricity Distribution Company (ZEDC), and Powertel which was

primarily responsible for providing communication services to the power companies

(Mangwengwende, 2005). Powertel could also use excess capacity in the grid to

offer data services to the public. In January 2010, ZETCO and ZEDC were merged

into a single company, the Zimbabwe Electricity Transmission and Distribution

Company (ZETDC) (Kaseke, 2013), which is now responsible for transmitting and

distributing electric power and for its sale, including meter reading, billing, cash

collection, and credit control of the retail business. It is also responsible for regional

trade in power. The Electricity Act also provided for the establishment of an

autonomous regulatory body, the Zimbabwe Electricity Regulatory Commission

(ZERC) which was established in 2005. The mandate of ZERC was to encourage

investment in the power sector through strategic partnerships. It also had to put in

place an appropriate regulatory framework which was in harmony with those of the

Southern Africa Development Community (SADC) countries (Kaseke, 2013). ZERC

reports to the Minister of Energy and Power Development. Some of ZERC’s

responsibilities include: promotion of competition and private sector participation in

the power sector; licensing and regulation of businesses engaged in generation,

transmission, distribution, and supply of electricity; arbitration and mediation of

disputes; establishing operating codes and standards for the sector and issuing

guidelines; and advising stakeholders about electricity services.

The new Act put in motion the commercialisation of ZESA. The generation,

transmission and distribution services were to be unbundled. The Electricity Act of

1985 was to be repealed when these new institutions were established

(Mangwengwende, 2002; ZESA 2001). According to the Act, only ZESA had the

authority to generate, transmit and supply power in Zimbabwe. Any other interested

party, be it a local authority or person could only deal in generation and supply of

electricity after it had been given a licence by ZESA or the Minister heading a

ministry under which ZESA fell. The Minister was also supposed to impose some

conditions under which the licensed producer operated. These included the price at

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which or the manner in which the private undertaker may transmit, distribute or

supply electricity or otherwise. It is important to highlight that the pricing policy for

electricity services in Zimbabwe is a critical issue. ZERC designs the pricing policy,

and after consulting with the Ministry of Energy and Power Development sets prices

and tariffs. The pricing of electric power in the country is a function of several

considerations. Some effort has been made to distinguish between residential users

who generally pay a fixed charge and a variable increasing-block charge based on

the level of consumption. It was observed that in 2009, the average end-user tariff

for ZESA was estimated at 6.5 US cents per kWh (Pan African Energy Resource,

2012). This was against the economic cost of service provision that was estimated

at 9.8 US cents per kWh. Zimbabwe has low electricity price when compared to

tariffs charged by other countries in the region which range between 8-9 US cents

per kWh (World Bank, 2010; African Development Bank, Undated). In essence

these low tariffs mean that the government is subsidising all classes of consumers in

Zimbabwe. This state of affairs has serious financial implications for utilities because

the government does not compensate for the subsidised prices. Although

Zimbabwe has some of the lowest tariffs the commercialisation of the power sector

meant that subsidies had to be scrapped. This is a development that had its roots in

ESAP (Mangwengwende, 2000). Consumers were expected to meet the full cost

when using electricity. This had serious effects for rural consumers who depended

on seasonal agriculture. They could not meet the connection costs and this stalled

the progress of the rural electrification programme.

The authority was given power to terminate the licence of any private undertaker if it

felt the latter was not complying with the set conditions (Electricity Act 13: 05; 1985).

The private undertaker was not indemnified from any penalties if the licence was

terminated. At the same time the undertaker was supposed to compensate its

consumers if its licence was cancelled. The private undertaker was exposed and

enjoyed no protection at all from the government. The Act gave the Authority the

prerogative to make by-laws that regulated the generation, transmission, distribution

and supply of electricity by any private undertaker. The Act also forbade the private

contractor to increase or decrease the rated capacity of his or its plant. The private

contractor could not erect a new generating station.

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The Act does not promote the existence of private undertakers as the conditions set

are stifling. The Act in the first instance gives the Authority (ZESA) monopoly to

generate, transmit, distribute and supply electricity in the country. The situation on

the ground shows that the authority is incapacitated and needs other players to

come on board. The national demand stands at 2200MW yet Zimbabwe produces

around 1200MW against its potential of 2200MW (Rafemoyo, 2010). The authority

has proven beyond doubt that it is unable to meet this demand because of a host of

challenges which include shortage of working capital, lack of skilled manpower, lack

of spare parts and use of obsolete equipment, and charging of uneconomic tariffs.

The Act limits the operation of any private undertaker. The undertaker gets into the

business so as to make profit but it cannot charge its own price. It cannot expand as

well. At the end of the day Zimbabwe finds it very difficult to attract independent

private investors. This means therefore that rural electrification is affected as there

is no excess power for such a programme.

2.4. Rural Electrification Act

In 2002 the Government of Zimbabwe gazetted the Rural Electrification Fund Act to

direct the rural electrification programme in the country (Davidson and Mwakasonda,

2003). In the same vein the rural electrification programme was initiated following

the enactment of the Rural Electrification Fund Act. The major thrust of the Rural

Electrification Fund was to ensure that there was equitable distribution of resources

in the electrification of the rural areas in Zimbabwe. This was one way to correct the

imbalance that was caused by the colonial government which concentrated

electrification programmes in urban areas while there were no such programmes in

the rural areas except in white commercial farms. It is hoped that by electrifying the

rural areas, development would be accelerated. When the programme was initiated

its primary objective was to extend the power grid to about 10,000 rural public

institutions such as schools, rural health centres, government extension offices and

farming communities (Mapako, 2007). The REA programme was to be funded by

levies on electricity use and this was supposed to fund the full cost of these

extensions. The locations to benefit from electrification were supposed to be those

with the greatest demographic densities.

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A levy of 1% of every customer’s bill was introduced so as to finance the programme

and the purpose of the levy was to provide capital subsidies only (Mangwengwende,

2002). The rural electrification programme was supposed to be done in phases since

it was a huge development programme. Phase One was supposed to include all

projects that were within 5km of the network, while Phase Two included all projects

within 10km, Phase Three looked at projects within 15km, Phase Four included

projects within 20km and Phase Five looked at projects beyond 20km. The Rural

Electrification Fund was put in place to assist rural communities with electrification.

Rural communities were therefore encouraged to complement the electrification

programme. Rural homesteads could form groups of 100 members or more. These

community-initiated projects were eligible for a 60% Capital Subsidy (Mapako, 2007;

Mangwengwende, 2002). The community paid 40% of electrification work done by

ZESA, and this excludes installation costs from the ZESA meter point to the

customer’s premises (ZESA, undated). Rural business centres had to apply as

group schemes and they also qualified for 60% capital subsidy (Mapako, 2007).

Communal institutions such as cooperatives, churches and clubs were assisted as

well. Communities who were not prepared to wait for the EREP scheduled dates

could pool their resources and get connected. The Rural Electrification Guarantee

Scheme (REGS) was put in place to assist communities who had connection fee

shortfall. Such communities needed to raise 10% deposit and had to demonstrate

their ability to pay off the shortfall plus interest in 5 years at an interest of 17% per

annum (ZESA, undated). The GTZ availed Rural Institutions Electrification

Revolving Fund (RIERF) which was supposed to help institutions with their

electrification programmes. This was a loan facility which attracted an interest of

17% per annum. Already the conditions set that included interest among other

things showed that the programmes were intended to benefit well to do households.

Ordinary peasant households were not able to meet the laid down conditions.

In 1993 ZESA adopted a performance improvement programme as a way to

encourage rural centres to develop (Mangwengwende, 2005). Rural centres with

good road networks and also reflected the potential to develop through agricultural

production were given top priority in the electrification programme. The

government’s thinking was based on the trickle-down effect. Once centres had been

electrified they would boost agricultural productivity through agro-processing

6666

industries. It was assumed this would result in increased incomes which in turn

would encourage the electrification of households (Mangwengwende, 2002).

Households formed cooperatives to raise money for electrification. Rural

electrification received a lot of political support from the government which was

reflected by the approval of the increase in the rural electrification levy from 1% to

6%, the enactment of the Rural Electrification Fund Act and establishment of a

dedicated Rural Electrification Agency (REA) in 2002 (Mangwengwende, 2002). An

expanded electrification programme was also launched in which a total of 9906 rural

institutions, irrigation and village schemes were identified for electrification by the

end of 2005. A unique feature of the expanded programme was the financing of

both electricity and end-use infrastructure, mainly irrigation equipment, by the REA

(Mangwengwende, 2002). However, although there has been this drive, access to

electricity in the rural areas of Zimbabwe remains low. This is mainly because of the

financial constraints. About US$300 million is required to sustain the program

(Siamachira, 2011). This is difficult to achieve because cash inflows are much lower

than outflows since the rates of connection are low. Only 19% of the rural population

in Zimbabwe has access to electricity (Siamachira, 2011). In comparison to other

Southern Africa countries Zimbabwe’s situation is much better. Malawi is at 0.05%,

while Mozambique is at 0.7% (Siamachira, 2011).

Rural electrification in Zimbabwe has presented major technical and socio-economic

challenges. Most rural Zimbabweans do not live in compact villages but in scattered

homesteads where each family lives next to their farming plot. The government has

attempted to overcome the problem of scattered homesteads by focusing rural

electrification on rural business or government administration centres (growth points)

(Mangwengwende, 2002; ZESA, 2000). It is therefore assumed that three quarters

of the population is enjoying the benefits of grid electrification because they fall into

the category of people who are not connected but have a direct and indirect benefit

by living within 10 to 20 kilometres of an electrified centre (Mangwengwende, 2002).

It is argued they benefit from electric grinding mills that have replaced the diesel

ones, and rural health and educational institutions offer improved services as they

are able to retain qualified staff (Mangwengwende, 2002). However the situation on

the ground is the opposite of this portrayal. More than 70% of the rural population in

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Zimbabwe is located in sparsely populated areas where the grid infrastructure is

non-existent. The average distance to the nearest grid is 60 km (Dube, 2001;

Siamachira, 2011). It is therefore beyond the technical and financial capability of the

utility and the Government to extend electricity to serve these isolated areas. Even if

such capacity was there the rural poor’s incomes are too low for them to afford the

electricity (Mangwengwende, 2005).

Rural communities do not have stable incomes. Their incomes which are derived

from agriculture are erratic and are generally low and average US$400 per annum

(Dube, 2001). These incomes are therefore not adequate for the installation of

electricity in several households and let alone payment of monthly electricity bills.

Most communities are intimidated by the regular and higher charges of electricity of

US 5 cents/kWh on average and would instead prefer paying daily for small

quantities of substitutes like paraffin, batteries, firewood and candles (Dube, 2001).

However, in reality these substitutes are more expensive than the cost of grid power.

Another inhibiting factor is the rural dwellings that are made of materials that are not

suitable for grid electrification (Dube, 2001). Most huts are constructed of pole and

dagga whilst they are grass thatched. The loads in rural areas are low and diffuse,

ranging in capacity from 50 to 100 kV (Dube, 2001). The long distances to most

rural centres necessitate the construction of 132 kV lines and substations due to low

voltage problems (Dube, 2001). The cost of supplying most rural centres is

prohibitive, with a standard 33/11 kV substation costing US$300,000. The number of

customers benefiting from such an investment is low and rarely exceeds 100 (Dube,

2001).

The rural electrification programme in Zimbabwe has encountered a number of

challenges. These include socio-economic as well as technical barriers which have

militated against successful implementation of the programme. The availability of

fuel wood for free in certain rural areas means that it is difficult to substitute fuel

wood and those communities need electricity for only lighting and refrigeration

(Dube, 2001).

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The returns from the electricity supply are far less than the investments made in grid

extensions due to low levels of power consumption in rural areas (Sachiti, 2011). In

real terms rural electrification is conducted in order to cater for the welfare of

households and not to develop any business ventures. The funding from

government is inadequate hence its rural electrification projects cannot be

expeditiously carried out. The programme relies on the 6% levy charged on

electricity. This amounts to less than US$1 million a month yet REA needs about

US$ 3 million monthly to effectively carry out its projects (The Herald 23 December

2010). In order for REA to complete existing projects it requires US$ 855 million

(Moyo and Musarurwa, 2011). It is clear that REA suffers from financial

inadequacies and is unable to embark on additional initiatives which are supposed to

improve the livelihoods in rural areas.

Government subsidises the construction of electricity infrastructure in the rural

centres where local government infrastructure such as police stations, agricultural

extension and health services are located, but the households must pay grid

extension fees from the centres to their homes. This means only the rich can afford

electricity and this is why the electricity coverage in the rural areas is only 20%; and

a large proportion of the rural people have no connection with electricity (Sachiti,

2011).

The above discussion is a clear manifestation that the government’s endeavour to

take grid electrification to the rural areas is untenable. The government does not

have adequate resources. The government should consider other alternatives such

as deploying RETs in rural areas as a way around its rural electrification drive.

2.5. The Forest (Control of Firewood, Timber and Forest Produce) Regulations

2012: Statutory Instrument (116)

On the 2nd of July 2012 the government of Zimbabwe gazetted regulations for the

trading and movement of firewood (The Herald, 3 July 2012). This was done as a

measure to step up control on the rampant cutting down of trees in both the urban

and rural areas. These regulations come in the wake of electricity shortages.

Fuelwood has become the main alternative source of energy in the country and there

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has been an upsurge in the trade in firewood which is likely to result in deforestation

and land degradation.

According to statutory instrument 116, no person who is a flue or flame cured

tobacco farmer shall use or transport firewood for flue or flame curing tobacco unless

that person has obtained a flue or flame curing firewood licence that is obtained in

the district where he or she grows tobacco. The instrument furthermore goes on to

explain that no one will be allowed to transport any single consignment of fuelwood

or timber exceeding 0,4 cubic metres within Zimbabwe by any means or export any

single consignment of firewood or timber exceeding 0,5 cubic metres or any series of

two or more consignments that may exceed 0,5 cubic metres over a period of 30

consecutive days by any means except under the terms of a forest produce

movement or export permit issued by a District Forest Officer. This does not matter

whether that person is a licensed flue or flame cured tobacco farmer.

The regulations do not only affect tobacco farmers. They also prohibit any other

persons from selling or trading in firewood and timber unless those people have

been granted a firewood traders’ licence that is obtained in any district they propose

to operate. Traders would only be exempted from the above mentioned

requirements if they obtain their firewood or timber exclusively from a plantation in

which case they will be required to obtain a traders licence from the district where

the plantation is located. The regulations state that any person who contravenes

these conditions shall be guilty of an offence and will be liable to a fine not exceeding

level three, or will be imprisoned for a period not exceeding one month or both such

fine and imprisonment.

The regulations however do not apply to individuals who obtain firewood that is

harvested from their own property or collected as deadwood or otherwise lawfully

obtained from a licensed firewood trader or the Commission. These individuals

should exclusively use the firewood for personal and domestic purposes that is

lighting, cooking and heating.

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2.5.1. Observations

The Forest Regulations 2012 have serious implications for households in

Chiwundura Communal Area who mostly depend on purchased firewood as their

own area has severe shortages of firewood. There are two main ways of obtaining

firewood in the area. Firstly, households buy firewood from vendors who illegally

acquire firewood from the resettlement area. The vendors often transport the

firewood in animal drawn carts and often exceed 0.4 cubic metres. This is their way

of earning a living and as such can have up to three trips in a week. Secondly,

individual households can use their own carts to transport firewood from the

resettlement areas. They may buy from individuals clearing their own pieces of land

or at times they poach the firewood from the forests in the resettlement areas.

Others even go to the extent of stealing firewood from the nearby farms. It is difficult

for farmers particularly in the former tribal trust land to harvest wood from their

pieces of land as there is no more dead wood to talk about. They depend entirely on

the resettlement areas. In most cases women cannot walk the long distances to the

resettlement areas; hence men often use carts to transport the firewood. The people

living in the resettlement areas have no problems as dead wood is abundant. Once

the use of carts is stopped it means they can no longer be involved in the collection

of firewood. Women once again whose gender responsibility is to collect firewood

will make several trips to the resettlement areas and this will negatively impact on

their livelihoods as they will walk long distances and spend several hours collecting

firewood. As will be discussed in Chapter 5 this will have several other implications.

Less time will be given to work in the home such as childcare, agricultural related

activities and craftwork. They will have less time to rest or engage in their own

empowerment such as studying, reading and listening to educational programmes

aired on television or radio. If the regulations are strictly followed the plight of most

of the people in the study area will be worsened. It is also important to note that a

number of households have recently started growing tobacco. They are not licensed

to use firewood and let alone aware of the statutory instrument. This means that

their operations are likely to be affected and this will have negative impact on their

livelihoods.

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2.6. The South African electrification situation South Africa is one of the countries with very high levels of electrification in sub-

Saharan Africa. The national level stands at 75%, whilst 88% of the urban

population and 55% of rural population enjoyed electricity services (Niez, 2010).

Most of the electrification in the country is through grid electrification, although the

government has made efforts to disseminate solar energy, LPG and paraffin in areas

without grid connection.

2.6.1. The South African Rural Electrification Policy

In 1994 after the first and free elections there were approximately 6 million

households that did not have electricity and this backlog in electricity was mainly

determined by race (Niez, 2010). Almost all these households were black and were

located in the rural areas. Before 1994 electrification was concentrated in urban

areas. For instance in 1993 only 30% of the country was electrified (Mathee and de

Wet, 2001). This was mainly the urban areas which were predominantly white

areas. The government therefore prioritised to redress the inequalities in energy

access that were caused by the previous government. Rural electrification became

part and parcel of the government’s transformation with the main objective being to

eradicate the historical inequalities. The South African government has therefore

committed itself to providing access to electricity for all by 2012 (Niez, 2010). The

government was guided by a number of factors. As already mentioned above the

government had a moral obligation to electrify households as a way of uplifting the

lives of poorer people in the country. At the same time it was a way of correcting the

historical past. The issue of health and safety of households using candles, paraffin

and wood was central in the planning process as they exposed people to fire

hazards and ailments associated with indoor pollution (White and Koopman, 2011).

It is important to note that grid electrification has been used as the general approach

to the electrification process. It is not surprising therefore that by 2008 electrification

levels had risen to 73%, which means an additional 4.5 million households were

connected to the grid (Department of Minerals and Energy, 2008; White and

Koopman, 2011). The programme focused on extending the grid to new

communities such as rural areas and communities that were not connected although

they were in already connected areas.

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In 1994 the National Energy Regulator South Africa (NERSA) was therefore tasked

to develop and oversee the implementation of the Integrated National Electrification

Programme (INEP) (Niez, 2010). Between 1994 and 1999 the INEP was

implemented. The objective of the INEP was to provide electricity to rural and urban

low-income households which did not have access to electricity during the apartheid

period. These households were expected to switch from using fuelwood, candles

and batteries to using electricity for their household needs such as cooking, lighting

and heating. In 2000 the Government of South Africa made a declaration that

everybody should have access to basic services and these included electricity and

water. Access to energy became a social right and this was supposed to be

addressed at national, provincial and municipality level. In 2001 the Department of

Energy (DoE) was given the mandate to implement and oversee the electrification

programme in the country. Although ESKOM produces 97% of the electricity it

distributes 55% while the rest is sold to municipalities which then distribute it to the

consumers (Niez, 2010). Municipalities have been capacitated to roll out the

national electrification programme. It is important to observe that the electrification

programme benefits from a special allocation from the National Treasury. The South

African government supports the principle that basic services should be available

and affordable to all. The government has therefore put in place mechanisms that

enable the poor to benefit directly from the electrification programme. The

government has allocated a 20 amph connection free of charge and there is also a

50kWh free monthly alleviation that is implemented by municipalities (Department of

Minerals and Energy, 2008). South Africa is one country with some of the lowest

tariffs in the world (Thopil and Pouris, 2013).

The focus of government is grid connection and non-grid connection is only used if

there are no other feasible options to extend the grid within a foreseeable future

(Gets and Mhlanga, 2013). In actual fact South Africa has a large off-grid

electrification programme which is driven by the government’s interest in renewable

energy which it considers essential for sustainable development. The renewable

energy which is indigenous and naturally available in South Africa is considered

central to the strengthening of the country’s energy security as it is not subject to

disruption by international crises. The country published a White paper on

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renewable energy in 2003 to show its seriousness with regards to the adoption of

renewable energy (Thabethe, 2010).

The government has therefore embarked on a non-grid electrification programme

through solar home systems in remote areas where the lowest capacity grid system

cannot be supplied. This programme is fully subsidised by government and rural

end users purchase non-grid electricity from the service provider who have the

responsibility of providing maintenance for the solar home systems (Prasad, 2007).

The Department of Energy ensures that the suppliers of non-grid technologies

augment their services by selling thermal fuels such as paraffin and liquefied

petroleum gas. The service provider who has a monopoly for serving an area must

ensure that universal access is achieved in a village identified as a non-grid area. It

is therefore realised that by 2009, 96% of the households connected to the grid used

electricity for lighting and television, whilst 63% used it for cooking and 34% used it

for cooking (Niez, 2010). Households that have not been connected as yet use

candles for lighting, wood and paraffin for cooking and wood for heating.

2.7. Summary

The above discussion revealed that the Government of Zimbabwe put up some

legislative instruments that were designed to afford households modern energy

services especially those in the rural areas. The NEP for example strives to bring

about equity across households and gender. The problem with most of the

legislative instruments is that they give ZESA the monopoly to generate, transmit,

distribute and supply electricity in Zimbabwe. ZESA also sets the prices that IPP

should charge and generally these do not make business sense. As long as the

playing field is not level producers of energy are not motivated to come on board.

ZESA is unable to produce adequate energy as already been discussed. This

therefore makes it very difficult for the country to have extra energy that could be

utilised in rural electrification programmes. Furthermore, consumers generally meet

most of the costs associated with electrifying their homes. In general this is beyond

their means as most rural incomes are depressed. The Zimbabwean Government

should emulate the South African Government’s strategy. The discussion above

shows that the South African government shoulders most of the expenses and also

subsidises its consumers. This will go a long way in boosting rural electrification.

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CHAPTER 3

LITERATURE REVIEW

3.1. Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to give a survey of literature on rural household

energy use in the developing world. The literature also looks at the adoption of grid

electricity as a strategy for rural development as well as challenges associated with

that approach. This chapter provides the necessary springboard for the analysis on

matters surrounding the adoption of grid electricity and energy transition in

Chiwundura Communal Area, as it is necessary to look at what other scholars have

written on the subject. Several scholars especially in the developing world have

studied the concept of energy use and transition both from the urban and rural

perspectives. This study though it is mainly on rural energy transition will also review

some works that focus on urban energy transition. This will however be strictly in the

developing world. The review is divided into seven sections which are critical in the

understanding of energy transition. The first section looks at the concept of energy

poverty and its implications on energy transition. Generally most developing

countries are faced with energy poverty and it is against this background that the

review will be made. The second section looks at the energy options available in

most developing countries that are found in three sequential stages namely the

traditional, transitional and the modern energy phases. Energy transition follows

through the three stages. The third phase looks at the energy determinants in the

rural household choices. These are critical as the adoption of grid electricity in

particular and energy transition in general hinge on these determinants. It is

important to observe the experiences of other countries in dealing with the

determinants. The fourth section looks at the role of gender in energy transition,

while the fifth section deals with energy and the Millennium Development Goals

(MDGs). The attainment of MDGs is the talking point of most countries and this has

an inextricable relationship with energy transition. The sixth section considers the

concept of sustainable energy. While countries strive to reach the electrification

stage it is always important to realise whether it is a sustainable process. Finally, the

chapter reviews some works on rural electrification in other parts of the world.

Zimbabwe is currently busy installing electricity infrastructure in the rural areas as

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the government believes electricity is the impetus for development. The question to

ask is: Is this a feasible exercise in Zimbabwe?

3.2. Energy poverty

3.2.1. Definition of energy poverty

Different scholars have come up with different definitions for energy poverty. Reddy

et al. (2000) define energy poverty as the absence of sufficient choice in accessing

adequate, affordable, reliable, high quality, safe and environmentally benign energy

services to support economic and human development. A number of scholars define

energy poverty as a constrained access to modern energy services such as

electricity (Manlove, 2009; Obeng, Akuffo, Braimah, Evers and Mensah, 2008; Modi,

McDade, Lallement and Saghir, 2005; Onyeji, 2010). This means households that

are energy poor are not able to cook with modern cooking fuels and they do not have

electricity to read, or to use for household and productive activities in the evening.

Goldemberg et al. (2000) make a slight departure and view energy poverty as the

exclusive reliance on traditional fuels coupled with simple technology characterised

by low energy efficiency and harmful emissions. What is inherent in all the above

definitions is how energy poverty is being linked with the absence of modern energy

and specifically electricity. The impression that is created is that if a household does

not have electricity then it is experiencing energy poverty.

The above definitions are somewhat misleading as they seem to imply that once a

household is connected to electricity it is no longer exposed to energy poverty.

Electricity is not necessarily the panacea of energy poverty. Reality shows that

some households connected to the electricity grid are still experiencing energy

poverty. Being connected to the grid is one thing, and the ability to use electricity is

another thing. Many households maybe connected to the grid but are not able to

utilize the resource as they cannot afford the end-use appliances, or cannot pay the

monthly rentals; hence they get disconnected from the system. In essence these

households are energy poor. Clark and Drimie (2000) provide a typical example of

such a situation which took place in a small village in Semonkong in Lesotho. The

Ministry of Agriculture provided its staff living in that village with electric grid, but after

a short while the inhabitants of these houses complained that it was too expensive to

7676

use electricity particularly for cooking and instead they asked for photovoltaic (PV)

installation which they used for lighting and perhaps social communication activities.

They reverted to using paraffin and/or gas for cooking and heating. A number of

households in the developing world experience this situation and in most cases

revert to the use of the traditional biomass as they cannot sustain grid electricity.

Modi et al. (2005) identify a different form of poverty in which despite being

connected to the grid households continue to use biomass energy forms simply

because the supply is unreliable. In some environments, poor households are

electrified, but only use electricity for lighting and entertainment, and frequently turn

to paraffin and wood, and less often to liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) for cooking

and heating (Aitken, 2007). Such households continue to suffer the problems

experienced by households which entirely are dependent on biomass. They are

therefore exposed to energy poverty.

3.2.2. Implications of energy poverty

Energy poverty has numerous implications on human lives and livelihoods. Most

importantly it hinders economic and human development. According to UNEP

(2011) lack of access to reliable, affordable and sustainable energy services results

in a self-perpetuating cycle of poverty and problems of hygiene, health, gender

inequity and environmental degradation. These problems affect more than 1.6 billion

people globally who lack access to electricity, while more than 2.5 billion people

worldwide continue to rely on biomass fuels, namely wood, dung, and agricultural

residues, as their main source of energy (IEA, 2009; Schlag and Zuzarte, 2008;

Birol, 2007; Howells et al, 2005; Mapako and Mbewe, 2004; Sagar, 2005). Most of

these people are resident in sub-Saharan Africa where 68% of the population lives in

rural areas (World Bank, 2000; Karakezi and Kithyoma, 2002), and 76% of the

population relies on traditional biomass fuels for cooking (IEA, 2006). In actual fact

lack of clean energy cannot be viewed only as a symptom of poverty but also as a

major factor in perpetuating it. In other words energy poverty is widely seen as

simply part and parcel of poverty as a whole. It deepens general poverty and

contributes to handicaps which make it much harder for poor people to increase their

incomes (CURES, 2009). Poverty is characterized by the inability of individuals,

households and communities to command sufficient resources to satisfy a socially

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acceptable minimum standard of living (May, 2000 as cited in Clark and Drimie,

2002). For instance Clancy (2003) contends that at the most basic level energy is

critical because it provides households with cooked food, boiled water and warmth.

The grim reality however is that several households are going without these basic

needs because of energy poverty.

Lack of modern energy services constrains efforts by rural communities to alleviate

poverty and improve living standards. Therefore energy poverty subjugates women

and children mainly in the rural areas making it almost impossible for them to enjoy

decent lives. Women and children have the responsibility of collecting biomass fuels

and this takes up to 2 hours or more per day, and time spent collecting fuel has an

opportunity cost for women especially during the busy agricultural periods (Clancy,

2003; Pachauri, 2004; Reddy, 2004; WHO, 2000). Girl children may be forced to

miss time in school as they have to fetch wood and other fuels. Missing on

education entrenches them into the vicious cycle of poverty. The heavy loads of

wood that women and girls carry expose them to injuries and back damages (WHO,

2000). Many of them unfortunately may never be able to trace these problems to the

heavy woodfuel loads they carry regularly over long distances. Women and children

also spend many hours in the kitchen, often close to the traditional fire place, and

this exposes them to indoor air pollution, which could cause acute respiratory

infections (ARI), as well as eye problems (WHO, 2000).

Energy poverty impacts severely on the poor, as they are forced to use less efficient

energy services (e.g. wood, dung, charcoal and kerosene) for cooking and lighting.

Poor households spend a much more greater share of their income on energy than

do wealthy households (Clark and Drimie, 2002; Saghir, 2005), yet when

comparative efficiencies and transactions costs are taken into account, the delivered

energy for cooking often ends up being more expensive for the poor households

than for the better-off (Saghir, 2005).

Energy poverty impedes sustainable development especially in rural areas. Poor

households will always find themselves entangled in this form of poverty making it

difficult for them to improve their children’s learning among other things.

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3.3. Fuel options

There are several energy options that are in use in the rural areas of the developing

countries, ranging from the traditional to the modern energy services. Some rural

communities still rely entirely on the so-called traditional fuels such as fuelwood,

agricultural residues and animal dung. It is also observed that some have actually

moved up what is known as the “energy ladder” and have adopted modern forms

such as liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) and electricity. It is therefore pertinent to

appreciate why particular communities are using particular energy forms. It is also

very important to look at the impacts that result from using certain energy forms. This

study will adopt a systematic review of literature on energy services starting with the

traditional services and ending with the modern services.

3.3.1. Traditional energy services

Traditional energy services comprise solid biomass, which is a wide range of natural

organic fuels such as wood, charcoal, agricultural residues and animal dung from

large animals such as buffalo, cattle and camels (Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002).

About 52% of the world’s households use solid fuels (Rehfuess et al., 2006; Torres-

Duque et al, 2008). This percentage varies widely between continents and regions

of the world. The largest consumers are in the rural areas of sub-Saharan Africa and

South East Asia where 80 to 90% of the households rely on biomass energy forms

(de Koning, 1985; IEA, 2006; Sawe, 2009). In the Western Pacific Region 74% of

the households depend on biomass energy forms (Rehfuess et al, 2006). The

picture is different in the Eastern Mediterranean region, Latin America, the

Caribbeans and most industrialised regions, where 36%, 16% and 5% respectively,

of the households depend on biomass fuels (Rehfuess et al, 2006). The bulk of the

biomass is used for household cooking, heating and space heating purposes in the

rural areas (Mapako, 2004), although there are other end-uses which include small

scale charcoal making, brick making, beer brewing, bread baking and agro-

processing (Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002). Open combustion on the traditional

stove made up of three stones/bricks in a triangular shape, for holding the pot, is

often used by the poor in most developing countries (Bore, 2002; Sawe, 2009).

Some scholars (Sawe, 2009; Vohra, 1982;) contend that open consumption is

inefficient in terms of usable thermal output as only between 10 and 15% of the

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energy is potentially utilized by such stoves. This view however, negates the

importance of traditional technology. The issue of thermal inefficiency of open fires

is taken out of context since the heat that escapes between the stones, and the heat

that is not directed at the cooking pots, is far from wasted as it provides greatly

valued warmth in the hut (Foley 1984 as cited in Crewe and Harrison, 1998). It is

important therefore to realize that while efficiency is judged on cooking, the

seemingly lost heat plays an important role in space heating.

Biomass is the predominant source of cooking energy, despite its inefficiency and

harmful impacts on human health (Birol, 2007; Mapako and Mbewe, 2004). This is

because it is readily available as a free source of energy. Biomass is viewed as a

free commodity, which is collected from the surrounding environment and not

purchased, and this will make it difficult for households to switch to modern fuels

(GTZ Eastern Africa Energy Resource Base, 2010; Mapako and Mbewe, 2004;

Parawira, 2009).

The widespread use of unprocessed solid fuels to meet basic energy needs such as

cooking and heating represents a major public health concern. Pollution is

concentrated in poorly ventilated huts and houses (Mishra et al, 1999) and it affects

women and children who are trapped in smoke from wood, dung, and agricultural

residues while meeting cooking and heating needs on open fires or traditional stoves

(Manlove, 2009). Indoor air pollution comprises a variety of health damaging

pollutants including respirable particulate matter, carbon monoxide, nitrogen oxides,

formaldehyde, benzene, 1.3 butadiene, polycydic, carcinogens, such as

benzo[a]pyrene and many other toxic organic compounds (Bruce et al., 2000;

Naeher et al., 2007; Smith, 1987). These pollutants cause a multitude of illnesses

such as chronic respiratory problems, lung cancer, cor pulmonale, tuberculosis,

pneumonia and other health complications (Mishra et al, 1999). Globally pneumonia

represents the single most important cause of death in children less than 5 years of

age and is responsible for approximately 2 million deaths every year (Fullerton et al,

2008; WHO, 2005). Young children are often carried on their mothers back during

cooking and are usually kept close to the warm hearth. As a result children spend

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many hours breathing indoor air pollution during their first years of life.16 In a study

conducted by Mishra (2003) in Zimbabwe there was a strong association between

exposure to biomass smoke and ARI in preschool age children, while women

presented with chronic obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD) and chronic

bronchitis. It is however unfortunate because most rural women who are exposed to

smoke conditions are oblivious of the dangers it is likely to cause. Approximately 4

to 5 million children in developing countries die annually due to acute respiratory

infections. In a study by Schirnding in 2001 in Kenya it was found out that women

who undertook most of the cooking at the household level were exposed to twice as

much particulate emission as their male counterparts and were on average as likely

to suffer from respiratory infections (Mapako and Mbewe, 2004). Ezatti and

Kammen (2001) conducted a study on indoor air pollution levels and found out that

the concentration of particulates in most homes using biofuels in the developing

countries, including sub-Saharan Africa averages 200 to 5000 µg/m3 yet the

recommended level concentration of particulates below 10 microns in diameter was

set at 150 µg/m3. More than a third of all child deaths (350000) caused by indoor air

pollution occur on the African continent and another 374 000 deaths occur in South

East Asia (Smith et al, 2004; WHO, 2005). Apparently nothing can be done to

ameliorate this situation as a host of challenges hinder transition to modern energy

use.

Anecdotal association of eye problems with cooking smoke is common but few

epidemiological studies have been done (Mishra et al, 1999). Cataract which is a

chief proximate cause of complete blindness is known to be linked to oxidative

damage that can be produced by heavy airborne pollution as well as other factors

(Taylor, 1995 as cited in Mishra, 1999). In a study in New Dehli, India in 1990, low

quality cooking fuels such as wood and dung were significantly associated with three

of the four major types of cataract, that is cortical, nuclear and mixed (Mishra et al,

1999). Both blindness and cataract are major health problems in India. Other

causes of blindness that could be aggravated by exposure to smoke are trachoma

and conjunctivitis (which could be caused by long term exposure to cooking smoke)

(Mishra et al., 1999). Blindness prevalence increases as women age and tends to

16 In a baseline survey conducted by Mishra (2003) in two districts in Zimbabwe it was observed that women and young children spend an average of 5 hours per day in the kitchen area, where air pollution levels from biomass fuel combustion for cooking tend to be very high.

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be higher for women who are economically and culturally disadvantaged, most likely

because they have poorer access to medical care than do other women. Thus,

women who are less educated and who belong to scheduled castes or tribes have a

relatively high prevalence of blindness. Similarly, the prevalence of blindness is

higher for women who live in poor-quality (kachcha) houses or in houses that lack a

separate kitchen than for other women (Mishra et al., 1999). This is because these

houses have poor ventilation and smoke is trapped inside exposing inhabitants to

increased incidences of eye problems. Apparently most people in the developing

countries particularly women continue to be exposed to eye damaging smoke. This

situation however continues unabated because rural people lack information on the

dangers of smoke to eyes.

3.3.2. Transitional fuels

Transitional fuels represent a group of fuels that households adopt as they leave the

traditional biomass and these are found in the rungs immediately before the modern

energy which have minimal levels of polluting. Some transitional fuels are polluting

but are considered better than the traditional biomass fuels. These include paraffin

also known as kerosene, wind energy and use of cookstoves.

3.3.2.1. Kerosene

Paraffin as it is called in Commonwealth countries, and also known as kerosene in

Canada and United States of America is a transitional fuel which is used mainly by

the low income sector, in both rural and urban areas in the developing countries

(Mrubata, and Dhlamini, 2008). It is among the most frequently used fuels for

cooking, lighting and heating by low income households lacking electricity in low and

medium income countries (Schwebel, Swart, Hui, Simpson and Hobe, 2008;

Matzopoulos, Jordan and Carolissen, 2006). However Matzopoulos et al. (2006)

contend that the majority of people using paraffin are incidentally the less educated

members of the community (Matzopoulos et al, 2006). This means that they are

easily affected by some challenges that they could easily avoid. For example they

are not able to read instructions on the containers. It is very popular among the low

income households in South Africa where about 9 million households use paraffin for

some part of their domestic energy requirements (Truran, 2004). As South Africa

8282

modernises its economy its society has started to substitute transitional fuels such as

paraffin for biomass fuels (Ellis, Krug, Robertson, Hay and MacIntyre, 1994).

Although paraffin is used mainly by poor households who do not have grid

connection, some of the households with electricity use it only for lighting and prefer

to cook with paraffin (Truran, 2004). This is determined by the food type and taste

but this shall be dealt with later in the section that looks at energy determinants in

the rural areas. Truran (2010) also observes that a significant proportion of the

higher income households use paraffin as part of their energy mix. Therefore it

should not be viewed as categorically a fuel for the poor. The introduction of

electricity does not always result in the reduction in the use of paraffin. Households

hold onto paraffin for various reasons, yet the unit cost of lighting (cost per lumen-

hour) provided by paraffin is more expensive when compared to electricity (Barnes,

Khandker, and Samad, 2011).

In India about 43.5% of rural households have access to electricity, while the rest

rely mostly on kerosene (Bhattacharyya 2006). Mishra (2008) argues that the slow

transition from biomass to clean fuel types in India in particular is attributed to the

very high costs of the more environmentally friendly fuel types as well as the lack of

an effective supply network in the rural areas. This is typical of most rural areas in

the developing countries. Households however continue to use polluting energy

sources simply because there is no alternative in their areas.

Paraffin has multipurpose uses such as cooking, heating water, space heating and

lighting (Ellis, Krug, Robertson, Hay and MacIntyre, 1994; Sarme, Bora and

Bhattacharyee, 2000; Truran, 2004). In winter the consumption of paraffin soars

(Truran, 2004), which could be an indication that it is used in paraffin heaters for

space heating.

Paraffin is part of the energy mix in both the low and high income groups. The socio-

economic and cultural factors may influence a household’s decision to use multiple

energy sources (Bank, 1997; Panday and Mafu, 2007). The low income groups use

paraffin in their energy mix as dictated by their low and unpredictable income

patterns. In countries such as South Africa where electricity is prepaid, low income

groups cannot always afford the relatively high capital outlay of electricity and only

purchase energy when cash resources are available. Such situations make paraffin

8383

which is a low cost and accessible fuel, more convenient and affordable.

Observations have been made in dwellings that are not connected to the grid where

there is a common practice of using a mix of biomass (wood) and cleaner fuel

(paraffin) (Rollin, Mathee, Bruce, Levin and von Schirnding, 2004). Paraffin has

become a staple fuel as it meets energy demands as dictated by certain diets as well

as cultural and traditional practices. In South Africa electrified rural communities use

paraffin to cook hard foods such as dumplings, pap, tripe, samp and beans, which

require slow cooking, so as to save on prepaid electricity (Panday, 2007). Paraffin is

therefore used in wick stoves that can be turned down to a very low simmer (Truran,

2010). Men use primus (paraffin) stoves to steam their bodies, or to cook traditional

muti (medicine) for inducing vomiting (Panday, 2007). In many electrified

communities “back-switching” has become an on-going phenomenon, with

households reverting to using solid and liquid fuels during colder periods, during

times of economic hardship, and for reasons such as cultural or social preference

(Rollin et al., 2004). This tends to put the issue of the economic sustainability of the

electrification programme in rural areas on the spotlight.

Barnes et al. (2011) observe that the unavailability of electricity in a community, or

the high cost of connecting electricity in most low income sectors in the developing

countries often act as an impediment in the transition from kerosene to electricity.

The increasing cost of electricity coupled with the current energy or electricity crisis

that is responsible for frequent blackouts in Zimbabwe for example, restrict the

rollout of electrical provision to more remote areas. This only helps to further

consolidate the practices of energy mix as well as “back-switching”. This

development also means even the affluent households may have to invest in paraffin

stoves and heaters to hedge themselves from blackouts. Truran, Tavares and Swart

(2008) postulate that exclusive use of electricity for household energy is neither

practical nor a reality. The situation that obtains on the ground demands that

households use energy mix.

Paraffin has a number of characteristics which make it more preferable to other fuel

options in the rural areas of South Africa. Firstly it suits the conditions of the

unemployed and low income rural households. It is relatively cheap compared to

other options as a litre costs R2.40 (US$2.85), and has very low set up costs as the

8484

cheapest paraffin stoves range between R15 and R20 (roughly US$ 2.15 to US$

2.85) (Truran, 2004). It does not require any connection fees and can be used to

prepare food quickly (Panday, 2007). Secondly, paraffin is convenient since it is

readily available at retail and “spaza” shops which are within the locality. In the rural

areas of Rajasthan, 96% of households buy it from ration shops in their

neighbourhood (Laxmi, Parikh, Karmakar and Dabrase, 2003). It can be bought in

small quantities which range between one and five litres, which means consumers

buy what they afford. Consumers also have the freedom to use any container they

see fit. In desperate situations a household can borrow paraffin from a neighbour

and reimburse later. Paraffin has the added advantage that a household can both

control and monitor the quantities they use. Paraffin is therefore suitable for the

rural communities despite the negative externalities such as indoor air pollution.

Although paraffin is popular among the low income groups because of its versatility

and among the high income groups as part of their energy mix, it is associated with a

myriad of problems ranging from indoor air pollution, fires and burns to ingestion and

subsequent poisoning. These are typical problems facing some of the poorest

communities in South Africa, Egypt, India, Malawi and Jordan (Ahuja and

Bhattacharya, 2002; Chibwana, Mhango and Molyneux, 2001; El-Badawy and

Mabrouk, 1998; Gupta, Bansal, Gupta, and Goil, 1996; Mabrouk, El Badawy and

Sherif, 2000; Matzopoulos, Jordan and Carolissen, 2006; Shotar, 2005).

Kerosene is a deceptive substance and may not encourage the same avoidance

behaviour as biomass smoke (Price, 2000). While it appears to be burning more

cleanly, it produces substantial amounts of fine particulate matter and vapour-phase

chemicals. The use of kerosene stoves and lamps causes indoor air pollution

through the smoke and emissions that they produce. In households that are not

electrified kerosene lamps are burned for up to 5 hours a day. Most of the lamps are

home-made devices and are highly energy inefficient; therefore they emit a lot

smoke and particles (Price, 2000; Schare and Smith, 1995).17 The end-use

efficiency of kerosene for cooking (burned in a wick stove) is about 35 percent

(Khander, 2010). The use of a wick lamp, which is called a kupi in Bangladesh for

17 According to Mills (2000) kerosene lanterns emit more than 100kg of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere each year if used for more than 4 hours a day. Kerosene lanterns also produce very poor quality light.

8585

lighting, has very low efficiency levels (Barnes et al., 2011). In a study done in

Malawi, it was observed that there was a higher loading of particulates in alveolar

macrophages in men from exposure to kerosene in lamps compared with candles,

hurricane lamps, and electric lamps (Fullerton, Semple, Kalambo, Malamba, Suseno,

and Henderson, 2009). Kerosene combustion also emits carbon monoxide, carbon

dioxide, sulphur dioxide, nitrogen oxide, formaldehyde and various volatile organic

carbons (VOCs) (Trayner et al., 1993). A study conducted in the slums in

Bangladesh established that the smoke emitted from kerosene stoves had

significantly higher concentrations of benzene, toluene, xylene, hexane and total

VOCs than smoke from wood burning stoves (Pokhrel, Bates, Verma, Joshi,

Chandrashekhar, Sreeramareddy and Smith, 2009). The inefficient flames result in

chemicals within paraffin being given off as toxic smoke (Truran, 2004). During

winter and cold periods paraffin stoves double as heaters and often room ventilation

is minimised to keep out the cold, damp and wind resulting in concentration of

carbon monoxide in the rooms. This causes dizziness, drowsiness and headaches

or even death in worst cases (Truran, 2004).

Paraffin ingestion is one of the commonest causes of accidental childhood poisoning

in the lower socio-economic group. The problem has a high reportage rates in the

rural areas where there is less access to electricity and many households are

dependent on paraffin for cooking, lighting, heating and refrigeration (de W et et al.,

1994; Tshiamo, 2009). The problem is less in urban areas where the incidence of

poverty is generally lower in comparison to the rural areas, and also because in

urban areas there is to a higher degree the use of electricity. The problem usually

affects children below the age of five years who are usually exploratory by nature

and also because their senses of smell and taste are still relatively undifferentiated

(Tshiamo, 2009). The problem of ingestion tends to have a high occurrence in the

summer months when it is generally hot and children mistake it for water or cold

drinks since it is often stored in old beverage containers (ESMAP, 2003; Howells et

al., 2003; Tshiamo, 2009).

The ingestion of paraffin by young children is a problem of high magnitude in South

Africa where according to the Paraffin Safety Association of Southern Africa an

estimated 80 000 children are poisoned from accidentally ingesting (drinking)

8686

paraffin annually (Mrubata and Dhlamini, 2008). Cases of paraffin ingestion have

also been reported in Botswana (Tshiamo, 2009), Zimbabwe (Tagwireyi, Ball and

Nhachi, 2006) and Kenya where it accounts for 60% of paediatric poisonings (Lang,

Thuo and Akech, 2008). Although the ingestion is rarely fatal, it could result in

patients developing chemical pneumonia (Panday and Mafu, 2005).

The use of paraffin is also linked to fire hazards. Paraffin is a highly flammable

substance and can lead to fires originating from malfunctioning paraffin appliances

(Schwebel et al., 2008). Schwebel et al (2008) also observe that fires associated

with paraffin are caused by several factors which include improper placement of

appliances (e.g. near curtains or tablecloths); use of polluted paraffin (since paraffin

is highly explosive when mixed with water or other fuels); use of paraffin by children

or intoxicated individuals. In a study conducted in KwaZulu-Natal and Limpopo in

South Africa, Martins (2005) noted that 40.7% of the fires that were reported,

occurred in homes, and 41.2% of the reported burns were caused by paraffin. The

fires result from primus stoves that burst (Panday, 2007). Panday (2007) further

reveals that the wick stoves that are in use in most households, are of poor quality,

usually meant to last for 3-6 months. They are made of poor quality metal which

make them rust easily resulting in paraffin leaking. The stoves bend easily, making

them become unbalanced. During use they emit paraffin fumes and smoke, and

they also overheat and explode. However despite all these negative elements they

are widely used by low income groups because they are affordable as they cost

between R20 and R30 (US$2-3). In South Africa alone 46 000 dwellings are razed

down each year as a result of fires (Mrubata, and Dhlamini, 2008; Peck, Kruger, van

der Merwe, Godakumbura and Ahuja, 2008). Closely related to fires are burns and

these are a preponderance in low income sectors. Burns are the leading cause of

death amongst young children (National Injury Mortality Statistics, 2002). Between

January 1993 and June 1995 the University of Cape Town Red Cross Memorial

Hospital Burns Unit admitted 99 victims of shack fires (Peck et al., 2008). This

scenario is not only restricted to South Africa. Other regions of Africa experience

problems associated with the burns resulting from paraffin related usage. Peck et al

(2008) observed that 40% (242/622) of outpatients burns treated within an 18

months period (1995-1996) at Aim Shams Hospital in Cairo were caused by

kerosene stoves. In India kerosene stoves are responsible for 200 000 deaths

8787

annually (Peck et al., 2008). In these fires the poor lose their possessions, and suffer

disfigurement and sometimes death. Such experiences may act as deterrent for

rural households in countries such as Zimbabwe.

On top of the externalities discussed above individuals from households that use

paraffin are stigmatized for the use of paraffin. At school or at work individuals who

use paraffin can be easily identified because their clothes smell of paraffin. They

may be derided because they use paraffin stoves and lamps (Panday, 2007).

The above discussion shows that limited choices in energy services force

households to use hazardous products such as paraffin, and stifle their efforts to

adopt cleaner energy services. The use of paraffin fuel is associated with harmful

effects. It is therefore imperative to switch to better and modern sources of energy

such as electricity; but in the event that electricity is either inaccessible or

unaffordable then sustainable green energy technology should be developed and

adopted.

3.3.2.2. Improved stoves

The development of the wood-burning stoves is not a recent phenomenon. The

improved stoves were first put on the agenda of planned development in the 1950s

and many international agencies became involved during the 1970s (Crewe and

Harrison, 1998). The more recent spate of improved stoves programmes focusing

on energy efficiency began in the 1970s after the large rise in oil prices (Bailis et al.,

2009; Barnes et al., 1994). In Zimbabwe the woodstoves project started in 1982 with

the trial designs to establish the best design for fuel conservation in Seke Communal

Lands, Hurungwe and Guruve areas (Mapako, 2004). In Tanzania, several efforts to

promote improved biomass stoves in rural and urban areas started in the 1980s

(Sawe, 2009). Bailis et al (2009) observe that it was a development intervention

aimed at household cooking.

The introduction of improved cookstoves was initially motivated by a perceived link

between deforestation and household energy. It occurred simultaneously with the

global “energy crisis” of the 1970s and 1980s (Bailis et al, 2009; Sawe, 2009).

During the 1980s, the designing of energy policy was motivated by the

8888

environmental concern (Crewe and Harrison, 1998). European and American

energy experts made a series of related assumptions about the environment and

woodfuel use; that deforestation was caused in large by cutting of wood for domestic

fuel use; that population growth was exacerbating the problem; that traditional stoves

were energy inefficient; and that fuelwood shortages were resulting in increased time

spent on wood collection (Crewe and Harrison, 1998).

However, there were a series of misplaced assumptions about household domestic

energy, deforestation and biomass fuel, which evolved in most international

development agencies during the 1970s and 1980s. The energy experts mistakenly

thought that people routinely cut trees to get fuel for domestic consumption and

deduced that a decrease in domestic fuel consumption would reduce the rate of

deforestation in areas of scarcity. Widespread deforestation was not only due to

domestic fuelwood. Timber logging, land clearance for agriculture and charcoal

making were far more significant than woodfuel consumption, as reasons for tree

cutting. Planners hoped the introduction of fuel efficient stoves would save trees

through reduced wood consumption (Crewe and Harrison, 1998).

The improved cookstoves were also introduced on the premise that they would solve

a number of problems that were associated with the use of fuelwood (Sawe, 2009).

A number of assumptions were made about the improved cookstoves. It was

assumed that they would increase efficiency of biomass resources use in

households, institutions and SMMEs; reduce indoor pollution; reduce the drudgery

and save time for women and children; reduce deforestation and land degradation;

mitigate climate change; enhance local income and employment generation; and

scale up uptake and use of many, smokeless high efficiency, low to medium cost

stove designs already in existence (Crewe and Harrison, 1998).

It is also argued improved stoves were introduced with a social benefits dimension

(Barnes et al., 1994). They were introduced so as to save time because of their

higher power output and thermal efficiency. They are also easier to light while they

also had the advantage that they reach the desired cooking temperature more

quickly than the conventional stoves. Improved stoves are associated with an

enhanced quality of life and they are a status symbol (Barnes et al., 1994). Unlike

the traditional stoves which release smoke and soot that discolour walls and clothing,

8989

improved stoves are a smarter version. It is highly likely that households could

purchase them based on the conspicuous consumption theory. That is they bought

them to demonstrate their economic state and not necessarily that they wanted to

use them.

Improved stoves have economic benefits as they save money and time for

households (Barnes et al., 1994). They reduce cash outlays necessary for

purchased fuelwood and/or charcoal. This means the money that could have been

committed to fuelwood and charcoal is then used for other developmental purposes.

They also have environmental benefits as they are supposed to reduce the

overharvesting of trees while at the same time reducing the pollution released into

the environment (Barnes et al, 1994). They were also expected to shorten the

walking distance and time required to collect fuel. Ultimately they had health benefits

for women and children.

However, attempts at introducing and promoting use of improved models of wood-

fired cooking stoves, on a large scale, have not been successful (Mangala, 1994).

They were not readily accepted by communities. The unpopularity of most new

stoves was attributed to the cultural conservatism of the users. Gender analysts

claim that the programmes failed because they did not challenge gender inequalities

(Cecelski, 2005). According to Mangala (1994) the introduction of the improved

stove was not accompanied by a deliberate attention to the needs of the rural

woman. It was imperative to consider whether women had the knowledge of the

stove design and construction as this would enhance their ability to use them.

Stoves were supposed to cater for the socio-economic needs such as diet, cooking

styles and the kind of fuel to be used.

European and American energy experts have made several assumptions about

environment and energy (woodfuel use) in the developing countries. They assume

that deforestation is caused by domestic fuel use and that population growth is

exacerbating the problem (Foley et al., 1984). They further postulate that traditional

stoves are energy inefficient and that fuel shortages were resulting in increase in

time spent on wood collection. However, deforestation was a land issue not a fuel

issue. People cut down trees primarily to clear land for cultivation and livestock

rather than to burn wood in their stoves (Foley et al., 1984)

9090

Energy experts assumed improved modern stoves were replacing traditional

technology that they viewed as inferior, yet wood burning cooking fires have many

advantages over improved stoves. Foley et al. (1994) highlight some of the

numerous advantages of traditional stoves. Considerable diversity of cooking fires is

illustrated with examples from three continents. Traditional stoves cost no money.

They offer a social or ritual focus as families sit around them in the evening after

meals. Furthermore they are flexible because they can be easily controlled and can

burn any size or type of fuel. They can support any size or type of pot. They can

provide lighting and heating at the same time. Traditional stoves can release smoke

which preserves food and also deters insects. The smoke lengthens the life of

thatch.

In Zimbabwe improved stoves were not readily adopted because of a number of

limitations. Mapako (2004) observes that they are difficult to position in the kitchen,

while at the same time they have limited functionality. They are not portable and

they cannot use the slower-burning larger logs. It is difficult to control the stove’s

heat output hence their use is associated with discomfort resulting from heat

retention especially in the hot weather (Mapako, 2004).

Woodstove projects have been predominantly of the welfare type, largely

implemented by government in the 1980s (Mapako and Musvoto, 2008). In most

developing countries the national governments and NGOs have in the past decided

that the existing stoves (three stones arranged in a triangular shape) were wasteful

of fuel (Crewe and Harrison, 1998). They therefore used their technocrats in

government to decide what the energy problems were, and they went on to formulate

technical solutions that sought to improve efficiency, conserve wood and allow use of

resources not used for energy in the same way before. This approach was inherently

top-down and not surprisingly missed the actual needs of the intended recipients,

which had not been established beforehand (Mapako, 2004). Prasad (1983) has

pointed out that traditionally stoves were constructed on the basis of intuition and

with experience have modified gradually. Stoves have been designed with emphasis

on being smokeless or more fuel-efficient but the users may have in fact looked upon

smoke as a means of keeping away pests and mosquitoes. Gill (1987) has in her

analyses of the reasons for the failure 'of improved model of stoves, cited that the

9191

priorities of the villagers may be different from those of the promoters. The

monitoring of the stove programmes has generally been on the numbers

disseminated rather than a determination of the effects and impacts in relation to the

expected benefits. The promoters must therefore understand the culture, tradition

and needs of the communities before disseminating an energy system. This will

reduce the failure rate of that energy system. Mangala (1994) observes that women

in the developing world when adopting an improved stove may be concerned about

whether it reduces time for cooking before they adopt the stove and pollution may be

secondary. After all they may have been socialised that smoke is a useful

commodity as it is used to preserve food and if anything they do not consider it as

harmful. In wet seasons many households use kitchen smoke to prevent moulds

and fungi attacking many of their foods (Chomcharn, 1991). It is therefore common

practice to leave a smouldering fire in the stove after cooking. It is also important to

observe that when introducing new technology such as the solar cookstoves the

need to consider the social and cultural norms of the people is important if it is to be

accepted. Many solar cooking projects have failed because particular needs for

women were not taken into consideration. Women prefer cooking in the evening

rather than during the day when the sun is high (Annecke, 1998). Furthermore most

of the women want to maintain their privacy and are not comfortable cooking in the

open as demanded by the solar cookstoves

3.3.2.3. Wind energy

Wind energy is one technology that has not been fully exploited in the sub-Saharan

African region yet it could have considerable impact in the agricultural sector

(Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002). Wind could be utilised in pumping water for

irrigation. Most countries in the region have wind energy potentials that are sufficient

for water pumping (3 m/s) (Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002). Wind pumping for water

lifting could have a significant impact on agricultural productivity in rural areas of the

region where food insecurity is rife as a result of water shortage caused by recurrent

droughts. Wind energy is already being utilised in South Africa although its full

potential has not been met. About 300 000 predominantly locally manufactured wind

driven water pumps have been installed and are used to supply water to livestock

(Karottki, Schaffler and Banks, 2001). More wind energy technology could be

9292

developed in the coastal and escarpment areas where mean annual wind speed is

greater than 4 metres per second at 10 metres above ground level (Karottki et al.,

2001)

However, the potential of wind has not been fully exploited as initial costs of

establishing a single system are in the region of US$10, 000 (Karekezi and

Kithyoma, 2002). This is beyond the reach of most poor rural communities in the sub

Saharan Africa region for instance. In South Africa a number of impediments have

stifled the growth of the wind energy technology. Wind energy is outdone by the

cheapness of electricity from coal-fired power stations, which is pegged at

R0.25/kWh or less (Edkins, Marquard and Winkler, 2010; Karottki et al., 2001).

Furthermore, in South Africa red-tape frustrates the development of wind technology.

The Darling Wind Farm project for example took longer than was necessary to obtain

approval and licences (Edkins et al, 2010). This drove up the development costs

and exposed the programme to the vicissitudes of inflation. Although Zimbabwe has

tremendous potential for the development of wind energy, the winds are not high

enough for electrical power generation. According to Mungwena (2001) several

parts of Zimbabwe have wind speeds ranging from 2.6m/s to 4m/s and these could

be utilised for water pumping. A number of factors militate against the development

of wind energy in Zimbabwe. The country is landlocked and as a result does not

have large wind resources as compared to countries with long coastlands and flat

landscapes. Wind energy has historically been used to drive wind vanes for

pumping water on commercial farms in Zimbabwe (MoEPD, 2010). This was mainly

for livestock watering. Nziramasanga (2004) postulates that even though most

large-scale commercial farms were grid-connected, these wind-driven pumps were

developed for irrigation and livestock watering in areas that were far from the grid.

Zimbabwe has approximately 650 privately owned wind energy conversion systems

(WECS) units (Mapako, 2004). There are two main types of WECS in Zimbabwe,

and these are the propeller (lift type) and the multi-blade (drag type). The multi-

blade wind pumps were locally produced by Stewarts and Lloyds, Sheetmetal Kraft

and Powertronics (MoEPD, 2010) and are used for pumping water on commercial

farms. The propeller type is imported and is used on trials for power generation on

small wind farms in the Eastern Highlands of Zimbabwe (Mungwena, 2002;

Nziramasanga, 2004). Another small wind farm was established at Temaruru

9393

business centre near Rusape in the eastern side of the country and six wind turbines

of 1 kWh were installed to power shops at this business centre (MoEPD, 2010). The

trials are meant to establish the potential of wind energy in the country. However, the

country’s potential to generate electricity using wind energy is limited due to the low

wind speeds experienced in the country, averaging 3 m/s (MoEPD, 2010). Such low

wind speeds can only be utilized for water pumping. Zimbabwe has a sub-tropical

climate and its annual mean wind speed ranges between 2.6 and 3.6 m/s

(Mungwena, 2002). The country experiences windy seasons around September and

October, which are incidentally Zimbabwe’s hottest months and windmill are most

needed (Mungwena, 2002). Furthermore, the potential of wind cannot be fully

exploited as initial costs of establishing a single system are around US$10, 000

(Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002). This is beyond the reach of most poor rural

communities in Zimbabwe, and this explains why this technology was found mainly

on commercial farms whose owners had the capacity to establish this technology.

3.3.2.4. Biogas

Biogas is a clean-burning methane-rich gas produced through anaerobic digestion

(decomposition without oxygen) of organic matter, such as animal manure, human

excreta, and crop residues (Arthur, Baidoo and Antwi, 2011; Milbrandt and Overend,

2011; Mugo and Gathui, 2010; Simalenga and Maliwichi, 2011). Biogas is becoming

a popular replacement for fuelwood in countries where agriculture is a key

component of the rural economy. It is also realised that globally, successful and

widespread implementation of domestic biogas technology has developed roots in

countries where governments have been actively involved. This could be through

provision of subsidies, as well as assisting with planning, designing, construction and

maintenance of biogas plants. Countries in Asia, particularly China and India have

seen massive campaigns to popularise the technology (Bond and Templeton 2011).

According to Milbrandt and Overend (2011) China is the world’s leading biogas user

with about 25 million biogas systems, and it is followed by India which has about 4

million plants. Nepal is the third in domestic biogas installations with approximately

200,000 digesters, and Vietnam is fourth with more than 150,000 systems.

9494

The dissemination of biogas technology has been relatively unsuccessful in Africa

and is at embryonic stage (Arthur et al., 2011; Parawira, 2009). Although several

small-scale biogas plants are located throughout Africa, only a few are working. This

is despite the fact that the countries on the continent are struggling to meet their

energy demands. Kenya and Ethiopia are leading in biogas plant installation on the

continent with 1884 household biogas plants and 1140 plants respectively

(Rajendran, Aslanzadeh and Taherzadeh, 2012). A number of factors are

responsible for the low uptake of biogas in Africa. African governments fail to

support biogas technology through a focused energy policy coupled with poor

dissemination strategies, lack of project monitoring and follow ups by promoters, and

poor ownership responsibility by users have also led to the dissemination challenges

(Bensah and Brew-Hammond, 2010). Arthur et al. (2011) contend that most

digesters in Africa are characterised by a combination of poor design and poor

technical quality of construction. The material used to construct digesters is of poor

quality. Furthermore, the contractors engaged to construct digesters are

inexperienced contractors and the users have insufficient knowledge on how biogas

technology operates. The situation has not been helped by research institutes and

universities which have not committed themselves fully into developing the biogas

technology (Parawira, 2009).

The use of biogas technology has a number of benefits. The effluent from the

digester, the liquid slurry, has been proven to be a very rich source of soluble

nitrogen, which is a good source of fertilizer that can improve soil fertility and

agricultural productivity on the farm (Gautam, Bara and Herat, 2009; Simalenga and

Maliwichi, 2011). The slurry which is a form of organic fertiliser can therefore be

used in place of chemical fertiliser that is usually expensive and beyond the reach of

most rural households.

Biogas technology is critical in improving the welfare of women and girls. In most

rural areas, households are sustained by accessing energy. This means that women

and girls are involved in the drudgery of fetching fuelwood on a daily basis. At times

families are forced to withdraw their children from school for the purposes of

collecting fuelwood. Women and girls have another chore of preparing meals using

the inefficient solid biomass which exposes them to indoor pollution. The adoption of

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biogas technology removes these burdens from the women and girls and instead

improves household productivity and human capital as members will be freed from

collecting fuelwood and will be given the opportunity to use clean fuel for studying

(Guta, 2012). Unlike fuelwood and animal dung cakes which leave residue after

burning, biogas is a clean fuel because it burns without leaving soot on the pots.

This reduces the amount of time taken on cleaning pots. The time saved could be

utilised in doing other productive activities.

The use of biogas reduces smoke substantially in the kitchen which translates into

the reduction of smoke borne diseases for women and children who spend several

hours close to the fire cooking or in the company of their mothers. The burning of

biogas therefore noticeably reduces the number of smoke borne diseases for the

concerned women or children. In addition, cooking with biogas is a lot easier

because unlike biomass it is not necessary to keep the fire burning, by adding

fuelwood or dung continuously.

The adoption of biogas can play a significant role in ameliorating the threats of

deforestation and biodiversity which result from the over-reliance on, and

unsustainable use of firewood. Arthur et al. (2011) reveal that the over-dependence

and utilization of woodfuels is one of the main contributing factors to deforestation

and emission of some greenhouse gases in Ghana.

The adoption of biogas technology has numerous challenges. The technology

requires a high initial cost and this generally inhibits potential users from accessing it

(Bond and Templeton 2011). According to Limmeechokchai and Chawana (2007)

high initial investment cost for the technology acted as a barrier for the poorer strata

of rural populations towards adopting biogas stoves and household biogas digesters.

It is sad that this barrier remains in force even though the biogas systems have

proven that they are a necessity in the rural areas of the developing world (UN-

APCAEM, 2007). One of the feedstocks for biogas digesters is dung which has a

competitive use as fertilizer. Since the cost of fertiliser has been escalating villagers

would rather reserve dung for their fields rather than use it in digesters. Potential

users need to be advised on the possibility of using the sludge from biogas as an

alternative (Guta, 2012).

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Social and cultural convictions are potential barriers in the dissemination of biogas

technology. For instance households need to overcome the stigmatisation

associated with the use of human excreta in digester and as fertiliser when it has

been digested (Arthur et al, 2011). Furthermore, the mesophilic anaerobic digestion

used in biogas digesters does not by itself produce sludge of suitable hygienic

quality for use as fertiliser. It is important to carry out post treatment in order to meet

the WHO guidelines for reuse of human excreta in agriculture (WHO, 2006).

Naturally some people are reluctant to use products that are surrounded with

uncertainties; hence this is a potential barrier to digestion of sewage and animal

excreta.

3.3.3 Modern fuels

3.3.3.1. Liquefied petroleum gas

Liquefied Petroleum Gas (LP Gas or LPG) is a clean-burning modern energy carrier

made up of propane and/or butane. It is an energy option of social, economic and

environmental relevance for supporting development. It was recognised in the UN

World Summit on Sustainable Development (WSSD) Plan of Implementation (UN,

2002). Very few people in the world still use LPG. In India only 33.6 million

households (17.5% of total population) use LPG and these are mainly in urban areas

(D’Sa and Murthy, 2004). In Zimbabwe very few people, usually the rich, who are

incidentally connected to the national electricity grid are using the LPG (Zindoga and

Sachiti, 2010). They only use the gas during periods when there is load shedding.

This means that people in the rural areas who are generally poor, and are in need of

the energy service do not enjoy the benefits of using LPG energy services.

However, a transition in household energy from traditional to modern commercial

fuels, particularly electricity or liquid petroleum gas, is important for rural

development. This energy transition is important because it would eliminate or

reduce the negative effects of traditionally burned biomass fuels on women’s health,

reduce women’s drudgery; and promote an increase in the productivity of rural

labour by making non-human and non-animal energy available for household

production.

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LPG is a form of energy that is very efficient and has lower environmental impacts

than other energy forms, with one kilogram of gas having a calorific value of about

49 000 kilojoules which is equivalent to 13KW of electricity (D’Sa and Murthy, 2004).

Observations show that cooking with LPG is more efficient than firewood on open

fire where only 15% of thermal energy is captured compared to 60% in LPG stove

(Viswanathan and Kumar, 2005). Gas has the added advantage over other energy

forms, in that it can be stored. This means that unlike electricity for instance, users

are able to determine gas stocks that can be used on a daily, weekly and monthly

usage basis (Zindoga and Sachiti, 2010).

Furthermore LPG is a portable and renewable source of energy (Zindoga and

Sachiti, 2010). Users are able to carry LPG stoves and use them in places of their

choice. This means that LPG is a convenient energy form and its use is in line with

sustainable development ethos. LPG is a clean energy service. It contains less

carbon hence produces much less carbon dioxide than the sources currently used in

Zimbabwe (wood and coal) (Zindoga and Sachiti, 2010). This helps in reducing

greenhouse gas emissions and this is in line with the Kyoto Protocol. In essence,

using LPG as a substitute for traditional fuels in meeting household energy needs

brings significant health and environmental benefits. This saves women and children

who are exposed to long hours of smoke inhalation during meal preparations.

LPG is not readily accessible in rural areas of most developing countries. Energy

services accessibility refers to the ability of households to use energy services

namely for their day to day functions such as lighting, heating, cooking and space

heating, transport, water pumping, grinding, and numerous other services that fuels,

electricity, and mechanical power make possible (Modi et al., 2005).

In sub Saharan Africa LPG is almost nonexistent in rural areas (Schlag and Zuzarte,

2008). Only 1% of the rural population use LPG, whilst about 8% of the urban

population use the technology compared 22% of the population that uses kerosene

(Daurella and Frank, 2009). This shows that the transition to modern fuels is at a

more advanced stage in urban than in rural areas, although the urban areas’

population is still far from having completed this transition. Very few countries in

sub Saharan Africa namely Gabon, Senegal, and Mauritania have adopted the use

of LPG (Daurella and Frank, 2009). This is because LPG is relatively expensive

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compared to other traditional energy forms making it very difficult for poorest

sections of populations to afford it even at subsidised rates (D’Sa and Murthy, 2004).

The initial cost (purchasing a stove and tank) is exorbitant, but the running cost

(refilling the tank) is not expensive compared to using electricity if properly priced

(Zindoga and Sachiti, 2010). The upfront costs for procuring the stoves and

cylinders tend to make LPG heat delivery system unaffordable for low-income

groups. McDade (2004) observes that while the variable costs between LPG and

wood or charcoal may be comparable, the fixed costs for the equipment to shift to

LPG, which is a one-time cost, are often the barrier to moving up the energy ladder.

In Kenya, the initial cost of a charcoal stove lasting 1 to 2 years is only $3 to $5; LPG

stoves and gas tanks cost $30 to $50 (Bailis, Ezzati and Kammen, 2005). Although

the energy transition is already underway among wealthier urban households in

some developing countries, the same cannot be said for their rural counterparts.

Energy transition may not be a feasible option over the next 2 to 3 decades (Bailis et

al., 2005). Some of the obstacles include fuel affordability for individual households,

high capital costs for fuel processing and delivery infrastructure, and volatility in both

price and supply as a consequence of national energy policies and international

markets (Bailis et al., 2005). The very poorest households cannot on their own

afford clean fuels such as LPG until incomes rise sufficiently or subsidies are

provided. It is affordable by more affluent households (Goldemberg et al., 2004).

The price of gas (refill) is always prone to high world oil price fluctuations (Karekezi,

Kimani and Onguru, 2007). The refilling costs of LPG cylinders are out of reach for

most poor households unless smaller cylinders are introduced for the poor

(Viswanathan and Kumar, 2005). This however defeats the whole purpose as these

need refilling after a few days as larger families require relatively bigger cylinders.

LPG is imported and can be affected by political problems and price volatility (Sihag

et al., 2004). Supplies could be insecure and therefore cannot be relied upon

especially by most developing countries.

LPG is difficult to transport and purchase in small quantities (Howells et al., 2005).

LPG must be purchased in relatively large quantities and requires much more

expensive stoves, both of which are barriers to its use by the urban poor and rural

households. The use of LPG is currently limited to wealthier urban families in a small

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number of countries, with the exception of Senegal, where there have been

substantial efforts to promote LPG use (Bailis et al., 2005; D’Sa and Murthy, 2004).

The adoption of LPG for cooking is strongly related to household standard of living,

level of raised income, high level of formal education, low household size, house

standard, existence of external or interior cooking facilities (Jiang and O’Neill, 2004;

Ouedraogo, 2005). Households which use LPG often do so in combination with

wood energy (Ouedraogo, 2005). It is therefore no wonder that in many fully rural

areas where traditional biomass fuels are widely available, and the main ‘‘cost’’ is the

opportunity cost associated with women’s and girls’ time to collect and cart wood and

biomass, it is difficult to make short-term economic arguments for the adoption of

LPG (McDade, 2004).

3.3.3.2. Solar energy

Photovoltaics installations are the most common type of small-scale decentralised

electrification that can be used in place of grid electricity in areas where electricity is

not accessible (Gaunt, 2005). In essence PV is considered as one of the best

technology for electrification in developing countries, especially where the costs of

electrification (distribution and control systems) exceed the benefits to sparsely

populated areas with small users, and do not provide a return on investment to

utilities (Chineke and Igwiro, 2008; Mulugetta, Nhete and Jackson, 2000;

Wamukonya, 2007). PV applications range from small stand-alone systems to mega

watt scale fully integrated utility interconnected systems.

Ninety percent of the PV production is done in Europe, United States of America and

Japan but they have less than 50% of the global installations in their territories. The

greater share of PV installations is in the developing countries. Although PV

technology is considered a relatively “young” industry in the developing countries,

they have not lagged behind in promoting its use. The Indian government has

vigorously supported PV installations, while several projects have been disseminated

in different parts of Africa and Asia as away to popularise the solar technology (Asali,

2002; Chineke and Igwiro, 2008; Wamukonya, 2007). For instance in Kenya,

Zimbabwe, South Africa and Ghana the dissemination of PV technology has been

substantial due to the support received from the respective governments (Abavana,

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2000; Dube, 2001; Duke, Jacobson and Kammen 2002; Mulugetta et al., 2000). It is

important to realise that one of the key drivers to the interest in disseminating of SHS

technology in sub-Saharan Africa is the preoccupation with electricity (Karekezi and

Kithyoma, 2002). The above mentioned countries have made strides in trying to

electrify their rural areas. On realising the challenges involved with grid

electrification it was logical to turn to PV technology as an option.

Solar energy is used mainly for lighting, entertainment, powering water pumps and

water heaters. Solar hot water heaters provide hot water for bathing/showering,

cooking, dishes and other hygienic purposes. According to Batidzirai (2009) solar

hot water heaters are economic as an individual household may save about

US$1000 in discounted water heating costs over a 15-year period. Families also

benefit from the continuity in supply of hot water and reduction of external costs

associated with air pollution from wood combustion, paraffin poisoning, fires and

burns and wood collection. Solar energy is used for cooking although this is not well

developed (Kramer, 2009). This technology still needs to be developed. Solar

energy is also used for pumping water in irrigation schemes (Vick and Clark, 2009).

Solar energy is abundant, free and clean, which is of a better quality compared to

that from kerosene and candles (Chiemeka and Chineke, 2009). Its use is

associated with a number of welfare gains such as the extended hours for the

household. Even in comparison to dry cell batteries SHS provides higher-quality

energy services than at a lower cost. Furthermore most dry-cell batteries used in

rural people are often of poor quality, with a short life span and are also difficult to

dispose of once they have expired (Marawanyika, 1997). Smoke that is produced by

candles and paraffin lamps and is a health hazard is eliminated. The use of solar

light enables children to extend their studying time while women could work on their

household tasks after dark. Marawanyika (1997) contends that entertainment from

television and radio will lessen the number of sleeping hours and this has the

potential to lower birth rates.

The dissemination of SHS in the rural areas of the developing countries has been

affected by the high up-front capital costs associated with the technology. These

have proved to be the main barrier to greater dissemination of PV technology in sub-

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Saharan Africa. According to Karekezi and Kithyoma (2002) the expectations to

have millions of rural homes in the region failed to materialise as there were limited

financial resources to meet the investment. Mulugetta et al. (2000) observe that over

80 percent of the rural population cannot afford even the smallest system, at even

the most basic and reduced rates. This renders the technology unsuitable to the

majority of rural households in sub Saharan Africa. Generally for many rural

households the amount of money required to buy a PV system is a massive

investment which is beyond their means. Karekezi and Kithyoma (2002) argue that

in Kenya the cost of an SHS is equivalent to the cost of three cows or four to five

bicycles, while in some parts of sub-Saharan Africa, the cost of a typical SHS could

build a new house for the family (Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002). Households would

prefer therefore to buy cows as these have a customary significance in their lives.

Some households that can barely afford this technology end up getting themselves

into long term debt with the acquisition of the system that may not add much quality

to their living standards because they want to enhance their status. Governments in

the region have not played their roles in terms of providing appropriate financing

systems which favour PV dissemination, providing duty free solar equipment and

appliance, and reduction in energy price distortions (Chineke and Igwiro, 2008).

The adoption of the technology in the developing countries was also hampered by

the fact that it was not a panacea to energy problems experienced by the

households. The technology provided a limited number of services such as lighting,

and for operating TV or radio for limited time periods (Mulugetta et al., 2000;

Wamukonya and Davis, 2001). The technology does not solve the major energy

problem of providing an energy source for cooking and substitution for fuelwood

(Marawanyika, 1997). Solar PV water pumping for irrigation failed to register

widespread success in several countries where it was disseminated due to the high

costs of installation. The PV technology can only be widely accepted if it provides

services that help rural communities to generate income while at the same time

improving the welfare of the rural communities.

Mulugetta et al. (2000) contend that thefts of solar panels act as one unforeseen

major barrier that is gradually impacting on the market performance of the PV

industry. As already mentioned above PV panels are expensive commodities; hence

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thieves target them because they earn substantial amounts of money when they sell

them off. Mulugetta et al. (2000) posit that panel theft has become so common in

rural Zimbabwe to such an extent that it deters households interested in purchasing

a PV system. Prospective PV owners are forced to weigh the benefits of having a

PV system with the real threat of losing this investment to thieves.

There has been a proliferation of the illicit PV market in response to the rise in

awareness about PV systems. This is an undesirable development as it complicates

the infant PV market. Those involved in the black market scheme source their PV

panels, which are mainly the amorphous type with a much lower level of efficiency

than the polycrystalline modules from South Africa and Botswana (Mulugetta et al.,

2000). The main problem with this illicit activity has been that people who have no

expertise or training in PV systems often carry out the installations, and as a result

most systems experience breakdowns within a short time from installation. The

proliferation of this group has had some impact on the PV industry on two different

fronts. The systems have performed badly thereby tarnishing the image of the PV

technology in general and secondly the illegitimate traders compete against

legitimate companies, which are subjected to stringent quality control making it

difficult for them to operate. The young PV industry does not need these

developments at this stage as it needs to be accepted and appreciated by the rural

communities.

3.3.3.3. Gelfuel

Gelfuel is a renewable, low cost, safe and clean household cooking fuel. It is a

compound of ethanol and organic pulp (cellulose) that can be used as alternative

fuel to electricity, paraffin wood and dung as a source of energy for cooking (Mhazo,

2001). Although several countries in Africa are producing gelfuel they have not yet

fully adopted it (Utria, 2004). A number of countries such as South Africa and

Zimbabwe are still carrying out some feasibility studies on its effectiveness, although

in Zimbabwe gel fuels are used for up-market cooking, warming foods and lighting

barbecues (Mhazo, 2001).

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So far it has been observed that gel fuel has a number of advantages although Lloyd

and Visagie (2007) contend the product is not as efficient as it is purported to be.

Mhazo (2001) posits that gel cooks more efficiently than paraffin as it burns hotter

and lasts longer. Although gel stoves cost slightly more than paraffin stoves, they

burn twice as long provided the fuel container was full. Gelfuel does not spill like

paraffin which means any fire can be quickly put out. Mhazo (2001) says when

cooking gelfuel produces smokeless burning and no irritating smells so that there is

reduction of indoor air pollution in the kitchen. This is good for women and children

who spend many hours close to the fire. It is also important because the pots and

pans will not soot and the cleaning of dishes will therefore be faster. This frees more

time for women thereby allowing them to do other productive work like studying or

crocheting. The fuel does not smell; hence the cooked food is left with no smell and

the flavour of the food is not changed. Unlike paraffin, gelfuel leaves no irritating

odours or fumes after extinguishing the flame. The fuel is very easy to light and put

off which makes it safe. It is also good for ironing as it does not stain linen when

used for ironing.

Utria (2004) argues that gelfuel is a safe mode of fuel as there is no risk of explosion.

The gel stoves have a low centre of gravity which means the gel stove will not tip

over easily. This makes it usable even by young children.

Gelfuel offers a good platform to simultaneously advance the different MDG

objectives since it is derived from ethanol. The expansion of ethanol production

requires the establishment of new crop plantations, distilleries and other agro-

industrial facilities. This would result in new agriculture and agro-industrial jobs in the

cropping and processing sectors. New products which have guaranteed market

absorption such as energy, fertilizers, and animal feed are created. Utria (2004)

contends that the employment that is created drives up rural incomes, improving

access to education and health, among other services.

The emergence of gelfuel could have other challenges that need to be taken care of.

Gelfuel is derived from agricultural crops such as sugar cane and maize. There is a

danger that its increased use could result in the fuel versus food dilemma. In China

for example there is a major concern in that ethanol production could threaten sugar

104104104

security (Zhang, Nib and Zhang, 2011). There is a danger that the need to expand

biofuels production may be done at the expense of the hungry people (Mushita and

Thompson, 2008). The rapid expansion of bio-ethanol production could potentially

reduce the availability of sugar thereby causing a reduction in its supply which could

trigger an increase in the price of sugar (Zhang et al., 2011). Furthermore, peasant

farmers could use the demand for ethanol to diversify agricultural production

(Pimentel 2003). There is the risk therefore that ethanol production will displace land

that was formerly used for food production. This threatens food security in a big way

and creates serious practical as well as ethical problems.

Ethanol is derived from sugar cane which demands a lot of water, fertiliser and

pesticides. The sudden increase in the production of sugar cane for ethanol could

impact on water availability since the irrigation of sugar cane consumes large

amounts of water (Cho, 2011; Ramjeawon, 2004). Conservation measures need to

be put in place. The extensive use of fertiliser and pesticides could also have

severe impacts on water quality such as water eutrophication. Introduction of

ethanol could also result in deforestation as more land is needed for ethanol

production. This leads to soil erosion among many other problems. The production

of plantation crops such as sugar cane encourages monoculture (de Fraiture,

Giordano and Liao, 2008). This represents a change in the agro-ecosystem which

could result in a higher incidence of pests. This could lead to increased use of

pesticides resulting in increased environmental problems as already explained

earlier on.

3.3.3.4. Electricity

Approximately one-quarter of the world population, that is 1.6 billion people live

without access to electricity (Mulder and Tembe, 2008; Mutale, 2007). Most of them

reside in rural areas of developing countries. Four out of five people without

electricity live in rural areas of the developing world, mainly in South Asia and sub-

Saharan Africa (IEA, 2004). Specifically these countries are India, Bangladesh,

Indonesia, Nigeria, Pakistan, Ethiopia, Myanmar, Tanzania, Kenya, Nepal, DPR

Korea, Mozambique, Uganda and Sudan (Bhattacharyya, 2006). It is estimated that

even by 2030 there will still be 1.4 billion people without electricity unless there are

105105105

dramatic changes in electrification (Mutale, 2007). India alone accounts for more

than 35% of the world’s population without electricity access, making it the largest

contributor to the problem in the world. In Nigeria, 73% of its population are without

access to electricity (Igbinovia and Orukpe, 2007). The situation is worse in

Mozambique where 80% of the population do not have access to modern energy

services and rely entirely on traditional biomass to meet their energy needs (Mulder

and Tembe, 2008). It is therefore important to increase access to energy services

for rural areas (Adegbulugbe, 2006) in order to achieve the Millennium Development

Goals (MDGs) (UN-Energy, 2005). Rural electrification could be one way of

providing communities with the necessary energy.

The definition of rural electrification varies with place and time. In general terms

rural electrification is the process of bringing electrical power to rural and remote

areas (Foley, 1995; Ngwenya, 2013). For many rural people in the Third World,

however, electrification of their areas means modernity, progress and, above all, light

in the darkness (Zomers, 2003). In India the definition has changed over time. In

the beginning a village was defined as “electrified” if electricity was used in the

village for any purpose (Oda and Tsujita, 2010). This could be the use of electricity

to drive irrigation pumps even though households did not have electricity. However,

the social aspects of rural electrification came to weigh more and the target for

electrification shifted from villages to households. In 1997 the definition changed

and the village was defined as electrified when electricity was used in an inhabited

locality. In 2004 a newer and tighter definition came into effect. According to this

definition at least 10% of the village households must be electrified, basic

infrastructure such as a transformer and distribution lines must be placed in the

inhabited localities, public facilities such as schools must be electrified (Oda and

Tsujita, 2010). In most sub-Saharan Africa and the poorer countries of Asia the term

rural electrification is used to mean bringing a supply to sizeable provincial towns

where perhaps 10 per cent of the local population will take a supply (Foley, 1995). In

countries like Thailand and Jamaica where the national electrification process is

more advanced, rural electrification means bringing a supply to small villages or

even isolated farmhouses (Foley, 1995). In general rural electrification simply

means introducing electricity (mainly grid) to rural areas that are remote and did not

have access before.

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Rural electrification is very important for development purposes. The introduction of

electricity in rural communities is supposed to bring on a series of benefits, which

can be hardly expressed in monetary terms, but have a paramount importance in the

improvement of livelihood and in the poverty alleviation. These include lighting for

homes, streets and community centres; enhancement of education and health-care

facilities; possibility of use of household appliances (TV, refrigerator, telephone, etc.);

availability of safe drinking water; and the introduction of agricultural and industrial

opportunities (Mutale, 2007). In this respect the electrification of rural areas can

therefore be seen as socially and politically very important (Zomers, 2003). However

there have been considerable debates on the socio-economic and environmental

benefits and the costs of the electrification of these areas in developing countries

(Zomers, 2003) as will be seen in the ensuing discussions.

The use of traditional solid fuels such as fuelwood, crop residue and dung exposes

people especially women and young children to indoor air pollution, with consequent

health risks. The most common health problems with IAP are acute lower respiratory

infections, low birth weight, infant mortality and pulmonary tuberculosis (Torres-

Duque et al., 2008). These diseases result in between 1.6 and 2 million excess

deaths each year, more than half of them among children younger than five years

(World Bank, 2008). Added to that, fuelwood collection imposes a costly time

burden of up to 8 hours a week on women (Timmermans, 2002). In principle RE has

the potential to tackle the problems associated with IAP and the drudgery of fuel

collection. It is envisaged that the adaptation of modern energy will release women

from the burden of gathering fuelwood and the scourge of pollution (Mathee and de

Wet, 2001). However, in practice benefits of RE have been little realised because

electricity is largely not used for cooking in rural areas (IEG-World Bank, 2008).

Indoor air pollution usually results from poor lighting sources. Kerosene lamps are

inefficient and emit particles that cause air pollution. Improvements in IAP can also

come about through changes in lighting source. Observations made by IEG-World

Bank (2008) show that burning a litre of kerosene emits PM51 micrograms per hour,

which is just above the WHO 24-hour mean standard of PM50 micrograms per cubic

metre. IEG-World Bank (2008) further points out that candles also need to be

displaced as well as they also cause IAP. Studies conducted on the emission by

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candles burning in an enclosed room for a few hours show that they release lead

concentrations sufficient to cause foetal damage or to harm the mental development

of children (IEG-World Bank, 2008). It is unfortunate that these are the main source

of lighting in rural areas and typically rural communities that use them lack this

knowledge. It is critical that IAP needs to be averted through the provision of

modern sources of energy and through empowerment of poor households that

depend on polluting sources of energy.

The introduction of electricity brings with it other advantages such as access to

media. It has been established that increased access to media increases

awareness of health issues and this in turn results in changed health behaviour

which in turn improves health outcomes and reduces fertility (IEG-World Bank,

2008). Women can watch television and they can get informed on critical issues that

include their health and that of the members of their households. In Tunisia

evidence shows that women’s reproductive health benefitted from electrification as

women received many reproductive health and contraceptive messages through

watching television (Chaieb and Ounalli, 2001). The use of modern energy systems

is said to contribute towards freeing time which was previously spent on household

work. In the Philippines women spent one hour less on housework as a result of

electrification (IEG-World Bank, 2008). This time can now be utilised for community

activities and socialisation. The availability of electricity means that the day can be

extended and some activities that were supposed to be done during the day will be

done at night. However, this may burden women as it translates to them no longer

having time to rest (IEG-World Bank, 2008). One school of thought is of the view

that the availability of electricity is a positive development for school going children

as this increases time spent reading and time for doing homework (IEG-World Bank,

2008). However, another school of thought argues that the presence of televisions

may reduce the time for study as children spend more time watching television. In

any case somehow the children benefit from the information they get from the

television (Malzbender and Kamoto, 2005).

Rural electrification has however faced serious challenges from development

quarters. Development practitioners argue that the immediate benefits of electricity

in rural areas do not go to the poor. According to the IEG-World Bank (2008) and

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Bhattacharyya (2006) the use of electricity for cooking entails significant initial

investment when compared with traditional energy use. Therefore the cash-strapped

poor households are less likely to have access to electricity even if it is available at

an affordable price because the connection fee acts as a barrier which prevents the

poorest from switching to the lower-cost source. Furthermore, once electricity

becomes available in a rural community, the poor may not be able to afford the

service (IEG-World Bank, 2008). According to Zomers (2003) if the principle of “the

customer pays the real costs” were to be generally applied, the poorest of the rural

population in particular would be unable to use electricity despite the fact that they

usually consume a very limited number of units and could afford to pay for their

consumption against a lifeline rate. In this regard the direct benefits of rural

electrification which were intended for the poor never get to them. Instead the

programme benefits the well-off thereby widening the disparities that have already

been in existence between the rich and the poor in the rural areas.

The installation of electricity in the rural areas has become a contentious issue as it

is argued that electricity is minimally used for productive purposes (Zomers, 2003).

The basic use for electricity in the rural areas is lighting as it provides more and

better lighting at lower cost than the next available alternative, kerosene lamps for

most households (The World Bank, 2008). Television is the second common use

and in many developing countries people view television at home or at a friend’s

home, or in a public place such as a bar. Approximately only 1% of the population in

most developing countries utilise electricity for cooking (The World Bank, 2008). The

picture is different in Asian countries where the adoption of electricity is significant as

is witnessed by the proliferation of electric gargets in homes. Generally this is

helping to displace fuelwood in homes.

Rural electrification faces a number of constraints. In general electricity utilities are

known to be reluctant to extend the service to rural areas because rural electricity

supply has always been considered to be more expensive than the supply to urban

areas. RE programmes have historically been a financial burden on utility

companies and strategies such as identifying the most cost-effective expansion help

relieve this burden (IEG-World Bank, 2008). Given this scenario it is very difficult to

value the costs and benefits of rural electrification, and it immediately brings in the

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question of whether rural electrification in itself substantially contributes to the

development of rural and remote areas. The rural electrification has enormous costs

because of lower load density, lower capacity utilisation rates, and often higher

energy losses compared to urban areas (Cabraal, Cosgrove-Davies and Schaeffer,

1996). Experience has shown that connecting small, isolated villages to a grid can

be expensive because of the necessary investment in transmission lines, poles,

transformers, and other infrastructure (Barnes et al., 1997). Therefore, fuelwood will

continue to play a dominant role in energy security for rural households (Damm and

Triebel, 2008)

This is due to the common practice of applying the same planning and design

standards for urban and rural supplies. Mutale (2007) argues that adopting a

different set of service standards for rural power supplies in the initial phase of

electrification could save substantial investment and operating costs and make rural

electrification bearable. However, the continued use of the same service standards

for both rural and urban areas has tended to slow down the pace of rural

electrification.

Governments in the developing countries are not highly motivated to electrify rural

areas because energy requirements in rural households tend to be lower than in

urban households because people in rural areas tend to be poorer than those in

urban areas, so they have fewer appliances and cannot afford to purchase as much

electricity. In rural areas fuelwood and other biomass fuels are available at relatively

low cost or for the effort of collection, allowing households to reduce their

expenditure on electrical energy (Mutale, 2007). Even if electricity is introduced in

these areas, its uptake will not be phenomenal. It is observed that while some

people may want to adopt electricity in their homes cost, taste preferences and

tradition act as hindrances (IEG-World Bank, 2008; Mutale, 2007). Ultimately the

demand of electricity in rural areas of the developing world does not match the

enthusiasm shown by governments. It may be essential therefore to apply a new

paradigm known as value of service approach when allocating scarce resources like

electricity. Mutale (2007) argues that electricity is a costly and yet essential resource

for development so there maybe need to allocate this resource on the basis of the

value customers attach to the service. This strategy does not negate the ideal of

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universal access to electricity for all citizens but simply provides a basis for allocating

the scarce resources.

It is therefore imperative to pose the following question: Can rural electrification

resolve energy access problems? The answer to this question is summarised using

observations made in some parts of the developing world. The poor rural

households usually demand energy for two major end-uses, that is cooking and

lighting. Cooking energy which also includes water heating accounts for about 90%

of the energy demand by the poor (Bhattacharyya, 2006). According to

Bhattacharyya (2006) any commercial energy that must successfully penetrate the

energy demand of the poor should satisfy the following economic factors:

i. The energy should be suitable and perhaps versatile for satisfying the needs;

ii. It should have a competitive advantage that would place no or little demand for

money transactions (in other words, the low cost supplies) in the present

circumstances, and/or

iii. The use of modern energy should result in supply of adequate money flows to the

poor so that they become willing to spend some part of the money on purchasing

commercial energies.

Electricity is unlikely to be competitive when compared with traditional energies used

for cooking purposes. Households will be required to pay for electricity supply and

this is likely to discourage their desire to connect as they could always resort to the

use of fuelwood which is collected for free. According to the studies conducted by

ERC (2004) the impact of rural electrification on the use of fuelwood is minimal as

approximately 80% of the electrified households in the rural parts of Limpopo and

Eastern Cape provinces of South Africa were found to cook with mostly wood, but

also kerosene and LPG, because they cannot afford to pay for electricity. In other

places households are reluctant to cook with electricity as they say it is either

dangerous because of poor connections or because of traditional beliefs such as

fear of angering kitchen gods as with the case in Lao PDR (World Bank, 2008).

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Given these factors electricity has a less chance of succeeding in the cost

competition with other fuels. This in turn implies that demand for lighting cannot

justify the investment in electrification of an area. Consequently, rural electrification

alone cannot resolve the problem of energy access in rural areas, as other fuels

would be used by the poor to meet the cooking demand. It appears that policy

makers tend to ignore or forget this simple truth, maybe because of better prestige

and visibility of electrification projects (and hence for better political mileage)

(Bhattacharyya, 2006).

3.4. Determinants of energy choices in rural areas

It is generally observed that rural households make energy choices that are informed

by several factors. Although income has tended to be the main determinant it is

important to consider other factors that may seem insignificant yet they are very

important. Energy choices are centred on the endogenous and exogenous factors.

The endogenous factors deal with household characteristics, and these are

economic; and, behavioural and cultural characteristics of the households, while the

exogenous deal with external conditions which affect household energy choices.

Exogenous factors included the physical environment, government’s energy policy

and energy supply factors.

3.4.1. Household income

Household income is a major determinant in the decision making concerning mostly

modern fuel choices (Peng, Hisham and Pan, 2010). In actual fact income becomes

more important when households decide to include expensive modern energy

sources like LPG and electricity in their energy mix (Mirza and Kemp, 2011). In the

rural areas traditional energy sources are preferred by all households, regardless of

their household income (Mirza and Kemp, 2011). Most of the fuel consumed in rural

areas is non-cash. It is collected for free. Even with rising income for some of the

rural residents, the use of firewood remains important. In a study conducted in

Guatemala, Heltberg (2005) observes that with rising income the incidence of rural

firewood usage remains high almost universally. Firewood use only declines to a

very limited extent in the top end of the rural income distribution. This suggests fuel

stacking to be the most common response to growing income in rural areas. In

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surveys conducted in rural areas in India, Mestl and Eskeland (2009) observe that

LPG was only used by the richest and that electricity was a luxury good used to a

noteworthy extent only by the richest. A similar observation was made by Heltberg

(2005) in Guatemala where high LPG prices increased the chance of consuming just

wood in rural areas. As a result LPG became an occasional complement to

woodfuel. Mirza and Kemp (2009) in a study conducted in rural India concluded that

most households were too poor hence they could not take advantage of other fuels

for cooking. Therefore women continued to experience the burden of collecting

wood. Although this is not a common practice in most rural areas, as people

become more affluent they tend to switch to modern fuels which are cleaner and

more convenient. In India this means switching from biomass to kerosene and then

liquefied petroleum gas (LPG) (Viswanathan and Kumar, 2005).

3.4.2. Affordability

Most poor rural households cannot afford both improved stoves and modern fuels.

Uptake of modern fuels is particularly challenging in rural areas where there is easy

access to free biomass. Households therefore realise that there is little need for

switching into costlier alternatives or to invest in a wood-saving stove (Heltberg,

2005). In fact most poor households, when first connected to electricity use it for

lighting, television and radio, and few other appliances, and not for the most energy-

intensive uses such as cooking, water heating and space heating (Prasad, 2008).

They remain multiple-fuel users because they cannot afford electricity even when

they would prefer to use it more extensively. Fuelwood remains the major cooking

fuel simply because it can often be collected free, with expenditure being only on

their time and labour (Hosier and Dowd, 1987; Mishra, 2008; Prasad, 2008). In a

study in rural Nigeria, Maconachie et al (2009) observe that the price of kerosene

has become very costly and most rural households cannot afford to buy it. The

study also revealed that many people who used to use kerosene have stopped and

switched to wood.

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3.4.3. Availability of fuel

The choice of fuel for cooking and lighting purposes by households in most rural

areas depends largely on their availability, awareness and cost (Viswanathan and

Kumar, 2005). Household energy consumption depends mainly on the available

amounts of local resources, which are closely connected with the present rural

economy and living standard (Xiaohua and Zhenming, 1996). In a study conducted

in rural Haryana in India, Joon et al. (2009) observe that biomass fuel use was

prevalent across all income groups. Change to cleaner fuels has been very slow,

with more than 80% of the households using wood, dung, and crop residue as these

were in abundance in Haryana. Even though the crop residues are the poorest form

of energy source, as they burn quickly, and the flame is difficult to control, higher

percentage of households from rich farmers use crop wastes for cooking due to the

abundance of its availability from their own lands without added costs (Joon et al.,

2009).

Access restrictions in the modern fuel sector are an important supply side constraint

that influences consumer behaviour. The availability of modern fuels is usually

determined by decisions made by service companies to limit their distribution, as well

as government policies that affect fuel availability, in addition to other factors (Barnes

et al., 2005). The unavailability of modern fuels therefore influences the choice of

fuels in rural households. Leach (1987) and Gupta and Kohlin (2006) observe that

access to modern fuels is low in rural areas in the developing countries, especially in

India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka. This means the use of biomass fuels becomes

prevalent. In Zimbabwe kerosene, a transitional energy form, is usually scarce and

is mostly available to consumers on the black market, at prices much higher than the

official price (Chambwera and Folmer, 2007). In Nigeria kerosene is often not

available in the immediate markets around rural households, and even in the filling

stations (Maconachie et al., 2009). This scenario means that the little kerosene that

can be accessed is reserved for the lanterns to provide light. Otherwise households

revert to the use of biomass fuels for cooking and heating as they are freely available

in rural areas. Although electricity is probably not more expensive where it is

available, it is not available in many rural settings (Mestl and Eskeland, 2009),

leaving households with the only option of relying on biomass fuels.

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3.4.4. Household size

Variables like household size are significant in some cases in the choice of fuel at

household level in the rural areas. The size of the household, other things remaining

the same, is directly related to its energy requirements. A bigger household would

be expected to have a higher level of firewood consumption (Mishra, 2008). When it

comes to the use of firewood and crop residues, household size is revealed as an

important factor for deciding whether to choose these energy sources in energy mix

or not (Mirza and Kemp, 2009). In Guatemala, household size is associated with

fuel stacking, and larger households use more of both woodfuels and LPG (Heltberg,

2005).

Large families are considered as an economic asset in the countryside, where child

labour can be utilised for fuelwood collection (Dasgupta, 1998 as cited in Barnes et

al., 2005). Larger families generally choose traditional and often less efficient fuels

in greater proportions. These are often freely available hence they do not have an

economic burden on the large family. Large households generally consume less total

energy per household member than do smaller households (Barnes et al, 2005). For

most households in developing countries, cooking is the main end use for energy

consumption, and the amount of energy required to cook for a large household is not

proportionately greater than that for a small household (Barnes et al., 2005).

Smaller households have a higher likelihood of using modern fuels such as LPG

(Heltberg, 2005). LPG plates are small hence they can only be used to cook food

commensurate with fewer people. Traditional stoves using biomass fuels are

therefore used to prepare food for larger families.

3.4.5. Socio-cultural factors

Fuels are encoded with a multiplicity of social meanings and social associations

(Bank, 2010). These meanings and associations which may be culturally-defined

may determine the contexts in which a particular fuel type is used as well as contexts

in which ideally it should not be used. In Haryana in India for instance, LPG stoves

are used for preparing tea and for cooking vegetables, whereas the traditional stove

(chulah) is used for preparing bread (Chapatti) (Heltberg, 2005; Joon et al, 2009).

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This stems from the belief that Chapatti become crispier and tasty if cooked in

chulah. In this regard social and cultural reasons make it difficult to make a

complete conversion to modern cleaner fuels in Haryana village. In northern Nigeria

it is a traditional Hausa custom for women to cook very large quantities of food on a

daily basis, so that it can be shared with extended family or those in need, at a

moment’s notice (Maconachie et al., 2009). The preparation of such substantial

portions of the staple food (tuwo) requires use of large pots on wood fires. Ordinary

electric stoves are not designed to hold the big pots. Maconachie et al. (2009)

contend that households are reluctant to use kerosene stoves as they believe they

affect the taste of the food and in some villages old men will not eat food cooked on

kerosene. The type of fuel used in the preparation of a particular meal is frequently

determined by the content and nature of the meal itself (Bank, 2010). In Jaracuaro

in Mexico, most people prefer eating tortillas cooked on a traditional stove that uses

woodfuel, as they regard tortillas prepared over a gas flame distasteful (Masera et

al., 2000). It is further realised that LPG stoves are suitable for fried meals and

heating water (Masera and Navia, 1997). In Jaracuaro, traditional foods that are

prepared for village and family parties are cooked with fuelwood as LPG stoves are

inadequate for these purposes (Masera et al, 2000). Rugumayo (2010) observes

that in Uganda rural homes that have been either electrified or those that own LPG

stoves continue to use wood and charcoal to cook traditional food such as matooke

or beans because such foods require slow burning fires that allow simmering. Rural

communities argue that when these foods are cooked on fire they test better than

when they were cooked on electric stoves.

In Mexico the traditional kitchen with a 3- stone fire place, which uses biomass fuels,

continues to play an important role in the family’s daily social interactions (Masera et

al, 2000). Although many families have adopted modern LPG stoves, they are

mainly used as status symbols, which are rarely used for their actual purposes. In

the continents of Asia, Latin America and Africa the traditional biomass stoves have

been retained because they have several advantages (Foley et al, 1994). These

include their usefulness as a social or ritual focus and their ability to support any size

or type of pot. They are versatile as they can also provide lighting and heating at the

same time. Biomass fuels release smoke which preserves food.

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The Hausa cultural practice (wankan jego) requires newly delivered mothers to bathe

twice daily for 40 days using hot water (Maconachie et al, 2009). This tradition

requires a large volume of fuelwood to heat the water; hence new mothers are often

identified by the large piles of fuelwood outside their houses (Maconachie et al,

2009). Cultural practices play a very important role in the process of switching as

realised in the discussion above. Usually it contributes in the retention of a fuel or

practice.

3.4.6. Gender

The gender composition of the household has a significant role in the determination

of the fuel to be used in the household. Women bear the main responsibility in

gathering fuelwood and cooking. The time devoted to fuelwood collection may

determine the choice of a fuel (Guapta and Kohlin, 2006). When women go out to

fetch fuelwood they are mindful of their other responsibilities in the home, as well as

how that fuel will meet their requirements. A study conducted in rural Guatemala

reveals that a high share of females increases the supply of collection and cooking

labour time (Heltberg, 2005). This therefore reduces the need to abandon time-

consuming fuelwood as women will be available to execute this task. If the female

head in the household joins the workforce and there is a shortage of other female

members in the household who are without occupation, the likelihood of switching to

more easy-to-use fuels such as LPG increases (Guapta and Kohlin, 2006).

3.4.7. Education

Education is a strong determinant of fuel switching. Education increases the

probability of households’ use of modern fuels (Heltberg, 2005). Education has a

very significant impact on fuel choice in terms of discouraging wood and enhancing

demand for modern fuels. In Guatemala educated households have a higher LPG

demand than the less educated households (Heltberg, 2005). One’s level of

education is a strong indicator of social achievement and as such better education is

expected to discourage fuelwood consumption (Mishra, 2008). Basically this

emanates from the presumption that education improves one’s quality of life, and

modern energy forms are associated with a higher status in life. It is also true that

education improves one’s perception on the challenges associated with the use of

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biomass energy sources. This could reduce the collection and usage which is often

associated with indoor air pollution. Educated people in rural areas are often

teachers, nurses and agricultural extension workers who are more often committed

to their work and have little time for collecting biomass. They therefore resort to the

use of LPG and electricity. Heltberg (2004) observes that higher education for the

women in the household translates into higher opportunity costs of fuelwood

collection time, motivating fuel switching in order to save on the time of these

women. In that respect education increases the opportunity cost of collection time

(Heltberg, 2005). However educated households do not abandon fuelwood

completely. Instead they adopt an energy mix strategy so that they can fall back on

biomass when their economic resources are low and when they want to prepare

certain dishes that require the use of wood fuel.

3.4.8. Remoteness

Community remoteness is an important determinant for energy source choice in rural

households. The communities that are located in remote areas tend to utilise the

traditional biomass energy sources as they want to avoid inconveniences associated

with accessing and transporting modern energy forms such as LPG cylinders and

paraffin containers (Mirza and Kemp, 2009). Remoteness is also associated with

huge financial costs, tremendous physical efforts and also involves household

members who have to put in their time in the procurement of energy. Mirza and

Kemp (2009) in a study conducted in rural Punjab in Pakistan concluded that the use

of animal waste by a rural household is dependent on community remoteness. The

mere fact that a community is located in a remote location could result in households

failing to utilise modern energy forms.

3.5. The energy-gender-poverty nexus

It has been observed that lack of energy correlates with many indicators of poverty

such as education, inadequate healthcare and hardships imposed on children and

women (Karekezi et al, 2002). Energy has never been known as a basic need but it

is critical for the fulfilment of almost all basic needs. The energy-poverty nexus has

distinct gender characteristics that are often ignored. Energy has a close and special

relationship with poor women as they are the people who feel most acutely the

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scarcity of energy for a host of day to day needs in the household (Ramani, 2002).

Of the approximately two billion people living in energy poverty, about 70% of them

are women, many of whom live in female headed households in rural areas (Clancy

et al, 2004; Skutsch and Clancy, 2006). Collecting biomass fuels is women’s work in

most regions in the Third world (Soussan, 1988). They are often helped in this

gendered division of labour by their children, mostly girls.

3.5.1. Gendered aspects of energy

Cooking is the largest single energy use in the rural areas (Cecelski, 1998).

Biomass is the primary fuel source of the poor households, and it constitutes about

95% of the total energy supply in some sub-Saharan African countries (Karekezi et

al., 2002). In these countries the burden of biomass fuel use is a major aspect of

poor women’s lives (Skutsch and Clancy, 2006). This is because women and their

children, especially girls, spent several hours a day collecting heavy loads of

firewood. They also walk long distances in search of firewood, especially in firewood

scarce areas. However, the whole issue of time that women and girls lose seems

not to receive the attention it deserves.

Women and men in the developing world have different energy needs. They also

have different access to energy resources and decision making concerning energy

use in the household. Women use energy and electricity differently from men

because of the different productive and reproductive activities (Cecelski, 2000;

Wamukonya, 2002). Men and women perceive the benefits of electricity differently.

Men view electricity in terms of leisure, quality of life and education for the children,

while women see electricity as reducing personal workload, improving health and

reducing expenditure (Skutsch and Clancy, 2006).

According to Skutsch and Clancy (2006) poor men would opt to use energy for

powering communication and entertainment whilst women’s energy needs are

associated with their work that is cooking, fetching water and home based income.

In a study conducted in South Africa’s poor rural households, Skutsch and Clancy

observed that high expenditures on batteries were often for purposes of listening to

taped music while female members of the house had no access to equipment to use

in the kitchen to cook meals for the household. They found out that in some

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households energy-intensive recreational equipment was purchased before labour

saving devices for domestic chores.

The impact of energy services has different social and economic outcomes on men

and women. Clancy et al. (2004) observe that men may choose to locate a light

outside the house for security reasons such as to protect livestock from theft, while

women may choose to locate the light in the kitchen. This reveals that women are

more concerned with services that benefit every member of the household whilst

men’s decisions are self-centred and meant to benefit individuals. The differentiated

energy use patterns which are based on social and economic divisions of labour

tend to restrict women to the use of traditional fuels (Clancy et al., 2004). Traditional

fuels are for non-productive activities, while modern energy services are for income

earning and are concentrated among men (Clancy et al., 2004). This scenario

disadvantages women as they continue to be trapped in the poverty web.

Women and their children are the primary collectors of wood and residue fuels and

are exposed to the burdens associated with biomass fuel collection. They are

responsible for sourcing about 80% of all energy that is used in households in the

developing world (Cecelski, 2001). The Food and Agricultural Organization estimates

that 60% of rural women in Africa, 80% in Asia and 40% in Latin America are

affected by fuelwood scarcity and therefore spent between one to six hours a day in

fuel collection in fuel scarce areas (Cecelski, 2001). Women walk long distances

and deal with risky and hazardous environments as gatherers of biomass fuels.

Access to modern energy services is associated with improving the standard of living

for rural households. This could be true to men as experience has shown otherwise

for women. There is no doubt that improved energy technology could reduce the

time and drudgery associated with the procurement tasks performed by rural women.

The availability of photovoltaic systems as part of rural electrification has resulted in

the improvement in the quality of life for some family members, through illumination

for reading for school going children, entertainment and communication through

radio and television, but unfortunately it has extended the working day for women.

Photovoltaic systems cannot address the issue of inefficient biomass energy use, as

they cannot be used for cooking indoors during the evenings (Karekezi et al., 2002).

Women’s work is therefore not lessened by the adoption of solar energy systems.

120120120

According to Clancy et al. (2004) in areas where biogas has been adopted as energy

service, women may benefit from its utilization but it has increased their work load as

they have to carry dung and water which are critical components in a biogas system.

A rural electrification project in Tamil Nadu benefitted men more than women as the

electricity was used in the irrigation pumps substituting for oxen drawn water

(Rangasamwy et al., 2001 as cited in Skutsch and Clancy, 2006). Rural

electrification has always been regarded as a panacea to rural energy problems. As

Annecke (2003) contends electrification does not automatically produce conditions

which lead to more equitable gender relationships. It definitely alleviates the burden

of wood collection through the delivery of affordable electricity and appliances, but

women are still responsible for food preparation and cooking among their many other

tasks.

Technology and any technological developments have traditionally been seen as

falling within the men’s arena and cooking and wood collection in the women’s

(Wilson and Green, 2000). It is therefore not surprising that men in the developing

countries continue to influence the acquisition of energy technologies in the kitchen.

They even go to the extent of dictating the type of stove technology and when to buy

the stove technology. Nyoni (1993) cited in Skutsch and Clancy (2006) reveals that

in Zimbabwe men rejected solar stoves that their wives wanted to adopt for use in

their kitchens. Wilson and Green (2000) had a similar experience in Zimbabwe

where some men who had attended a solar cooker building workshop said they

would not allow their wives to use the ovens. In a similar vein, researchers based in

Lesotho encountered resistance from the men in the community towards the

introduction of solar cooking because they were concerned about what the women

would do with their spare time (Wilson and Green, 2000). This stems from the

traditional belief that technology and its development are a preserve for males. It

also reflects a high degree of selfishness that is embedded in men. This leaves

women with very little room to exercise their choice for a technology that suits them.

Households end up using energy technologies that men choose, but are not the

most effective in lightening women’s burden.

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3.6. Energy and the Millennium Development Goals (MDG)

3.6.1. Background to the millennium development goals

The millennium development goals were conceived in September 2000 at the United

Nations in New York. Heads of state committed themselves in the Millennium

Development Declaration whose objective was to promote a comprehensive

approach and a coordinated strategy to tackle many problems simultaneously across

a broad front (Rehfuess et al., 2006). Energy was not given top priority at this

session as there was no specific MDG related to energy (UN-Energy, 2005). This

was a serious oversight as it is abundantly clear that modern energy is needed for

achieving each and every one of the eight goals enunciated at the summit (Hassan,

2010). It was therefore not surprising when the World Summit on Sustainable

Development (WSSD) recognised the explicit link between access to energy

services and poverty reduction (UN-Energy, 2005). The Johannesburg Plan of

Implementation (JPOI) appealed to the international community to work together to

improve access to reliable and affordable energy services for sustainable

development sufficient to facilitate the achievement of the MGDs (UN-Energy, 2005).

The ensuing discussion will show that energy is inextricably linked to the attainment

of the millennium development goals.

3.6.2. Eradication of extreme poverty and hunger.

Energy is necessary in the fight against extreme poverty and hunger and is used in

meeting human nutritional needs. Almost all staple foods need to be cooked, and

95% of them require heat and fuel (GNESD, 2002; UNDP-GTZ, 2005). This fuel

could either be traditional or modern, but what is important is its availability to meet

the basic requirement of having food cooked. The availability of affordable energy

can increase the number of hot meals per day and this improves food safety. In

some developing countries households have cold meals and in some cases have

reduced the number of meals they have per day because they have serious energy

shortages. This negatively impacts on the health of individuals. Modern energy is

important as it enables irrigation to increase food production and access to nutrition.

Access to modern energy will provide a source of light for economic activities in the

evening such as sewing. This will enable households to supplement their incomes

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and in a way move out of poverty. However, it is argued that provision of electricity

lengthens the day and this may be detrimental to women as they no longer have

time to rest.

3.6.3. Achieving universal primary education and promoting gender equality

and empowerment of women.

Access to modern fuels and electricity frees time for education especially for the rural

poor. In the developing countries some school-going children do not attend school

on a regular basis as they must collect water and traditional fuels. They also must

process food or must do other physical work such as threshing, grinding, pounding

and cooking to meet family subsistence level (GNSED, 2005; UN-Energy, 2005;

UNDP-GTZ, 2005). Rural communities continue to be disadvantaged in comparison

to urban areas in the sphere of education. Most of their schools are not electrified

hence they find it difficult to attract teachers (Modi et al., 2005). This negatively

impacts on the rural children who will receive inferior quality of education. The

adoption of modern fuels and electricity in the rural areas will help retain teachers by

improving their quality of life. School children need lighting after dark so that they

are able to study as well as do their homework without constraining their eyesight.

The introduction of commercial energy in the rural areas gives women access to

gender issues from radios and televisions, which work better with electricity (UNEP,

2011). They also obtain health, education and productive information from the

communication media. The provision of modern energies frees women from the

physical stresses of carrying large loads of fuelwood, as well as from exposure to

debilitating fumes from traditional cooking stoves. The provision of modern fuels and

electricity will reduce cooking time and the distances that women and girls need to

travel to collect fuels. Modern energy will inevitably reduce the risk of assault and

injury that women and children are exposed to when collecting traditional biomass

fuel forms.

The provision of modern energy will free women’s time for productive endeavours,

which increase their income. They have more time for education and this empowers

them. However, what is critical is to involve women in household energy decisions.

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They are the people who know the types of energy they need as they are the ones

who use it. This will promote gender equality as well as raise women’s prestige.

In a nutshell modern energy provides women with better health, higher income and

improved literacy, all which help to empower women.

3.6.4. Millennium Development Goals 4, 5 and 6: Reduction of child mortality

and reduction of diseases

The adoption of modern fuels and electricity could help to improve health in the

developing world in a number of ways. Modern fuels and electricity could be used in

powering equipment for pumping and treating water. Clean water supply reduces

the incidences of waterborne diseases, which affect so many households in the

developing world. Modern energy provides heat to boil water and this helps to

reduce water-borne diseases (UN Millennium Project, 2005). Commercial energy

has the potential to boost agricultural productivity and household incomes. This in

turn will reduce malnutrition which causes child mortality.

Rural households and communities benefit from switching from traditional to modern

stoves. They avoid the emissions that cause respiratory ailments which are the

fourth leading health risk in the developing countries. Cooking with solid biomass

fuels is one of the leading causes to ill health in the developing countries (WHO,

2006). Biomass fuels are responsible for indoor air pollution, which is a major cause

of death and disease, and the World Health Organisation ranks indoor air pollution

from solid fuels the world’s 8th largest health risk, causing about 1.6 million deaths

each year (SEI, 2006), which is about 2.7% of global losses of healthy life (WHO,

2002). Indoor air pollution is caused by households burning solid fuels such as

wood, charcoal, cow dung and crop residues in traditional stoves with inadequate

ventilation. Biomass produces toxic smoke which contains nitrogen oxide, carbon

monoxide, sulphur dioxide and various carcinogens such as formaldehyde and

benzene (Bruce, Perez-Padilla and Albalak, 2000; Budds, Biran and Rouse, 2001).

The introduction of modern fuels and electricity has indirect benefits for rural

households and communities. Clinics are able to refrigerate vaccines, operate and

sterilise medical equipment, as well as provide lighting so that clinics can operate

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after sunset (UNEP, 2011). Households access modern mass communication tools

such as radios and televisions which give them information on diseases such as

HIV/AIDS and empower them with knowledge on the pandemic (UNEP, 2011).

Rural households benefit indirectly from rural electrification as qualified manpower

such as health and social workers will be retained in the rural areas as a result of

improved living conditions. Modern fuels and electricity enable some rural mothers

to read and write (UN-Energy, 2005). This enables them to read medical instructions

and engage health care systems.

3.6.5 Millennium Development Goal 7: Ensure environmental sustainability

Energy use and production affect local, regional and global environments. Studies

conducted in some parts of the developing world show that the continued use of

fuelwood and charcoal are not sustainable. Although fuelwood is not responsible for

deforestation on a large scale continued fuelwood collection may indeed make the

problem worse (Modi et al., 2005). Generally agricultural extension and population

increase are responsible for forest clearance. Mapako (2010) weighs in with the

observation that limited access to cleaner energy by the poor continues to fuel the

use of dirty traditional fuels with attendant localised deforestation. Therefore,

continued biomass harvesting without sustainable agro-forestry management can

lead to land degradation, soil erosion and water resources pollution. Geist and

Lambini (2002) observe that the use of firewood and in particular charcoal

contributes to increasing deforestation and carbon emission. This is uaually the

case in countries such as Zambia, Malawi and the Democratic Republic of Congo

where charcoal production is a thriving industry.

It is therefore necessary to aspire for cleaner energy systems in order to achieve

environmental sustainability (UNDP/GTZ, 2005).

3.7. The concept of sustainable energy development

3.7.1. Introduction

About 2.5 billion people (largely in Latin America, Asia, and Africa) rely on biomass

as their primary fuel for cooking, lighting, boiling water and space heating, and over

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1.7 billion people are living without access to electricity (IEA, 2009; Mekonnen and

Kohlin, 2008; Srivastava and Rehman, 2006; UNDP, 2007; Vera and Langlois,

2007). This lack of access to modern energy services is an impediment to socio-

economic development, which is an integral part of sustainable development. The

use of non-commercial energy such as traditional biomass results in environmental

degradation and this inhibits sustainable development (Vera and Langlois, 2007).

Traditional energy services that are used by rural communities in the developing

world also hinder the attainment of the Millennium Development Goals. As already

alluded under the attainment of MDGs, people using traditional biomass in confined

spaces without due regard to health and environmental impacts, suffer significant

health problems. The situation is worse in the developing countries (Spalding-

Fecher et al., 2005). This is because most countries do not have the basic electric

grid infrastructure. Communities in the developing world should therefore have

universal access to sustainable energy in order to achieve the millennium

development goals as well as have socioeconomic development. The need for

sustainable energy was espoused by the World Summit on Sustainable

Development (WSSD) in August 2002 (Spalding-Fecher et al., 2005; Srivastava and

Rehman, 2006).

Sustainable development continues to be at the centre of several African countries’

policies and development plans. Although a number of definitions on sustainable

development have been propounded over the years the most widely accepted is the

one by the Bruntland Commission Report in 1987. Sustainable development is

defined as “development which meets the needs of the present without

compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (Omer,

2008; UNWCED, 1987: 8). In this context, the concept of sustainable energy

technology refers to the energy technology that is capable of providing energy to

meet consumers’ needs (demands) at an affordable cost on a long-term basis

without disturbing or compromising ecological balance. Sustainable energy is simply

an environment-friendly and cost-effective energy system (Ali, 2005; Ali, 2006). This

definition cautions humans that while they utilise energy to satisfy their socio-

economic needs to reach full development they should be mindful that their actions

do not harm the ecological environment as this will jeopardise lives and development

of their descendants.

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The concept of sustainable development is not a recent phenomenon. It originated

during the 1972 Stockholm Conference where the concept of eco-development was

the central issue (Ali, 2011). Eco-development is viewed as the process of

ecologically-sound development with positive management of the environment for

human benefit, protecting the environment for future generations. The sustainable

development concept was later popularised in the work undertaken by the

Brundtland Commission from 1987 (Jefferson, 2006). World conferences such as the

United Nations Conference on Environment and preceding Development held in Rio

de Janeiro, Brazil in 1992 (known as Earth Summit); the United Nations Conference

on Sustainable Development held in 1993; and the World Summit for Sustainable

Development which was held in Johannesburg in 2002 further legitimised the

sustainable development concept (Nurse, 2006; Omer, 2002a). Sustainable

development is envisioned in terms of an appropriate vector of economic, social and

environmental attributes (Munasinghe, 1992).

At this juncture it is pertinent to look at sustainable energy system and its different

aspects. A sustainable energy system is defined in terms of its energy efficiency, its

reliability, and its environmental impacts. A sustainable energy system should

therefore be able to generate enough power for everybody’s needs at an affordable

price while at the same time it is clean, safe and reliable (Alanne and Saari, 2006).

Sustainable energy technologies are viewed as energy technologies that can

continue to be used in the future without irreparably or irreversibly damaging the eco-

system (Elliott, 2000).

This kind of energy guarantees the well-being of everyone, now and in the future in

the context of a given economy, society and environment. In essence sustainable

energy is energy that has minimal negative impacts on human health, ecological

systems and the global environment, in its production and consumption. The

Bruntdland Commission’s Report of 1987 provides the four characteristics that

underpin sustainable energy (Jefferson, 2006). These are sufficient growth of

energy supplies to meet human needs; energy efficiency and conservation

measures, in order to minimise waste of primary resources; addressing public health

and safety issues where they arise in the use of energy resources; and protection of

the biosphere and prevention of more localised forms of pollution (Jefferson, 2006).

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However, it is important to realise that the needs in the future can be completely

different from what can be imagined at the moment.

Energy is central to any discussion on sustainable development because it is

significant to economic, social and environmental dimensions, which are the three

pillars of sustainable development. The availability and reliability of energy services

is indispensible for securing economic growth. Inadequate supply of energy services

constraints development (Iwayemi, 1998). All sectors of the economy are dependent

on secure and sufficient energy services. Energy is necessary for domestic,

agricultural and educational purposes; and is also required in supporting health and

transport services. It is an important motor of macroeconomic growth as it is utilised

in the transformation of raw materials into useful goods and services (Najam and

Cleveland, 2003). There is a correlation between the quantity of energy use and the

size of its economy. Developing countries that are synonymous with the use of

traditional energy services have smaller economies compared with developed

nations such as the United States of America, China and Japan which use

considerably more energy (Najam and Cleveland, 2003). It is anticipated that the

rise in material living standards in the poor nations is likely to be accompanied by a

substantial increase in their aggregate energy use. This is a central goal of

sustainable development.

The social dimension of sustainable energy development reflects the need for people

all over the world to have access to basic energy services in the form of commercial

energy at affordable rates (Vera and Langlois, 2007). Energy has a direct

relationship with the most critical social issues that affect sustainable development.

These include poverty, jobs, income levels, access to social services, gender

disparity, population growth, agricultural production, climate change and environment

quality and economic and security issues (El Bassam, 2001). The provision of

sustainable energy will reduce inequities in energy provision and quality, and could

go a long way in bringing about social justice (Najam and Cleveland, 2003). Energy

is important in sustainable development because of its role in meeting basic human

needs (van der Gaast et al., 2009). Although energy by itself is not a need, it plays

an essential role in the improvement of welfare of humans. Najam and Cleveland

(2003) postulate that energy availability among many other things determines the

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food that is grown, how that food is cooked, and how living spaces are heated.

Women in Africa walk long distances and spend many hours looking for fuelwood,

and are prone to diseases of the lungs and eyes because of the fuelwood energy

services, and they bring up their children in circumstances of extreme indoor air

pollution (Masera et al., 2000; Wamukonya, 1995). Lack of or limited access to

energy services marginalises the poor people and seriously limits their ability to

improve their living conditions. Lack of electricity for instance concomitantly leads to

inadequate illumination, limited telecommunications, no refrigeration and limited

possibilities of home or cottage industries (Vera and Langlois, 2007). Improvements

in the quality of energy services will improve their lives and hence bring about

sustainable development in a big way. It will also bring about social equity, which is

a principal value underlying sustainable development.

Although energy is an important ingredient for socio-economic development it can

also contribute to both local environmental degradation such as air pollution and

global environmental problems, principally climate change depending on how that

energy is produced, transported and used (Davidson and Sokona, 2001; Johannson

and Goldemberg, 2002). About 80 percent of all energy used in the world comes

from fossil fuels, and these are the main sources of environmental and health

problems at the local, regional, and global levels (GEF, 2002). In most rural areas in

the developing countries where biomass in its various forms continues to be the

major source of energy, women and children in particular are exposed to indoor air

pollution. The provision of clean alternatives in place of biomass fuels would

address the energy needs of more than a half billion poor people around the world

(El- Ashry, 2002). The introduction of clean and modern energy services is likely to

result in a multitude of benefits and these include improvement of local air quality,

GHG emission reduction, land protection, improved water quality, solid waste

management and ecological conservation (van der Gaast et al, 2009)

Renewable energy resources which are abundant in the developing world

particularly Africa are the kind of energy sources that can be utilised to achieve both

sustainable development as well the millennium development goals (Bugaje, 2006).

The major alternative energy resources abundant throughout the African continent

are solar energy (thermal and photovoltaic), wind energy, wood and biomass, and

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biogas production (Bugaje, 2006). Renewable energy is a sustainable form of

energy, which has attracted a lot of attention during recent years because of its

efficiency and effectiveness (Omer, 2008a). The use of the renewable resources to

meet developmental targets should be exploited. Renewable energy technologies

rely on the use of natural energy resources such as solar radiation, the winds, waves

and tides, which are continually replenished and will therefore not run out. In

addition, the use of these renewable sources does not in general involve the

production of pollutants or other environmentally damaging emissions (Elliott, 2000).

However, it is critical that this should be in a sustainable manner taking all the

environmental factors into consideration (Bugaje, 2006).

Nevertheless, renewable energy use has not made significant penetration in the

developing world where too many people remain without modern energy services or

are exposed to severe pollution in the home and local atmosphere. It represents

only 2 per cent of world energy consumption (El- Ashry, 2002) yet so many several

implementation models in many parts of the world show that renewable energy is

viable and beneficial. The energy supply and consumption in rural areas is a typical

problem in developing countries (Xiaohua and Zhenmin, 2002). Africa’s situation is

exacerbated by constrained national incomes which make it increasingly difficult to

acquire conventional power systems (Bugaje, 2006). On top of that Bugaje (2006)

observes that there is also very high wastage and inefficient use of energy. All these

situations are contrary to sustainable development.

3.7.2. Barriers to renewable energy penetration in developing countries

Renewable energy which incidentally is sustainable energy has been tapped only to

a small fraction of its potential. This is because there are several types of barriers to

the penetration of renewable energy (Painuly, 2001). These include market barrier

and failures, lack of awareness and information, economic and financial constraints,

technical risks, institutional and regulatory barriers, and behavioural barriers

(Painuly, 2001; Reddy and Painuly, 2004).

Most renewable energy technologies (RETs) are unaffordable as those who are

supposed to use them have low incomes (Quadir, Mathur and Kandpal, 1995; Reddy

and Painuly, 2004). Many households cannot afford to raise the high upfront

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investment costs that are required in order to obtain RETs. Potential rural users

generally have low incomes and they cannot for instance connect to the networks

which range from US$50 for the simplest single phase connection to hundreds of

dollars for more conventional connections (Brook and Besant-Jones, 2000). This is

worsened by the fact that once electricity has been introduced households must

purchase appliances and fittings. RETS therefore find themselves in competition

with “free” firewood that is gathered traditionally (GNESD, 2007).

Many consumers prefer to keep the initial cost low rather than minimising the

operating costs which run over a longer period of time. In Kenya the initial cost of a

charcoal stove lasting one to two years is only US$3-US$5, while the cost of LPG

stove and gas tanks cost between US$30 and US$50 (Bailis et al., 2005). This

scenario is prevalent in countries like India where low-income consumers lack

access to cash and/or credit (Reddy and Painuly, 2004). In many developing

countries the high costs of modern cooking energy, liquefied petroleum gas (LPG)

and electricity, and their cooking stoves are major constraints for household fuel

preferences (Ouedraogo, 2005/2006). In Meghna floodplains of Bangladesh low

income has proved to be a barrier to the use of costly fuel and households use

leaves and cow dung instead as energy sources (Akther et al., 2010). Rural

households that by definition have limited disposable income therefore prefer cheap

paraffin stoves or a simple iron grid to stand pots on for wood or coal open fire

(World LP Gas Association, 2005). In rural Ghana for instance fuel choices are

limited to the most basic, and they rely on three-stone stoves for their cooking

(Amissah-Arthur and Amono, 2004). Fawehinmi and Oyerinde (2002) argue that the

massive increased costs of modern fuels have increased the level of poverty in

Nigeria and woodfuel remains the fuel of choice for most homes even though

rationally it is not sustainable as it portends threats to humans, forests and the

economy. Most rural households are characterised by lack of purchasing power yet

the technologies have a long payback period (Quadir et al., 1995; Redwood-Sawyer,

2002). In Kenya where the solar marketing is thriving, the majority of Kenyans

cannot even afford the cheapest systems (Jacobson, 2007).

The wider utilisation of renewable energy is affected by the lack of reliable

information on the positive benefits of renewable energy as compared to non-

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renewable energy (Mohamed and Lee, 2006). This results in the low demand for

energy from renewable sources. The low level of awareness of renewable energy

technologies, including their characteristics and advantages affects the whole

spectrum of stakeholders, who include planners, developers, professionals and

technicians as well as actual and potential users, and this results in the lack

confidence in the technology (GNESD, 2007). It is therefore not surprising that the

uptake of renewable energy remains significantly low especially in the developing

countries.

In most developing countries RETs are still immature technology and are in some

cases inappropriate and there is unavailability of adequate manpower to develop,

install and operate and maintain technology (Quadir et al., 1995). In Ghana the

adoption of biogas technology has been affected by unavailability of sufficient

feedstock and the blockage of the biogas pipes (Amissah-Arthur and Amono, 2004).

There is a shortage of local people with the skills to maintain and repair the

renewable energy technology systems. This hinders the emergence of coherent and

stable markets and restricts the effective contribution that RETs can make to poverty

alleviation (GNESD, 2007).

Institutional and regulatory barriers play a critical role in the slow adoption of RETS

by potential rural consumers. While rural households may desire to have new

connections, they are not only deterred by their failure to afford the service but also

lack access to credit. Financing is a major barrier for families that operate outside

the cash economy or lack traditional forms of collateral (Brook and Besant-Jones,

2000). Many low-income households lack access to the credit they would need to

raise the connection fee (Price, 2000). Rural dealers who are responsible for selling

and maintaining energy equipment such as solar photovoltaic (PV) cells in rural

areas of Africa are faced with several challenges such as limited cash flow, limited

access to credit and low purchasing power of rural customers, which are

impediments to the adoption of RETs (Kammen and Kirubi, 2008).

Financial institutions have entrenched attitudes and are unwilling to support the

RETs since they lack reliability and long term viability. RETs have an unfavourable

reputation owing largely to their chequered history with earlier attempts at

development characterised by isolated donor backed projects that very quickly fell

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into disuse once initial backing was withdrawn (GNESD, 2007). This perception

does not make RETs an attractive investment. RETs are also associated with low

quality and this has imbued low confidence in them by rural households. They are

characterised by absence of any forms of standards and certification (GNESD,

2007). Failed projects in the past have left a legacy of doubts as to the real potential

of RETs to replace conventional forms of energy (GNESD, 2007). Customers of

improved stoves by GIRA in Kenya are unable to pay the full costs of the stove and

have proved that they cannot operate without donor support (Bailis, Cowan,

Berruetta and Masera, 2009).

The overemphasis on grid electricity has also acted as a barrier in the adoption of

renewable energy. Energy provision in the rural areas has become synonymous

with extension of the centralized grid to the villages (Rehman and Bhandari, 2002).

However, other energy forms could also be introduced to rural areas and these may

be more acceptable than electricity. Those advocating for grid electricity are of the

view that if the grid reaches the village, its energy needs are taken to have been met

irrespective of whether actual consumers exist or not. On the contrary, the situation

on the ground shows that this approach is flawed. Electricity provision in the rural

areas is usually limited to lighting and entertainment. Bank, Mlomo and Lujabe

(1996) contend that although women prioritise the purchase of cooking stoves, in

practise lighting, entertainment and refrigeration appliances are the more likely to be

among the first appliances to be purchased. The provision of electricity in the rural

areas does not address the cooking and heating needs, and the rural populace have

no option but to continue depending on inefficient biomass based sources of energy

(Rehman and Bhandari, 2002).

Sociological, demographical and cultural variables have significant effect on wood-

energy preferences. In Burkina Faso a meal called ‘to’ is rooted in the local cooking

culture whose preferred cooking technique uses the firewood hearth (Ouedraogo,

2005/2006). Socio-cultural barriers also include lack of perceived needs,

unwillingness to adjust to the changes in life style, difficulty in integration with the

social structure and disharmony with prevailing values and ideology (Quadir et al,

1995). In Bangladesh for instance, rural households have failed to adopt modern and

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renewable energy technologies because they lacked information and awareness

(Mondal, Kamp and Pachova, 2010).

In Turkey LPG markets have been affected by high cost of rural distribution due to

long distances and high transport costs, poor road networks, dispersed and

inaccessible customer base. This is typical in rural Turkey (World LP Gas

Association, 2005). Apart from that, the low demand for energy from renewable

resources is also hindering the utilization of renewable energy. The LPG

consumption is not big enough to generate sufficient profit hence it is not attractive in

most rural areas. Many poor households are attracted by the available cheaper

alternatives such as wood or waste biomass. Other thermal fuels such as paraffin

and coal are often cheaper than LPG; hence there is no financial incentive to switch

to LPG (World LP Gas Association, 2005).

In most developing countries there is often a lack of clarity on the specific roles and

responsibilities of various departments/institutions/ministries/agencies involved in

disseminating energy services in the rural areas leading to functional overlaps and

an increase in pressure on the already scarce resources. A UNDP report on energy

for sustainable development (UNDP, 2000) observes that in India for instance the

energy sector is administered at the top level by five ministries. The same situation

prevails in Zimbabwe where energy matters are dealt with by more than one

ministry. Besides duplication of functions and roles, there is confusion on

responsibilities and ultimately implementation of programmes and activities is not

done.

3.8. Theoretical frameworks

This study adopted the energy transition theories and social consumption theories in

an endeavour to make the study robust as well as demonstrate the challenges that

are encountered in the process to adopt modern energy technologies. This study

discusses four different theoretical propositions that were used in trying to analyse

the adoption of modern energy services. Previous scholars on energy transition

have used energy transition theories namely the energy ladder theory, the energy

leapfrogging theory and the multiple fuels use theory. This study makes a deliberate

departure from this strategy as it also examines a social theory on consumption in

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this discussion. This is intended to broaden as well as bring depth to the study. All

the three theories on energy transition have salient aspects of consumption.

Therefore the inclusion of the consumption theory will look at the dynamics in

choices and decisions that households make when adopting a new energy service.

In essence the consumption theory will complement the energy theories.

3.8.1. Household decision making theories

There are a number of household decision making theories but this study will

interrogate the unitary model of household behaviour and the collective models of

household behaviour (Mattila-Wiro, 1999). These two theories belong to the

tradition of the neoclassical economics and are based on the consumer choice

theory. The unitary models were the initial household models that can be looked at

from two basic perspectives, the exploitation theory and the altruistic theory. The

exploitation theory is based on the Marxian school of thought, and this model is

characterised by the prevalence of self-interest. Usually the head of the family in

most cases the father (husband), dictates his preferences to the other members of

the household leading to the exploitation of the family by a single individual. For

example in the case of household energy, the father decides the fuel types the

household uses. If the household leapfrogs from biomass to grid electricity, this

transition is credited to the ingenuity of the father. This is because he controls all the

resources and all other members do not enjoy any independent control of the

available resources (Folbre 1986; McCrate 1987). The socio-cultural and the

traditional power hierarchy prevailing in the rural areas of the developing countries

bestow this authority on the husband. Women are basically subservient to their

husbands as they do not have space to make decisions. In a study conducted in

Kenya on solar electrification Jacobson (2004) established that the incomes that

were used to purchase the systems were from the savings made by men. This

gendered pattern of purchasing SHS means that men have the decision where lights

could be located as well the purposes to which the system is used. In a way men

“own” the SHS in Kenya. In return the husband is compelled to meet the basic

needs of members of the household. If women decide to revolt against this situation

conflicts within the family emerge and social pressures on women are designed as a

way to curtail such rebellions. The household heads are also subjected to some

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forms of social pressures. For example they have a social responsibility of providing

the basic needs of the household members. If they are deemed to be ill-treating or

mistreating their household they may lose their social status in society and this could

result in the breakdown of the marriage.

The neoclassical school looks at the unitary model from a different perspective

compared to the exploitative model. They regard the husband as an individual

interested in the welfare of the family members as his priority. Sen (1990) purports

that altruism obscures any conflict or separate interests that may be within the

household. Becker (1991) argues that the presence of one altruistic household

member, the head of the household, who controls considerable economic resources

and makes compensatory transfers to other members, is adequate to explain the

existence of a joint household utility function. According to Becker (1991) the

husband's utility is a function of his personal consumption and the consumption of

his household members. This theory assumes that the head of the family’s marginal

utility is similar to the marginal utility of every member in the household. His actions

are therefore determined not by his personal income but rather by the family income.

The unitary model assumes that decisions within the household are made jointly and

that the household maximises a single set of objectives for all its members (Ellis,

1988). The unitary model goes to assume that a household is viewed as a single

unit and all its members have precisely the same preferences as well as the same

utility functions. They are treated as a single entity in relation to both consumption

and production. Therefore their resources are pooled and the altruistic husband

who represents the household’s tastes and preferences allocates the resources

among the members (Pollak, 2005). It is further asserted that in the unitary model

agreement is assumed to be main feature of the household. In other words if the

husband acquires a photovoltaic (PV) solar system for the home the assumption is

that the decision goes down well with each member of the family. Cecelski (2004)

observes that rural electrification in Sri Lanka shows that households tend to adhere

to the altruistic unitary model. Soon after lighting, television and radio are the first

appliances to be purchased and these are associated with men’s preferences. The

iron and water heater which are preferred by women are bought a bit later. Cecelski

is however of the opinion that since the iron and water heater were procured at a

later stage that signified the existence of power bargaining in Sri Lankan households.

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New research findings show that the household cannot be characterised as an entity

with individuals sharing the same preferences or pooling their resources together.

Instead evidence on the ground suggests that a model where individuals within the

household have different preferences and are likely to have control over their own

resources is becoming more prevalent (Adato, de la Briere, Mindek and Quisumbing,

2000). This model is the cooperative bargaining model (also called collaborative

decision making model), which is the subset of the collective models. These models

assume that households are Pareto efficient which means that no one could be

better off without making someone else in the household worse off (Doss, 2011;

Mattila-Wiro, 1999). The cooperative bargaining models apply the game tools of

game theory whereby two individuals, that is husband and wife cooperate in order to

improve the position of each compared to a situation in which these individuals do

not cooperate (Sen, 1985). The outcomes of negotiations are more equally

beneficial to all members of the household. Agwaral (1999) contends that bargaining

is characterised by both cooperation and conflict as members strive to reach a

consensus. The model recognises that each individual has his or her own interests,

tastes, preferences as well as individual utility functions. The dictator does not exist

in the household as all differences in the marriage are resolved and household

decisions are made through the bargaining process which may be referred to as the

cooperative game.

Household members bargain either explicitly or implicitly to achieve several different

outcomes which could be consumption, expenditure, labour allocation, asset

ownership, children’s health and education (Doss, 2011). Considering the variables

that have just been explained, the wife in an electrified home could bargain for a new

electric stove. Although this form of consumption will increase the household’s

expenditure the wife’s argument could be premised on the attainment of better status

by consuming electricity instead of biomass fuels. This will improve her health as

well as that of children. The use of electricity has many other benefits such as

improved education. Women in rural environments could bargain for a better health

status as they spend several hours close to an inefficient biomass stove in a poorly

ventilated kitchen. This exposes the women and children to indoor air pollution

which leads to respiratory diseases (Kohlin, Sills, Pattanayak and Wilfong, 2012).

They also collect fuelwood from distant places and carry it on their heads. They can

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use their bargaining power to have an adoption of better fuel or stove. Cecelski

(2000) notes that households that benefitted from a biogas project in a Ghanaian

village were involved in contestations regarding the connection point of lighting

bulbs. These were based on what the light was going to be used for by the different

gender groups. On the one hand women wanted the light in the kitchen, the work

room and the bathroom to make their work easier and more productive. Their views

were however given little consideration because their home based work which was

small scale and part time in nature was not highly visible. On the other hand men

associated electricity with entertainment; hence would have the light in front of the

house for entertaining friends. They would also purchase radios and televisions.

The bargaining power is determined by a number of factors, including earning an

income, education, religion. Literature shows that women’s earned income gives

women direct bargaining power (Doss, 2011; Sikod, 2007). In a study conducted in

Kenya on solar electrification Jacobson (2004) established that working women had

the capacity to determine where the solar light could be installed, and in most cases

they chose the kitchen.18 Earning money may therefore give women direct

bargaining power, and gives them the ability to directly influence outcomes that

require expenditure. Women who have the potential to earn an income have

increased options which also give them more bargaining power compared to women

who do not have this capacity. Corley (1967) observes that in the United States of

America after the agricultural and during industrial revolution women were mostly

found at home engaged in domestic work. Men who were principal earners in the

households dominated the preferences in the home hence they purchased items

such as radios and televisions. This however changed in the 1940s when women

started to enter the work force in large numbers. Their purchasing power was the

catalyst in changing household preferences as focus was on buying stoves, washers

and vacuum cleaners. Benne (1992) also observes that in Ghana men traditionally

dominated women who were culturally expected not to be active in decision making.

The situation has however changed as women are now in paid labour or are

engaged in some income generating activities; they have the capacity to challenge

18 In Kenya solar electrification tends to give priority to other rooms such as the sitting room (mezani in Swahili), the bedrooms and rarely is the kitchen ever considered. This is probably because men who have a gendered control of solar electrification do not spend a lot of time in the kitchen.

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the notion that men are the sole decision makers. Whenever women have the

capacity to own strategic resources and property their capacity to take part in

domestic decision making were enhanced.

The bargaining power of women in households is also enhanced if they are working

outside the home (Doss, 2011). As already alluded earlier on, working provides

them with an income, but on top of that, women learn social and other skills needed

to navigate the work place. These skills may translate into increasing their

bargaining power within the home environment. Furthermore, work itself exposes

women to new and different situations and information which have the potential to

increase their bargaining power. Work may also be a deterrent as their overall

workload may put them in a compromising situation.

Education also plays an important role in improving women’s bargaining power in the

home. Education is an important factor in breaking down some socialisation factors,

and education enables women to venture into areas that were previously a preserve

for men (Sikod, 2007). Women get empowered by so doing and are placed in a

better position to improve their bargaining power in the home. Educated women

consume different goods and categories of goods more than women without

education (Doss, 2011). Given an option, educated women would prefer using

cleaner and efficient modern energy systems. In any case education enhances their

chances of getting employment which gives them the ability to purchase stoves and

to pay their bills. Brown (1978) observes that decision-making tends to be autocratic

in households where the husband has a higher level of education and occupational

status and is older than the wife. Jacobson (2004) posits that the introduction of

Christianity killed the potential in women to bargain in the household as it put

emphasis on developing dutiful, obedient and docile wives. This was worsened by

the fact that it was imposed on a traditional Ghanaian system which was already

based on male domination. In such households husbands make unilateral choices

of energy types to be used in homes. Balmer (2007) says in such relationships

where men had power and control they tended to influence and control women’s

acquisition of fuel and energy sources as women did not have complete say over

what they wanted to use or buy. Women however assumed important decision-

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making roles in situations where men were absent from the household through

migration, divorce, separation and other means.

3.8.2. The Theory of the Leisure Class

The theory of the leisure class is a classical sociological theory on consumption that

was proposed by the Norwegian-American anthropologist, sociologist and economist

Thorstein Veblen. In this discourse the theory of the leisure class will be referred to

more often as the conspicuous consumption and social emulation theory. Veblen’s

intention was to explain the consumer revolution that occurred in Europe, mainly in

Britain and France in the eighteenth century. Veblen coined the term conspicuous

consumption to describe an era when people were buying things they never bought

before. During that time people were spending lavishly on visible goods to prove

that they were affluent. Both the rich and the poor were buying non-necessities.

The whole idea was to use their possessions to augment their status.

What is conspicuous consumption? How does it advance the study on energy

transition? Conspicuous consumption refers to a situation when there is spending of

money to acquire luxury goods and services so that one may publicly display

economic power. This is visible consumption by individuals to show strangers that

they are not poor. Page (1992) asserts it is a show of pecuniary strength which is

used to confer invidious distinction, honour, prestige and esteem within the

community. Although this was during the eighteenth century facets of conspicuous

consumption are visible in the study of energy transition area as households who are

wealthier than the rest of the community go all out to acquire a more modern form of

energy as an expression of affluence. As Bagwell and Bernheim (1996) contend the

consumption of conspicuous goods is driven by invidious comparison. This is a

situation whereby a member of a higher class consumes conspicuously to

distinguish himself from members of a lower class. In other words it is a deliberate

way to provoke the envy of others as a means of displaying the buyer’s superior

socio-economic status. Conspicuous consumption prompts people to undo those

with who they are in the habit of classing themselves. In Chiwundura Communal

Area where generally the majority of people are not connected to the grid, the

ownership of a diesel powered generator may be used by those with generators as a

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manifestation of wealth in comparison with households that depend on biomass

fuels. In Haralambos, Holborn and Heald (2008) James Kuts and Satomi Sugiyama

(2005) make use of the mobile phone to explain how physical items could be used

as a status symbol. In some communities mobile phones are used as a mark of

one’s prestige because the ability to afford it means that you are different from the

rest of the group. Although an analogy of a mobile phone is used in the above

discussion the same ideas are quite applicable in situations when a household

acquires a superior energy service. It distinguishes them from the rest and

enhances their status. This therefore means that a household may acquire

electricity for example to signify either a climb on the energy ladder, or leapfrogging

from one level, skipping a number of other levels or using it as part of the energy

mix; but at the core of the matter, the status of that household will have been

significantly enhanced. Trigg (2001) contends that the search of status is never

ending. People always try to acquire new consumption goods to distinguish

themselves from others.

While the one part of conspicuous consumption signals invidious comparison, the

other part indicates pecuniary emulation. This occurs when a member of a lower

class consumes conspicuously so that he will be thought of as a member of a higher

class (Bagwell and Bernheim, 1996; Trigg, 2001). There are numerous households

that have acquired modern energy forms for this reason. Although the generator

they bought might have a function there is more than that function in the generator.

The household wants to attract attention as well as impress people to show how rich

they are. Amaldoss and Jain (2005) posit that consumers purchase conspicuous

goods to satisfy not only material needs but also social needs such as prestige. The

household is more interested in the reaction that is given by the audience more than

the satisfaction they will get from the generator. It is therefore not surprising that

some households have generators which they do not use for their utility value, but as

status symbols. As people move up the social ladder they aim for better goods;

hence they acquire better energy services. They buy material to identify with a

certain class or culture. In other words an individual’s consumption depends not only

on the actual level of spending but also spending compared with that of others.

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Postrel (2008) propounds that conspicuous consumption is a complex socio-

economic behaviour that is very common to poor social classes and economic

groups. Conspicuous consumption among the poor is a strategy that psychologically

combats the impression of poverty often because no one wants a stigma of being

poor. The poor try to emulate the rich. It is almost natural that no one wants to buy

something that gives them a lower status. The material goods such as PV solar

systems and diesel generators are important as they reinforce and display social

status. Basically the people engaged in conspicuous consumption are preoccupied

with the motive to fend off the negative perception that the owner is poor. As such,

conspicuous consumption should not be viewed as unambiguous signal of personal

affluence. It is in actual fact a sign of belonging to a relatively poor group. Postrel

(2008) posits that conspicuous consumption is a development phase; it declines as

countries, regions or distinct groups of people get richer.

Leibenstein (1950) in Shukla (2008) talks of the bandwagon and snob effect as

essential factors that influence conspicuous consumption. In the band wagon effect

consumers purchase products because others are buying the same goods. This is

an attempt to “keep up with the Joneses” in order to preserve self esteem

(Duesenberry 1967). In the rural areas with energy problems some households buy

certain gargets that they may never use. This is because they want to belong to the

group that is associated with the use of that particular gadget. The theory of the

leisure class is critical in shedding more light on the determinants of energy choices

made by households as it looks at the salient issues that are rarely considered by

several scholars. Social issues such as those mentioned in the discussion above

are pertinent in development issues. At this juncture the looks at the energy theories

and see how they help in the understanding of energy transition discourse.

3.8.3. The energy ladder model

The “energy ladder” model has been extensively used to describe household fuel

choice and energy transition to modern fuels (Davis, 1998; Hosier and Dowd, 1987;

Leach, 1992; Masera and Navia, 1997; Masera et al., 2000; Campbell et al., 2003:

Smith, 1987). The main hypothesis of the theory is that fuel choice and fuel switching

are driven by improvement in family income (Heltberg, 2003). The user substitutes

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the traditional inefficient fuels with the modern ones as if going up a ladder as shown

in the Figure 3.1.

Figure 3.1: Energy ladder model

The movement by a household to the right hand side of the graph is associated with

increase in stove efficiency and costs for both fuel and stoves. This movement has a

very close relationship with the issue of status and prestige that were mentioned in

the theory of leisure class.

The model is used indirectly to analyse fuel switching patterns from the traditional

biomass fuels to the modern fuels. The energy ladder consists of three phases; the

first phase is defined by the universal reliance on biomass in the form of wood, dung

and agricultural residues. The second phase is when transition fuels are used and is

characterised by a fuel switch to fuels such as kerosene and coal. The third and final

phase is when modern cooking fuels such as liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), natural

gas, gensets, electricity or other ‘clean’ sources of energy are adopted (Heltberg

2004) as illustrated by a schematic representation of the energy ladder model in

Figure 3.1.

The energy ladder hypothesis was derived from the empirical evidence that showed

that the modern fuels are increasingly being used as the household’s income

increases, and these observations were made in the urban areas (Masera et al,

2000). Modern fuels are preferable because of their cleanliness and versatility,

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while at the same time they have a large and easily controlled range of power output

(Leach, 1988). It is also observed that switching to modern fuels is influenced by the

opportunity cost of women’s time particularly those who work outside the household

(Masera et al., 2000).

The traditional energy ladder proposes that energy transition is a simple and linear

progression from traditional to modern fuels driven by income alone (Chambwera

and Folmer, 2007; Farsi, Filippini, and Pachauri, 2005). The model postulates that

as families become wealthier and gain socio-economic status, they abandon energy

technologies that are considered cheaper and out-dated; and start using the more

modern technologies (Leach, 1988; Leach, 1992; Masera et al., 2000; Smith, 1987).

It is assumed consumers prefer modern fuels because of the perceived advantages

they have over the traditional biomass fuels. The model assumes that consumers

are exposed to a variety of energy types to choose from (Hosier and Dowd, 1987).

The array of energy types are arranged in order of increasing technological

sophistication. At the very bottom are the traditional biomass fuels while modern

fuels are at the apex as observed in Figure 3.1. According to the energy ladder

model the modern fuels and technologies are viewed as a preserve of the rich and

urbanites, while biomass is dominantly used by the poor and most households in the

rural areas. Electricity is regarded as clean and highly controllable in terms of power

output to match different cooking tasks (Leach, 1992). It does not have to be fetched

and stored, but is delivered directly to the kitchen. Kerosene and LPG have similar

virtues with electricity except that they have to be carried home from the retail outlet.

Traditional fuels which are predominantly firewood, charcoal, agricultural residues

and dung have to be collected and stored and these are predominantly used by the

poor (Leach, 1992). In essence the energy ladder model therefore assumes that the

more expensive technologies and fuels are perceived to signify higher status, and

that the desire by households to climb the ladder is motivated by achieving greater

fuel efficiency with less pollution, as well as to demonstrate an increase in socio-

economic status (Masera et al., 2000).

The energy ladder hypothesis argues that the sophisticated energy forms are more

efficient than the traditional biomass fuels. At the same time the sophisticated fuel

types are an indicator of the level of affluence of the households that use them.

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Electricity which is the most sophisticated energy form requires high investment in

more efficient appliances such as air conditioners, stoves, refrigerators and washing

machines. These are used by the affluent households. At the bottom end are the

biomass fuels such as animal dung, agricultural residues and wood and represent

the most basic level of subsistence. Energy is required for cooking and keeping

warm, and the energy is invariably supplied in the form of biomass fuels, generally

wood gathered in the immediate surroundings, without any cash payments (Foley,

1995).

The switch from biomass to modern fuels is thought to occur along a preference

ladder, and the speed and extent of adoption will depend on factors such as

equipment costs, physical access to and network reliability of modern fuels,

household income and to a lesser extent, relative fuel prices (Masera et al., 2000).

Leach (1992) observes that in Sri Lanka and Colombo most households could not

switch upwards to modern fuels as cost of modern appliances was prohibitive. In the

1980s for instance, the initial cost of the LPG was equivalent to a month’s income for

70% of the households, and three months’ income for the poorest 12% of

households. In Africa, (Hosier and Dowd, 1987) and In Mexico (Masera and Navia,

1997) household energy patterns are differentiated with respect to income status.

Typically, in Mexico LPG ownership is correlated with income. The poorest

members of the community do not use LPG stoves.

The energy ladder hypothesis is a simplified version of the actual fuel transition

process where multiple fuel patterns and switch back process may occur (Leach,

1992; Masera et al., 2000). The model tends to view the fuel transition as a linear

process, and as such it has been equated with the ‘development path’ (Smith, 1987).

This means, just like in stages of development, households using different fuels

belong to different development ‘levels’. The households that use biomass are found

at the bottom of the scale, while those that use electricity are at the top of the scale.

The process of moving from biomass to electricity is understood as linear and

unidirectional; and is driven by household income. This means a household

considers some fuels to be more superior to others for cooking tasks, and biofuels

are used only because of income and infrastructure constraints (Masera et al.,

2000).

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It is true that the “energy ladder hypothesis” provides the basis upon which further

understanding of the energy transition can be built. However, the process of fuel

switching in the rural areas is very poorly understood since only a few studies have

been done on the topic compared to the urban areas (Davis, 1995; Leach, 1992).

Though the energy ladder hypothesis is applicable in urban areas it tends to present

some challenges when applied to rural areas (Masera et al., 2000). This is due to a

number of circumstances that are peculiar to the rural areas. Unlike in the urban

areas where energy has a monetary cost, in rural areas, biomass fuels are mostly

collected in the nearby forests for no monetary costs for the households, hence it is

inappropriate to use income categories to examine the process of switching and

energy choices in the study area. Furthermore, just like in studies conducted by

Masera et al. (2000) in Mexico a large portion of rural households have incomes that

are non-monetary in nature, hence it does not make sense to use income as the

main determinant of energy transition. In rural areas cash incomes are many times

more uncertain and variable than in urban households, which make the consumption

of modern fuels more difficult in the rural areas. On this basis the income variable

becomes insignificant as a determinant of energy choice.

The energy ladder tends to be a simplified model which over-generalises reality. It

equates the movement up the ladder with development (Masera et al., 2000; Sanga

and Jannuzzi, 2005). In reality the ladder presents a limited representation of the

fuel switching process as it obtains in rural areas. The real situation depicts a

simultaneous interaction of factors pushing families away from traditional biomass

fuels and pulling them back towards biomass fuels. This results in bi-directional

movements which are dependent on prevailing circumstances at the time. On the

one hand modern fuels are often associated with convenience, pride and better

social status. These attributes tend to push households up the ladder. On the other

hand economic factors such as incomes and prices are repulsive, and they push

consumers down the ladder.

The energy ladder model is further criticised on the basis that it focuses too rigidly on

economic processes as determinants of fuel choice. It does not take into cognisance

the role played by social, cultural and behavioural processes as determinants of

energy choice (Sanga and Jannuzzi, 2005). The energy ladder hypothesis regards

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fuelwood as an inferior energy form used by the poor (Leach, 1992). It is argued the

users of biomass, specifically fuelwood, have no choice but to use it because of their

low economic status. Hiemstra-van der Horst and Hovorka (2008) observe that in

Maun in Botswana, fuelwood is not restricted to low income strata, but is widely used

by all income groups. The main determinants in this respect are consumer

preferences and lifestyle considerations; as opposed to income restrictiveness.

The energy ladder model fails to capture the importance of such critical attributes.

Local culture relating to cooking practices and methods, which are stronger in the

rural areas than in urban areas are critical in the choice of fuel used to cook certain

foods. Masera et al. (2000), in a study conducted on Jaracuaro and other Mexican

villages, observed that traditional stoves were used to prepare traditional dishes. In

essence the new fuels and stove types are simply an addition to the traditional

biomass energy services. It is important to note that the indigenous culture is a

strong determinant of the fuel in Jaracuaro and other Mexican villages (Masera et al.,

2000). Mexicans do not like tortillas prepared over a gas flame which they say is

distasteful. Instead they are accustomed to eating tortillas cooked in clay comal over

an open wood fire.

The energy ladder model assumes that the movement up the ladder is a result of

improving economic circumstances. The household would have attained the ability

to purchase appliances associated with modern fuels. The movement is supposedly

unidirectional. The ladder image appears to imply that a move up to a new fuel is

simultaneously a move away from fuels used hitherto. This is likely to confuse fuel

choice and fuel switching which are two different circumstances. Prasad (2008)

asserts that households do not abandon previous energy forms when they adopt

new ones. Prasad contends that most poor households when first connected to

electricity, they use it for lighting, television and radio and other appliances. They do

not use it for the most energy-intensive uses such as cooking, water heating and

space heating. Rather they remain as multiple-fuels users because they cannot

afford the electricity bills even if they would prefer to use it more extensively. For the

very poor particularly in rural areas fuelwood remains the major cooking fuel simply

because it can often be collected free with expenditure only on their time and labour

(Prasad, 2008). The energy ladder model suffers from the misconception that fuel

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switching is a linear process that simply progresses from the traditional energy

services to modern efficient fuels (Hosier and Dowd, 1987; Masera et al., 2000). As

Terblanche et al. (1994) argue rural communities are concerned with maximising the

security of their usual supplies.

Furthermore, as Barnes et al. (1998) contend, scarce cash income combined with

freely available biomass resources lead people to continue to rely on biomass for

cooking. Although the above discussion implies that the energy ladder model is

inappropriate for use as a model in studying energy transition it however remains

very significant since it provides the basis for further research and understanding of

energy transition. It has been applied in both urban and rural contexts, and it would

seem more appropriate for urban households due to their increased access to more

modern fuels, higher incomes, and greater access to information regarding modern

energy sources (Leach, 1992). It continues to serve as a springboard to look at

other conceptualizations of household energy transition, such as the ‘leapfrogging’

and the ‘multiple fuels use’ models.

3.8.4. The leapfrogging model and household energy transition

The energy leapfrogging model has been propounded by several scholars as the

route that the developing countries could adopt if they are to move away from the

use of traditional biomass to the use of modern energy forms (Marlow, 2009;

Miedema, 2008; van Benthem, 2010). Energy technology leapfrogging involves

moving from one technology to another without going through certain intermediate

stages, for example a household can move from using biomass fuels (dung, crop

residues, and fuelwood) or coal in the traditional, inefficient and polluting stoves to

efficient LPG and electric stoves which are at the top of the energy ladder, while

bypassing the transitional energy services such as wind energy and improved

charcoal and kerosene stoves (Burke, 2011; Davidson, 2002; Gallagher, 2006;

Goldemberg, 2006; Goldemberg et al., 2001; Lewis, 2007; Marlow, 2009). In

essence this process involves the deployment of a new technology in an application

area where at least the previous version of that technology has never been deployed

(Sauter and Watson, 2008). This could be typified by the introduction of SHS in an

area which previously relied on fuelwood, candles and kerosene for lighting energy

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and the area had never experienced the use of SHS before. Energy leapfrogging is

being touted as a new energy paradigm that can help solve the global energy crisis,

which the conventional paradigm has failed to address (Saygin and Cetin, 2010). A

number of global challenges such as global warming and climate change, ozone

depletion, loss of biodiversity, soil erosion, and air and water pollution, have serious

impacts on people’s livelihoods. Developing countries face uncertainties concerning

energy security therefore renewable energy has become a high priority among

energy policy strategies; energy leapfrogging has become the buzz word.

According to Miedema (2008) leapfrogging is an international development term that

is used to describe how developing countries can catch up with the developed

countries by skipping some of the intermediate technology stages. Today’s

developing countries can leapfrog because they have access to a set of technologies

that was not available to rich countries in the past when they had similar per capita

income levels (van Benthem, 2010). As such the developing countries are expected

to skip some stages in energy use that the developed countries passed through. A

good example of technology leapfrogging was witnessed in the telecommunications

area where millions of people in Africa have bypassed landline telephones and

adopted mobile devices (Sauter and Wilson, 2008), and the same was expected to

happen with energy technology. This direct switch by the rural communities to the

use of photovoltaic (PV), electricity and LPG is regarded as critical in improving their

standard of living (Karekezi and Kithyoma, 2002).

The energy leapfrogging technology is a misconception. In reality energy leaps or

rapid, sudden and significant technological changes in rural areas do not occur,

particularly at the household level (Murphy, 2001). It should always be realized that

any technology change is an incremental process. Households are only able to

absorb new technologies when they are compatible with technological capabilities of

the people using them. These capabilities are manifest in individuals’ capacity to

adapt to new technologies, their ability to take economic risks and in their desire to

modify their behaviour (Murphy, 2001).

Planners tend to consider only the technical and economic analysis when assessing

the potential of new technologies. This does not augur well and most technologies

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are not readily adopted as they will be divorced from reality or the situation on the

ground. It is pertinent to thoroughly consider the social, cultural and political

institutions which influence any technological development and in this instance

energy. It is always important to be cognisant of the fact that technological diffusion

does not occur in isolation from economic development and social change, but rather

occurs parallel with them (Murphy, 2001). Planners should always realize that when

they introduce new energy projects their main objective will be to improve people’s

quality of life. Many projects fail because planners want to either disseminate a

particular technology or want to mitigate an environmental problem. For instance

Burke (2011) views leapfrogging from biomass to modern energy as one route via

which developing countries can reduce the magnitudes of their expected upswings in

carbon dioxide emissions. This will be at variance with what the rural communities

want. They do not have access to energy even the basic traditional biomass. Their

immediate concern is to have a source of energy to meet their basic needs. This

means the majority of the rural people continue to depend on biomass energy,

mainly woodfuel and charcoal for their daily needs for cooking, lighting and heating.

It is therefore critical for planners to think of ways of improving these forms of energy

which people are actually using instead of looking for something remote to the

communities. Several technologies have been introduced in the rural communities

to improve their living conditions. However they have not achieved their intended

objectives. Murphy contends that economic, cultural, organizational and political

issues have dampened the demand for electricity power in rural East Africa.

Household income plays a critical role in the adoption of modern commercial energy

forms. Many households especially in the developing world are not able to leapfrog

from using the traditional biomass energy to modern commercial energy services.

Households have several limitations which are linked to income and infrastructure.

These make it difficult for households to adopt and let alone to leapfrog to modern

forms of energy. Solar energy has often been publicised as a form of energy

technology which offers an exciting potential for development of a sustainable and

eco-friendly energy service. Since it can be installed anywhere it is viewed as an

effective means of leapfrogging the existing prohibitively expensive process of grid

electricity extension (Zohrul-Kabir and Shihan, 2003). In recent years countries such

as China and India have made significant strides in developing and adopting solar

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energy and this energy leapfrogging has been possible because of an enabling

environment (Fu and Zhang, 2011). In both countries government policy was critical

in the development of the solar PV industry as different stakeholders such as

universities and industry were given the necessary latitude to make their

contribution. Several households have geysers that provide hot water which is an

essential commodity. The adoption of solar PV in rural Senegal has attracted the

attention of the media and several scholars to the extent that it is viewed as

providing an international framework for technology leapfrogging. Diatta (2011)

however provides a contrasting position on this issue in a study conducted in the

Fatick Region of Senegal, in West Africa. Diatta contends that despite the numerous

benefits brought about by solar electricity, it had a number of challenges that

affected the process of leapfrogging. Solar PV did little to empower rural Senegalese

women. They could not use solar electricity to increase their income or considerably

reduce the amount of time they spent on household chores. Furthermore, the solar

home systems could not sufficiently power any high-voltage appliances, such as

those required to run a small business from home. On top of that the cost of small

SHS appliances was inhibitive. This is not however the case because it has

inhibitive start up costs. Simple peasant farmers cannot easily afford solar PV. In

Togo villagers have not been able to leapfrog because the technology such as solar

energy is out of reach to all but the rich (Marlow, 2009). As such, leapfrogging is

income discriminatory and the poor can only have it as a conspicuous consumption

good.

Centralised grid which is one of the modern energy services tends to be unaffordable

for most poor rural populations in several ways. On the one hand they cannot afford

to pay for energy because of their depressed and irregular incomes. As a result

power utilities are not motivated to extend the centralized grid into rural areas as

they are unable to recover costs (Barnes, 2007; Zerriffi, 2008). On the other hand

individual rural households generally do not have the capacity to connect their

houses to the grid. Most rural houses are not suitable to be connected safely to high

voltage electrical systems (Murphy, 2001). They need to be built in accordance with

the requisite electrical connection codes. Households cannot afford the costs of

building new structures, or restructuring old houses to meet the required standards.

The process of connecting a house to the electrical grid is financially involving and

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many households are unable to commit themselves to such ventures. They need to

hire electricians to wire the houses. They need to purchase the necessary

appliances and the money to pay for monthly rentals. Such kind of investment is

always in competition with other important household needs such as school fees,

food, fertilizer and improved seeds (Murphy, 2001). Given this scenario, households

will make a choice that leaves electrification out of the equation. Leapfrogging

therefore cannot materialize in such circumstances.

Planners and Non-Governmental Organizations tend to err when making decisions

on energy technologies for rural communities. They don’t give cultural

considerations the importance they deserve. Even though biomass energy service

are regarded as harmful and are clouded with several negativities, they still have an

important cultural role in the kitchen. Murphy (2001) observes that East Africans

prefer meals that are cooked over a traditional fire or charcoal stove, and may dislike

the way an electric cooker prepares foods. In sub-Saharan Africa many Africans

who have access to electricity continue to consume woodfuels mostly for cooking

and heating purposes (Murphy, 2001).19 Similarly literature shows that in India (rural

Haryana), traditional stoves (chulas) are used for preparing bread (chappati) due to

the belief that chappati becomes crispier and tastier if cooked in chulas (Masera et

al, 2000). Rural households still depend on biomass fuels particularly fuelwood to

prepare meals when they have traditional functions as they cannot acquire stoves

big enough for such functions.20

Leapfrogging may not be a viable option through which rural households can adopt

modern energy services. Most of the new technology that is introduced into the

areas will be new and unfamiliar to the locals. The recipients may not have

knowledge of how a new technology works and may revert to the type of technology

they have knowledge on (Gallagher, 2006; Sauter and Wilson, 2008). Rural

households are technologically incapacitated to deal with them. According to

Murphy (2001) capabilities are a function of the available skills, experience,

19 WEC/FAO (1999) made a similar observation in a village in Sierra Leone where households would not switch from firewood due to food tastes, safety and the wider range of cooking methods that are possible with an open fire. 20 Masera and Navia (1997) observe that in Mexico traditional foods associated with frequent village and family parties are cooked with fuelwood.

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economic well-being and knowledge that communities should use to adopt, adapt

and eventually absorb new technologies into their daily lives. There is a dearth of

this in the rural areas of the developing countries. New technology such as solar

house systems might be introduced in the area but if the locals lack the necessary

skills to install and repair them that may hinder the adoption of the technology.21 A

typical example was observed in Botswana where SHSs were introduced in the rural

communities but there was no formal training available for PV technicians with the

result that there were few skilled personnel sufficiently qualified to install or maintain

PV systems; hence nothing could be done to avert the consequent failure of the

systems (Diphaha and Burton, 1993).22 Furthermore there is need to have

technological complementarities to enable leapfrogging to occur (Sauter and Wilson,

2008). Rural electrification can only be successful in a country that has a reliable

electricity infrastructure. Lack of this means rural communities cannot leapfrog to the

use of electricity.

Murphy (2001) contends that technological capabilities are key constraints on

development in sub-Saharan Africa. Technological change is not simply a function

of economic supply and demand as most development planners assume.

Technologies including modern energy services should be tied to the social, cultural

and political institutions shaping rural communities and households (Murphy, 2001).

Understanding how these variables are connected is critical for the dissemination,

absorption and ultimately endogenous innovation. Experiences in the developing

countries are replete with energy projects which simply collapsed once the subsidies

and technical assistance had been withdrawn. This is because planners did not

adequately account for the social, cultural and political institution which shape rural

communities.

Any technological change such as the introduction of modern energy services does

not occur in isolation. It happens in sync with economic development and social

change. It therefore means that rural incomes which are usually very low should be

21Nieuwenhout et al. (2002) posit that the adoption of renewable energy is stifled by factors such as unfamiliarity with the new technology, poor institutional support for maintenance, and insufficient training. As a result leapfrogging cannot take effect. 22 Fu and Zhang (2011) contend that leapfrogging can only be successful in developing countries if there is deliberate effort to strengthen indigenous capabilities and technological expertise which are lacking.

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increased substantially if there is to be energy development within the rural areas.

Improved incomes will necessitate the acquisition of gadgets that could be utilized

with electricity and LPGs. If not taken cognizance of social and cultural factors can

constrain energy technological change. Planners therefore need to consider a whole

range of factors such as local resource management regimes, class structures and

gender based customs and norms before selecting an energy technology. As

already discussed above, things that appear simple but have cultural connotations

such as cooking and flavour of food can be a major impediment in fuel switching.

In order for energy leapfrogging to succeed there should be a deliberate effort by

governments of the developing countries to support the emergence of technology

that supports leapfrogging. This can be done by funding and crafting of favourable

policies. India and China developed tremendously in both the wind and solar PV

industries in a very short period because of government support (Fu and Zhang,

2011; Sauter and Wilson, 2008). These advanced developing countries (China and

India) have succeeded because they are not only interested in using a technology

developed and produced elsewhere but are also interested in developing domestic

capacities for the further development and production of a mature technology. The

solar PV industries in China and India have therefore benefitted from mixed

indigenous innovation and international technology transfers to develop their industry

and this has been critical to their energy leapfrogging process. This however could

be the Achille’s heel for most developing countries as they do not have huge

financial resources to commit for such ventures.

Leapfrogging to renewable and modern energy sources may not take place in a

country that lacks local manufacturers of the required equipment or spare parts.

Gallagher (2006) argues leapfrogging through international technology transfer is

especially problematic because often developing countries do not have the

technological capabilities to produce or integrate the advanced energy technologies

themselves. This will force them to continue buying energy technologies from

industrialized countries. This may be inhibited by lack of foreign currency and

developing countries may be forced to prioritise on the allocation of foreign currency.

Sadrul Islam et al. (2006) conclude that lack of local manufacturers of renewable

energy equipment or spare parts can be a difficult barrier to overcome in an effort to

leapfrog to modern energy forms. As Cone (2000) observes the situation is

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worsened by the fact that local companies and institutions are not willing to invest in

renewable energy products because the returns are not commensurate with the

investment. The continued importation of technology is an impediment to

leapfrogging.

It is therefore important to realise that the leapfrogging model is a normative

prescription, which can be used to envisage future behaviour (Reddy, 2001). In this

case with continued developments in renewable technologies leapfrogging may

become a reality. It should also be borne in mind that some leapfrogging has

occurred in some developing countries such China and India and it is possible for

other developing countries to emulate the progress made by these two countries.

Literature shows that energy leapfrogging has not been successful in the rural areas

of the developing countries because planners and implementers have not involved

the local communities (Murphy, 2001).

3.8.5. The ‘multiple fuels’ model

Both the traditional “energy ladder” model and leapfrogging model provide a limited

view of the reality that obtains in actual households in the rural areas of the

developing world. They do not adequately describe the fuel use dynamics in the

households in rural contextsand tend to focus on income as the main determinant on

energy choice and transition. The simple linear associations between income and

fuel preferences and demand ladder are unrealistic because fuel preferences could

be explained by other factors such as family biographies, culture and tastes

(Mekonnen and Kohlin, 2008). The leisure class theory showed that consumers

purchase goods for other reasons such as prestige. In general households in rural

areas of the developing countries are multiple fuel users. The ‘Multiple Fuels’ model

which was propounded by Masera et al. (2000) is the model that constitutes the rule

rather than the exception in the rural areas of the developing countries. The ‘Multiple

Fuels’ model is a pattern of combining traditional and modern technologies in the

household. This phenomenon has also been termed fuel stacking (Masera et al.,

2000). The ‘Multiple Fuels’ model is a pattern of combining traditional and modern

technologies in the household. This model has close similarities with developments

in the agricultural sector in the developing countries. Agricultural mechanisation has

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not led to a smooth switch from animal draught to tractors. Rather farmers have only

partially adopted tractors but continue to rely on animal power for specific set of

practices where a combination of cultural, technical and economic preferences

makes them preferable to tractors.

Rural households consume a portfolio of cooking fuels that range from the use of

wood alone; wood and kerosene; wood, kerosene and photovoltaic; wood and

electricity; wood, electricity and gensets; and so on. Households that used

electricity alone are very rare. In actual fact households in the rural areas could be

classified into three main categories, that is, the first being those who have not

switched to any other energy service other than solid biomass fuels. The second

group consists of those who have partially switched (the household consumes both

solid and non-solid fuels). The third group that is the full switching category (the

household consumes only non-solid fuel(s)) is very rare. The situation that obtains in

most rural areas is that households that have adopted modern energy sources such

as electricity, gensets, and photovoltaic continue to use traditional biomass, dry cell

batteries and paraffin as prescribed by circumstances. Households may be

connected yet at the same time they lack the appliances such as hot plates or stoves

because they are incapacitated by lack of financial resources to buy them. Start-up

costs of electric cooking appliances, photovoltaic and liquefied petroleum gas act as

barriers in the uptake of modern energy forms. In such situations households end up

using electricity only for lighting and entertainment. Some households have been

conditioned to think that it is expensive to use electricity for cooking; hence they

never make any effort to acquire electric appliances. As such they instead continue

to use fuelwood for cooking and electricity for lighting.

A large number of households simultaneously use a variety of cooking fuels that

include both traditional biomass and modern fuels. This is a characteristic typical of

the multi-fuels model. Households could descend the energy ladder because of the

inadequacies of modern devices to fulfil certain traditional practices. This strategy is

also known as fuel stacking, which literally means different fuels are heaped together

as a collection. This is contrary to the notion advanced by the energy ladder model

that households tend to stand on one step at a time and move mostly upwards

between adjacent steps on the ladder (Heltberg, 2004). The process of fuel

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switching is bidirectional. In most cases households are moving either up or down

the ladder. The simultaneous interaction of factors push households away from

traditional fuels while other factors pull them back towards the use of traditional fuels.

Modern fuels such as electricity have characteristics of being convenient and clean.

They are a symbol of high status. Some households acquire these modern

technologies so as to benefit from the convenience and cleanliness while at the

same time enhancing their social status. Most households in the developing

countries acquire modern energy technology which they do not use regularly, but

have it as a status symbol.23 Households partially switch because they want to

continue benefitting from fuelwood which is versatile and could be used in a number

of different situations such as cooking, water and space heating, lighting and beer

brewing.

In studies conducted in Guatemala, Vietnam and South Africa by Heltberg (2004) it

was observed that many households routinely use multiple cooking fuels. There are

various reasons why this is the case. These could be dietary, financial or cultural. In

Guatemala a combination of firewood and LPG is used by 26% of the rural

household, while in Vietnam wood complemented with straw is the predominant

combination and is used by 52% of the rural households. In South Africa 34% of

rural households use both firewood and kerosene for cooking. A large number of

households simultaneously use a variety of cooking fuels that include both traditional

biomass and modern fuels. This is contrary to the notion advanced by the energy

ladder model that households tend to stand on one step at a time and move mostly

upwards between adjacent steps on the ladder (Heltberg, 2004).

Why do households in the developing world use multiple fuels? Heltberg (2004)

likens fuel use in most cases to a menu choice in which households choose both

high and low items depending on budgets, preferences and needs. Food taste plays

an important role in the type of energy a household uses at a particular time. This

explains why wealthy households could be found using fuelwood which is at the

lower level of the ladder when everyone thinks they should be using electricity.

Heltberg (2004) posits that some households that are connected to the grid may

23Masera et al (2000) in a study conducted in Mexico established that families buy LPG stoves which they do not use so often. They are only a status symbol.

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continue to use traditional wood-stoves which they are accustomed to because of

cooking habits and taste preferences. They argue that food cooked over a traditional

fire or stove is tastier than food prepared on an electric cooker. Murphy (2001) in a

study conducted in Kenya observed that East Africans have a preference for food

cooked over a traditional fire or charcoal stove. In a village in Sierra Leone

households would not switch from firewood due to food tastes, safety and the wider

range of cooking methods that are possible with an open fire (WEC/FAO, 1999).

Masera and Navia (1997) observe that traditional foods associated with frequent

village and family parties are cooked with fuelwood, while LPG stoves are often used

for preparing fried foods and heating water. In India (rural Haryana), LPG stoves are

frequently used for preparing tea and for cooking vegetables, whereas traditional

stoves (chulas) are used for preparing bread (chappati) due to their belief that

chappati becomes crispier and tastier if cooked in chulas (Masera et al., 2000). In

Mexico some LPG stoves are not used on a regular basis and are now used as

status symbols.24

Most of the rural households in the developing world maintain a traditional kitchen

even if they build a modern kitchen fitted with modern energy services. Masera, et

al. (2000) observed that in rural Mexico households build Western type kitchens with

modern furniture, but only use these facilities when they have special functions.25

Otherwise the old kitchens with three stone stoves (chimenea) continue to play an

important role for the families’ daily social interactions. The decision to continue

using traditional fuels is often dictated by technical, economic, social and cultural

factors. As Crew and Harrison (1998) put it, the traditional technology is not inferior

hence wood burning fires continue to have a place in many rural households. Crew

and Harrison observe that wood burning fires have a social significance as is

illustrated with examples from Africa, Asia and Latin America. They offer a social

and ritual focus. The smoke from traditional fireplaces which is regarded as a

nuisance in some quarters is not seen as such in the study area. Instead it is

realised as an important component since it has several uses in the traditional

kitchen. It was revealed that it repels insects which are at times a menace, while at

24 This is in agreement with the views that were raised in the leisure class theory. The families acquire LPG stoves because everyone is buying them and it is fashionable to do so. 25 The kitchen is basically a status symbol which is used to enhance the household’s esteem in the village.

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the same time the smoke can be used to give flavour to meat and fish. Foley (1984)

also argues that the heat that escapes between stones on a traditional stove is not

lost as it provides the warmth in the house or hut, and is greatly valued. Fuelwood

can be regarded as a fuel with advantages that go beyond price as observed in the

preceding discussion. The traditional kitchen together with traditional biomass fuels

therefore represent the autonomous culture of the indigenous people through the

symbolic, fabric, ideological and organisational essentials that indigenous groups

deliberately preserve to keep control over their own cultural spaces.

Rural households also use multiple fuels because it was one way that guaranteed

users energy security (Pachauri and Spreng, 2004). Instead of making concise

transitions from fuel to fuel or from one stove type to another along the energy

ladder, families adopt a higher fuel form but rarely abandon the one they have been

using all along.26 Kerosene a transitional energy form, is usually scarce and is

mostly available to consumers on the black market, at prices much higher than the

official price in most developing countries.27 This means the little kerosene that can

be accessed is reserved for the lanterns to provide light. Otherwise households

revert to the use of biomass fuels for lighting as they are freely available in the study

area. Prasad (2008) observes that most poor households when first connected to

electricity use it for lighting, televisions, radios and few other appliances, and not for

the most energy intensive uses such as cooking, water heating and space heating.

Mathee et al. (2000) had similar findings in a study in the rural North West Province

in South Africa where they found that after electrification, all households used

electricity immediately for lighting because it was the cheapest function28. Fuelwood

therefore remains the major cooking fuel simply because it can often be collected

free with expenditure being their time and labour.

26 In Mexico even though families have adopted LPG stoves they continue to use firewood (Masera et al, 2000). 27 Chambwera and Folmer (2007) also noted that kerosene was in short supply on the open market in rural areas of the developing world, while Maconachie et al (2009) found out that in Nigeria kerosene is often not available in the immediate markets around rural households, and even in the filling stations. 28 Barnes et al. (2009) found out that approximately 44% and 89% of households had never used electricity for cooking and heating respectively three years after being electrified.

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This section has discussed the ‘multiple fuels’ model as a framework for rural energy

transition. From the discussion it was clear that the extent and permanence of

multiple fuel use patterns is dependent on complex interactions between economic,

social and cultural factors. These are what make up the social fabric of most rural

communities in the developing world. However the study does not in any way

discard the energy ladder and the energy leapfrogging models. They are important

in the understanding of rural energy transition as well as energy choice. They act as

springboards in energy transition studies. In all the three energy models it was very

clear that social aspects such as prestige and status are important in the decisions

households make in their energy choices.

3.9. Summary

This chapter has explored several dimensions of the research problem. Energy

transition in rural areas can be looked at from various angles which all help to

expound why it is progressing at a slow rate. Literature shows that energy poverty is

prevalent in most rural areas in the developing world and this is underpinned by

limited financial resources to enable households to move away from traditional

energy sources and utilise modern sources. The review also shows that an array of

energy options exists in the rural areas of the developing world, ranging from the

traditional energy sources through the transitional sources up to the modern sources.

However the utilisation of the different energy sources is determined by a complexity

of factors. Literature shows that although there is a tendency to attribute the

determination of an energy choice to household income, cultural and traditional

factors play a very important role as well. Households connected to the grid may

continue using fuelwood because of the taste and preferences of traditional dishes

that were prepared over fuelwood fire. The review also looked at the link between

Millennium Development Goals and energy. Although energy was not one of the

goals it was clear that energy is essential in the attainment of all the MDGs.

Literature shows why it is pertinent to factor energy in each of the eight goals. The

issue of sustainable development was also seen as an important tenet in rural

energy transition. Three pillars namely economic, social and environmental factors

are essential in the attainment of sustainable development. Each of the pillars leans

on energy and the review was able to show the importance of energy in sustainable

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development. However, it was clear that there were serious impediments in the

quest to attain sustainable development. Most of the review was on rural energy

transition in other countries and not much has been written on Zimbabwe. This

creates a gap in literature and calls for more research to be carried out so as to

investigate energy transition issues in rural areas of the developing world.

The chapter also dealt with the theoretical frameworks that could be used to guide

this study. It is important to observe that all the four theories are interlinked in one

way or another. The energy theories feed into the social consumption theory and

together they were used to produce a more detailed account. The theories will be

used in this study to open up the discussion on energy use in Chiwundura

Communal Area.

161161161

CHAPTER 4

THE RESEARCH METHODOLOGY

4.1. Introduction This chapter gives the description of the research methodology that was utilised to

obtain data for the study on energy use in Chiwundura Communal Area. An attempt

was made to justify why this methodology was deemed appropriate for this study.

The specific areas that are examined in this chapter are; the research design, the

population and sampling procedures, pilot testing, the research instruments used to

gather data, and data analysis. It will be observed that the strengths and

weaknesses of each research instrument were acknowledged. In this chapter a

deliberate effort was made to re-state the research problem and the research

questions as a way to remain focused on the issue under study.

4.2. Statement of the problem and research questions

Despite the fact that grid electrification has been introduced in several parts in

Chiwundura Communal Area in the Midlands Province of Zimbabwe, and grid lines

crisscross in several parts of the communal area, the majority of households

continue to depend predominantly on traditional biomass fuels such as wood and

agricultural residues, and in some cases animal dung, to meet virtually all their

energy needs. Observations show that most of the households that have connected

to the grid continue to depend on biomass fuels for cooking, water heating and

space heating. They use electricity mainly for lighting and powering entertainment

gadgets such as radios and televisions. This situation places most households in

Chiwundura Communal Area at the lowest rung of the energy ladder; hence they

suffer from energy poverty.

This has stifled development in the area in many ways. Households spend many

hours and walk long distances per week in search of fuelwood. The time spent on

fetching fuelwood could be utilised to do other productive work such as working in

the fields thereby improving food security. The traditional biomass energy sources

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expose women and children who spend several hours close to the fire to smoke

related diseases such as chest pains and cataracts. Furthermore, women are

closely associated with the use of traditional biomass energy because of their gender

related roles, and this reduces their chance of attaining the millennium development

goal of empowering women. They are forced to spend many hours using the

inefficient biomass energy and this prevents them from improving their academic

qualifications or even work on income generating activities such as embroidery

because they will be tired. School going children are forced to use poor sources of

light and this affects their eyes and are not able to make use of evening time to work

on their studies. This study has used the following questions to interrogate why

households continue to depend on inefficient biomass even in the presence of grid

electricity:

Why is the transition from traditional biomass energy forms to modern energy

services slow in Chiwundura Communal Area?

How are household fuel choices influenced by the socio-economic, cultural

and environmental factors?

In what ways have the traditional biomass energy forms impacted upon poor

rural households’ livelihoods and sustainable development with special

reference to women and children?

To what extent can modern energy services be utilised to reduce poor

people’s vulnerability and increase their empowerment?

It is hoped that the research methods that were adopted by this study will help to

unpack the problem and also answer the research questions. At the end of the study

there should be an understanding and appreciation why households continue to rely

on the inefficient biomass energy forms.

4.3. Purpose of study

The main aim of this study is to show that grid electricity which has been touted as

being at the centre stage in development has not been adopted by households in

Chiwundura Communal Area in Zimbabwe. Numerous other rural areas in the

developing world are in a similar position. As such the qualitative and quantitative

methods that were used in this study should unveil the reasons why the adoption of

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grid electrification has been very slow. It is envisioned that the study will reveal the

essential social, cultural, economic and technical issues that need to be understood

in rural energy discourse and policy formulation. The findings of this study could

save as some of the building blocks for reforming the Zimbabwean government’s

rural energy policies, which should ultimately benefit rural areas such as Chiwundura

Communal Area.

4.4. Research design

The study on the use of energy as a development strategy employed the case study

approach. According to Yin (2003) a case study research method is an empirical

inquiry that investigates a contemporary phenomenon within its real life context when

the boundaries between phenomenon and context are not clearly evident and in

which multiple sources of evidence are used. This case study which was made up

of a series of case studies of households was intrinsic in nature. According to Rule

and John (2011) an intrinsic case study is a study that is undertaken because first

and last one wants to have a better understanding of the particular case.

Furthermore, the study was undertaken because of the intrinsic interest of the case

and not for generalisation or theory formation. This study therefore sought to find out

the challenges that are associated with the use of energy as development strategy in

a rural area. The study uses the context of Chiwundura Communal Area and

provides a better understanding of why rural households in Zimbabwe continue to

depend on biomass energy sources even after grid electricity has been introduced in

the area.

The decision to use the case study approach in this research on the use of energy

as a development strategy in Chiwundura Communal Area was based on a number

of factors. Firstly the approach can be used to explore a general problem or issue

within a limited or focused setting (Rule and John, 2011). It was appropriate

therefore to use the case study approach on the study of the adoption of grid

electricity as a rural development strategy with a specific focus on Chiwundura

Communal Area. The approach allows for an in-depth study of a phenomenon and

as such it was used in Chiwundura Communal Area to generate an understanding

and obtain insights on how the adoption of grid electricity is progressing in the

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communal area. The approach uses in-depth investigation of one or more examples

of a current social phenomenon, utilizing a variety of sources of data (Babbie, 2008;

David and Sutton, 2004; Jupp, 2006; Lindegger, 2006). In-depth case study is

therefore necessary as it gives a broader and detailed understanding of complexities

surrounding energy use and fuel choice in Chiwundura Communal Area. A case

study approach tells a big story through the lens of a small case (Kumar, 2005;

Neuman, 2006). This means that the study on energy use, grid electricity adoption

and energy transition in Chiwundura Communal Area, which is typical of rural areas

in Zimbabwe and in other developing countries, might shed light on other, similar

cases, providing a level of generalisation or transferability. A case study offers a

multi-perspective analysis in which the researcher considers not just the voice and

perspectives of one or two participants in a situation, but also the views of the other

relevant groups of actors and the interactions between them. This method gives

voice to women and children who are often regarded as the voiceless and

marginalised, so they have an opportunity to have their views heard (Nieuwenhuis,

2010; Tellis 1997). This study deals in depth with women and children as they are

key actors in energy use since they are involved in the collection and use of biomass

energy forms. They are also involved in cooking and water heating. This approach

was used to test the main theories in energy adoption and energy transition, namely,

the ‘energy ladder theory’, the ‘energy leapfrogging theory’ and the ‘multiple-fuel use

theory’ with reference to Chiwundura Communal Area.

The case study approach has the advantage of using multiple sources and

techniques in the data gathering process (David and Sutton, 2004; Nieuwenhuis,

2010). As already mentioned, this is good because the different tools will

complement each other in collecting data.

However the case study method has its own limitations. The study of one case or a

relatively small number of cases which is characteristic of case studies results in the

lack of rigour and generalisability (Tellis, 1997). This can result in bias since it lacks

rigour in the data collection process and its low population validity. The method also

lacks reducibility in that the research is so personal to the researcher that there is no

guarantee that a different researcher would come to the same conclusions (Mays

and Pope, 1995). However this is countered by Gamm, Hammersley and Foster

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(2000: 3) who argue that the “main concern of case study research is to understand

the case studied in itself. It aims to capture cases in their uniqueness rather than to

use them as a basis for wider generalisations or for theoretical inferences of some

kind”. Thomas and Nelson (2001: 282) also add their views in support of the case

study by postulating that “although the (cases) study consists of a rigorous, detailed

examination of a single case (or few cases), the underlying assumption is that this is

a representative of many other similar cases in the same situation”. This fits in well

with the intentions of this study, which are to understand why rural people continue

to rely on biomass energy, and then generalise to other areas in similar situations.

In Zimbabwe rural electrification, that is the introduction of electricity infrastructure in

the rural areas, has been moving at a very fast pace, but very few households are

benefitting from the use of grid electricity. Rather they continue to use traditional

biomass energy forms especially wood fuel. This is despite the fact that some of

them are connected to the grid. This study could offer explanations why this is the

case.

The case study approach is exploratory in nature and seeks to examine the issue of

using grid electricity as a development strategy in Chiwundura Communal Area.

Apparently it appears that no study on this aspect has been done before in the

communal area. It is hoped that this will lay the foundation for further studies on

energy issues in this particular rural area and many other rural areas in Zimbabwe

and the developing world in general.

The study on the adoption of grid electricity as a development strategy in

Chiwundura Communal Area in Zimbabwe adopted the triangulation of qualitative

and quantitative methods as its research design. The triangulation mixed design is

defined as “a plan of action that combines methods from different paradigms and

methodologies” to investigate the same phenomenon (Babbie and Mouton, 2003:

275; Berg, 2001; Repko, 2008). The use of the triangulation mixed design

addresses the research questions by collecting and analysing both the quantitative

and qualitative data at one time (David and Sutton, 2004; Ivankova, Creswell and

Plano Clark, 2010).

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The triangulation method allows for the use of the convergent evidence from different

sources such as interviewing, participatory observation, surveying and review of

documentary sources (Repko, 2008). The triangulation however goes beyond

simply combining the different kinds of data by trying to relate them so that the

threats of validity that are identified in each are countered. The utilisation of the

triangulation methodology for the study on the adoption of grid electricity as a

development strategy was important in several ways. It enabled the study to obtain

a better and more substantive picture of reality. As Berg (2004) postulates,

triangulation increases the depth of understanding an investigation can yield. In this

particular study multiple methods and theories on energy were utilised so as to get a

better understanding why households in Chiwundura Communal Area continued to

depend on traditional biomass and in some cases even after they had connected to

the grid. Neuman (2006) contends that qualitative and quantitative styles have

complementary strengths. It was imperative to employ triangulation in the

Chiwundura Communal Area study as observations alone were not adequate for

everything the study wanted. Bless, Higson-Smith and Kagee (2006) elucidate that

the qualitative methods make use of language to record and articulate human

experiences. At the same time this gives the researcher access to the perspectives

of people being studied. The use of qualitative techniques enabled the researcher to

observe the social life of the households in Chiwundura Communal Area and be

where energy use was being utilised. However, this was not adequate as it could

not show the extent of grid adoption and energy transition in Chiwundura Communal

Area. Hence it was necessary to complement the study by using quantitative

techniques. It was prudent to use questionnaires because the study explored how

specific issues like income, household sizes and levels of education impacted on

energy transition. Kelly (2000a) argues that the use of figures validates the findings.

Therefore the use of both methods in the energy transition study in Chiwundura

Communal Area was meant to make the study fuller and comprehensive.

Furthermore the use of multiple methods is important because findings from one

type of study can be checked against findings from the other types (Bryman, 2004;

Kelly, 2000a; Punch, 2006).

In the case of this particular study in Chiwundura Communal Area a type of

triangulation known as the exploratory mixed methods design was used. The study

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was divided into two phases. The first phase was to explore the topic using

qualitative data. The study team visited the study area and gathered data through

face-to-face interviews, focus group discussions and observations which included

transect walks. The data was then analysed. After this initial exercise the study then

moved into the second phase that was gathering and analysing data using

quantitative methods. This design had advantages in that the communities were

interviewed and observed so as to obtain their perceptions on the adoption of grid

electricity and energy transition in Chiwundura Communal Area. Some theories on

energy transition were examined and after that the questionnaires were administered

to determine if a correlation existed between the perception and actual situation

obtaining on the ground.

4.5. Population and sampling procedures

At a macro level the population for this study included household heads, school

children, traditional leaders, teachers, Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority and

Rural Electrification Agency engineers, Vungu Rural Council officials and business

people in Chiwundura Communal Area. All these people had some intrinsic

relationship with energy use in their communities and were in a good position to give

their views on matters related to the use of energy as a development strategy in

Chiwundura Communal Area. They have been exposed to energy poverty, energy

transition and energy choices within households. This study was however interested

in households using solar systems, households connected to the grid, and

households using fuel generators. The study was also interested in households that

did not use the mentioned energy technologies, and continued to utilise traditional

biomass energy.

According to the 2012 census results, the four wards that make up Chiwundura

Communal Area have a total of 3 428 households with 14 972 people (ZIMSTAT,

2012). It was therefore imperative to sample households from all the four wards so

as to get representation of each of the wards. It was however not possible to look at

a broad spectrum of households because of the limitations that have been already

highlighted in Chapter 1 which included limited financial resources, lack of own motor

vehicle and the remoteness of other wards. The study therefore employed a

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combination of convenience and purposive sampling techniques in the selection of

respondents for interviews, focus group discussions and questionnaires.

Convenience sampling is a statistical method that is used to draw representative

data by selecting respondents because of the ease of their volunteering. It also

includes the selection of study areas which are available and easily accessible.

Most of the sites that were used were easily accessible such as Gunde, Muchakata

and Gambiza. This method was useful because the data collecting was quick and

data was easily available and it was also easy to get the respondents. It was easy to

identify households that used different energy forms such as grid electricity,

generators, solar systems and traditional biomass energy. The identified

respondents were relevant because they were already using these energy forms;

hence they had rich and relevant data for this study. Purposive sampling was also

adopted because certain geographically isolated areas such as Mabhungu and

Masvori were specifically selected so as to obtain data that could have been missed

out because of their locations. It was also useful in that the method intentionally

targeted individuals using specific energy forms. Time and money were therefore

saved in the process. According to Thomas and Nelson (2001) and Gray,

Williamson, Karp and Dalphin (2007) certain groups or individuals are purposely

selected as respondents because they are deemed relevant to the issue being

studied. This was also a useful sampling technique that suited the researcher who

had limited financial resources. The main disadvantage of the purposive sampling

technique is that samples are regarded as not being representative of the population

as the researcher may potentially be subjective. To overcome this limitation this

study tried to have a fairly big group of respondents.

A total of 215 households were identified and household heads responded to the

questionnaires on energy use and transition, while 106 Ordinary and Advanced

Level school children responded to questionnaires on energy and education. The

pupils were drawn from seven schools with an approximate total of 1000 students

and a total of 110 questionnaires were given out. Four were not returned but 106

constitute more than 10% of the total population. Six focus groups were used in the

study. Interview respondents were a combination of village heads, current and

former councillors, school children, household heads, and officials from ZESA, REA,

and Vungu Rural Council. It was felt these selected people had relevant

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experiences that put them in a position to give significant information on energy use,

energy choice and energy transition in the study area.

4.6. Pilot testing

In February 2011 a pilot test on energy use as a development strategy in rural

households was conducted with 25 households, in a village in Kadoma Rural District

of Zimbabwe. This was meant to increase the reliability and validity of the findings

(Babbie and Mouton, 2005). The instruments that were used in this study were pilot-

tested. These included the questionnaire, the interview questions, focus group

discussions and observations. The idea was to check on their suitability and hence

increase the chances of obtaining clearer findings in the actual main study. The pilot

study was useful because some weaknesses, inadequacies and ambiguities in the

instruments were identified before the actual data collection took place. After the

pilot test the questionnaire was adjusted as inappropriate questions were removed

and unclear questions where clarified. Interview questions were also modified to suit

the respondents. The pilot test was also carried out so as to be able to estimate

costs and duration of the main study. It was also to check on the effectiveness of the

study’s organisation. The pilot test was also used to familiarise the research

assistants with the use of a digital voice recorder which was used later on in the

main interviews for the study. The pilot test was also a way to ensure that the

sampling frame was adequate. The pilot testing was conducted to estimate the level

of response in the actual survey. It was a way to ascertain the degree of diversity of

the survey population. The whole purpose of conducting the pilot test was to

familiarise researchers with the research environment. This exercise provided the

study with the useful clues, ideas and approaches that had been foreseen at the

start of the study. It increased the chances of obtaining better results in the main

study.

4.7. Research methods

A combination of quantitative and qualitative methods was used to gather data on

energy use and energy transition in Chiwundura Communal Area. As was discussed

earlier on the triangulation of the two broad methods complemented each other. The

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questionnaire method was used under the quantitative technique domain; while the

interview, observation, content analysis, transect walks and focus group discussions

were used under the qualitative technique domain. All these methods were used

between May and June in 2011. Mop up operations were conducted in December

2012 and January 2013.

4.7.1. Survey Questionnaires

Since it was not possible to collect original data from the whole of Chiwundura

Communal Area it was prudent to use questionnaires (Appendix 4 and Appendix 5).

Survey questionnaires which were administered to household heads were used in

the second phase of data collection. Convenience and purposive sampling were

employed in selecting the respondents to the questionnaires. Since the study

explored the provision of energy as a rural development strategy, and energy

transition in Chiwundura Communal Area, households using the different energy

forms such as electricity, solar energy, fuel powered generators and biomass were

identified and then questionnaires were administered to them. Households

connected to the grid were naturally fewer than households using traditional

biomass. It was important to distribute the questionnaires as widely as possible in

order to make the findings as representative as possible of the population in the

study area. Some isolated places were also visited with the view of distributing

questionnaires. In identifying potential respondents the snowball sampling technique

was adopted hence it was easy to move from one electrified household to another,

or from one household using a fuel powered generator to another. Surveys are

excellent vehicles for measuring attitudes and orientations in a large population

(Babbie, 2008). Surveys are also flexible as they allow researcher to ask many

questions on a given topic (Babbie, 2008).

Two methods were used to complete the forms. In the first method some

respondents especially those that were literate completed the questionnaires on their

own. In the second method three well trained interviewers completed the

questionnaires for the illiterate respondents. Questionnaires proved to be useful

tools to obtain detailed quantitative information in Chiwundura Communal Area. This

method had the highest response rate. The interviewers assisted with issues that

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were not clear to the respondents (Maree and Pietersen, 2010). In certain instances,

the questionnaires for illiterate respondents that were used in the study were

completed by the research assistants. In this case the respondents were not

burdened by the long questionnaires because they did not read or fill in the forms.

This stress was endured by the research assistants.

However, a few challenges were met during the exercise. The questionnaires used

were close ended and did not have room for issues that cropped up during the

interview process. Some questions were left unanswered; hence they were

regarded as missing information, whereas with the interview method this was not the

case. When going through the completed questionnaires it was observed that some

respondents did not put much thought in answering the questions as some answers

given were contradictory. For example one respondent said they use electricity for

cooking and candles for lighting in their household. This is simply questionable as

one would expect such a household to use electricity for space lighting. The

preparation for the exercise was very costly as it involved training and paying

assistants. The cost of printing was also very high. As a result the sample was

reduced to suit the available budget. This could have negative impacts on the

research findings.

4.7.2. Interviews

The interview method was one of the methods that were used to solicit for

information from the respondents in Chiwundura Communal Area. It was used to

corroborate data that emerged from other sources particularly the observation

method. This study used the “interview guide approach” which required the

respondent to answer a set of predetermined questions (see appendix 6). This

method contains a list of issues for investigation that is drawn up prior to the

interview, although the interviewer is free to formulate other questions as judged

appropriate for a given situation (David and Sutton, 2004). The method was used

with a total of fifty household heads and twenty school children. It was also used

with officials from the Vungu Rural District offices. Vungu Rural District has the

administrative jurisdiction over Chiwundura Communal Areas as was discussed in

Chapter Two. The same approach was also used with Zimbabwe Electricity Supply

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Authority (ZESA), Rural Electrification Agency (REA), chiefs and village headmen in

Chiwundura Communal Area. Purposive sampling was used in selecting the

household respondents. It was important to identify specific individuals within

Chiwundura Communal Area who had the necessary information for the study on

energy as a development strategy in the communal area. For instance, individuals

who had been in rural electrification committees had the information on processes

and challenges they encountered in their endeavour to have the communal area

electrified. It was therefore prudent to interview these people because of their

relevancy to the study. It was also necessary to include households that were

electrified in the sample that was interviewed on rural electrification. They had rich

first-hand information on the benefits and challenges of electrification in their

situations. This explains why convenience and purposive sampling techniques were

utilised in this study. Snowballing took place as the above mentioned informants

often helped the researchers to identify other individuals who were knowledgeable

about the sought-after information.

The use of interviews had a number of advantages. The respondents were able to

express themselves freely using the local language, Shona, and they were able to

narrate their experiences, opinions and beliefs concerning the use of different fuels

at their disposal. The researcher was able to acquire rich data on energy sources

and their attributes in Chiwundura Communal Area and this increased the validity of

the findings. Use of interviews was important as it gave an opportunity to the

voiceless, in particular women and children, to express themselves on issues that

concerned them. In this regard energy services were at the centre of women and

children’s lives in the study area.

During interviews the researcher was able to probe further on certain issues

respondents might have left unexplained. Respondents were in a way asked to

clarify their answers where they appeared unclear. This gave the researcher a

detailed understanding of the respondents’ experiences related to energy use in the

study area. The method also allowed for the discovery of new aspects of the

problem by exploring in detail the explanations supplied by the respondents (David

and Sutton, 2004). In Chiwundura Communal Area the researcher thought that

kerosene and candles were the only energy sources for lighting. Through the

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interview process it was revealed that households and specifically school children

used dung, fuelwood and diesel for space lighting. These are more dangerous than

candles and kerosene and this dimension came up through the interview method.

Interview surveys typically attain higher response rates than mail surveys (Babbie,

2008). All the selected respondents in Chiwundura Communal Area participated in

this study. At the same time this method reduces the number of ‘don’t know’ and ‘no

answer’ cases (Babbie, 2008). Once a scenario where a respondent appears

unclear, the interviewer would modify the question. This worked out very well and in

most cases the respondents ended up giving the information sought by the

researcher.

The interview method enables the researcher to “see” in a person’s mind in order to

access the perspective of the interviewee on the topic under discussion (Patton,

1990). Cohen and Manion (1994) state that the interview can also show what a

person likes or dislikes and how he thinks. Punch (2005) contends the interview

method is a good way of understanding interviewees in their context. For example

the respondents in Chiwundura Communal Area explained why they continued to

use biomass energy. They also discussed the challenges that were associated with

the adoption of modern energy services.

Interviews are conducted with the assumption that interviewing results are a true and

accurate picture of the respondents’ selves and lives (Fontana and Frey, 2005).

However some interviewees can hide their feelings hence it was important for the

researcher to create an atmosphere of trust by sharing information in a natural

setting. Rose (2004:22) contends that “once rapport is established, general topics

maybe approached in order to enable the participants to reveal their experiences

and opinions while allowing individuals to direct the conversation along their

pathways”

It is an excellent technique when no comparison is sought between the responses of

different participants, but when each participant is considered as a specific case

(David and Sutton, 2004). In Chiwundura Communal Area respondents gave

divergent answers on certain questions and this was indicative of the different

experiences they were exposed to. For example different households used dung as

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a source of energy differently. Some households used it only for baking clay pots,

while others used it for space heating. Others used it for brewing beer. Interviews

therefore facilitated a deeper understanding of energy use in the study area.

The use of the interview method allowed for the establishment of a list of possible

answers/solutions to questions raised on energy transition in Chiwundura Communal

Area. The interview method facilitated the construction of the structured interview

since it was used before the questionnaire method. It is believed the method helped

to eliminate superfluous questions and the reformulation of ambiguous ones.

The use of interviews was flexible. They were often done at time and place

convenient to the interviewees. Respondents in the study area were involved in a

number of chores; hence it was imperative to respect that and fix appointments for

interviews at times they were free. Interviews also allowed for easy administration

as the researcher had no problems reading questions to the interviewees. The

interviewer had control over the environment. During the fieldwork the researcher

could pause the digital voice recorder when need arose, or could retake the

questions to clarify them to the interviewees. This made the method user friendly.

The use of the interview method had some challenges which had to be anticipated

and dealt with as they arose. Interviews may have an element of bias. Rose

(2001:1) points out that “if the researcher and the researched have too much in

common there may be a temptation for the interviewer not to tease out attitudes and

behaviours and reasons for them’. Being too familiar with the respondents may

tempt the researcher to fill in the gaps of information on his own instead of asking the

respondents to clarify their responses. Oppenheim (1992:31) also states that in

interviews “the interviewer may give an inkling of her own opinions or expectations

by her tone of voice, the way in which she reads the questions or simply by her

appearance, dress and accent”. To reduce these limitations the researcher tried not

to be too formal or too casual during interviews and focus group discussions. That

way the respondents were not going to be intimidated so that they could take the

sessions seriously. The researcher tried by all means to use verbatim extracts of

data from the respondents in data presentation and analysis. It was also realised at

the onset of the interview process some interviewees were sceptical about the

intentions of the study hence they were not quick to contribute information freely. As

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the interview progressed they got relaxed after noticing that the questions were

basically for study purposes. Other interviews were particularly embarrassed to

participate because they used biomass fuels that were regarded as lowly. There

was need to instil confidence in them and at the same time assure them that the

findings were not intended for public consumption. Some respondents even thought

that this study had direct intentions to improve their energy transitions to modern

energy forms; hence they often digressed during the interview process. The

researcher was quick to dispel such misconceptions and only informed them that the

findings of the study could influence policy and ultimately this could benefit the area.

4.7.3. Focus group discussions

Focus group discussion (FGD) also known as group interview or focus group

interview is a method that is used in qualitative research study (see Appendix 7).

For this method a group of subjects is interviewed together so as to prompt a

discussion. FGDs are usually the best method for exploring attitudes, behavioural

and cultural practices that underpin everyday living. The subjects are selected on

the basis of their relevance to the topic under study. A total of ten FGDs were

utilised in this study because the use of a single group would have been too atypical

to offer any generalised insights (Babbie, 2008). In Chiwundura Communal Areas

FGDs were used mainly with teachers at Gunde Secondary School and Chiwundura

Secondary School. At Gunde and Chiwundura Secondary Schools the method was

used to interrogate teachers on the benefits of electricity especially for them and

school children. The teachers were also able to give information on challenges the

rural communities (villagers) faced in their quest to have electrification since some of

them were from the local community. FGDs were also used to elicit information from

students from these two schools on energy they used for their night study. They

were also used with rural communities in Headman Mangwiro’s village and in

Masvori. Headman Mangwiro together with other kraal heads mobilised their

subjects to attend these FGDs because as part of the entry processes in any village

or community the headmen and other community leaders were sensitised on the

demands of the study. Before the commencement of the study the researcher felt it

was courteous to brief the community leaders on the way the study was going to be

conducted. This included details about the venues where the study would be held,

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times when the study would be conducted and the specific participants in the study.

Furthermore, the FGDs were deliberately conducted between May and August which

was generally off season and most people were not working in their fields. This

meant that this study did not distract them from their major preoccupation that is,

working in their fields. It was therefore easy to get participants as the study had the

support of community leaders. Villagers discussed challenges they faced in using

biomass energy and impediments they faced in getting connected to electricity.

They also gave the criteria they used to determine their energy choices.

As postulated by Barbour (2007) the method was quite useful because it encouraged

interaction within the group. The method was employed in the exploratory phase of

the study and this was intended to develop items for inclusion in questionnaires

which were used in the second phase of the study. It provided a basis for designing

a survey which considered cultural sensitivities in Chiwundura Communal Area.

FGDs encouraged greater candour and it was more acceptable to women and

children who were reluctant to take part in a one on one interview. The method was

vital in stimulating the participants. Some participants are more comfortable talking

in a group than being interviewed individually (Leedy and Ormrod, 2010). Hence this

approach was effective in illuminating the concerns of those whose voices would

otherwise have been subdued (Barbour, 2007). It was observed as well that the

method assisted the participants in recalling some of the information that they might

have forgotten. Group interviews were inexpensive to conduct and they suited the

researcher’s situation as he had limited financial resources and time. The method

produced rich data that were cumulative and elaborative since in each session there

were between eight and twelve people with different ideas and views. The method

was also useful because participants in the FGD assisted in interpreting some issues

that need further clarification (Leedy and Ormrod, 2010). In each session a lot of

information was captured.

However the use of FGDs had its own challenges. As Fontana and Frey (2005)

caution there is need to watch out for dominant individuals. In all FGDs there were

some elements who wanted to show that they were well informed on issues under

discussion. These were quickly identified and the moderator was careful when

taking down their contributions. It was also observed that some of the discussants

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were not willing to state their views in public as this probably stemmed from

inferiority complex. This was particularly the case with married women and school

girls. This was most likely due to cultural norms that usually place women in a

subdued position in society. Once this was observed discussants of the same status

were put into the same group. At Gunde and Chiwundura Secondary Schools

headmasters and senior teachers were excluded in focus groups that discussed the

benefits of modern energy as they were likely to impose their views on other

teachers. School children from homes that utilised traditional biomass were

interviewed separately as it was felt their inferiority complex could deter them from

participating in the groups.

Apparently in FGDs the moderator may knowingly or unknowingly get biased results

by providing cues about what types of responses are desirable. Therefore, effort

was made to reduce this potential problem. The samples that are used may

severely limit the ability to generalise to larger populations. The discussants were

conveniently sampled and there was no guarantee that they were representative of

the population.

4.7.4. Observations

Observations were conducted in Chiwundura Communal Area between May and

August in 2011 (Appendix 8). This was off season as has already been mentioned.

The observation method is a purposeful, systematic and selective way of watching

and listening to discover particular information about the behaviour of the

respondents. In essence it is the recording of events as observed by the outsider.

The unstructured observation method was used at the early stages of this study.

Direct observation methods were utilised as they provided a more detailed

perspective on energy use and energy transition. It was prudent to use this method

as the researcher observed only sampled people and this gave the researcher the

opportunity to obtain a lot of detail in the study area.

The observation method was seen as a relevant method because it studied people in

their natural situations. The researcher spent about four months in the study area

observing the lives of people in Chiwundura Communal Area and trying to make

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sense of the inherent behaviour that had meaning in their culture. The researcher

paid attention to the types of energy that were used for cooking, lighting, space and

water heating. It was also critical to establish the energy that was used for

entertainment and communication. Visits were made to business sites that included

piggery and poultry projects and peanut butter making ventures. Business centres

were also visited to find out if they were connected to the grid. The study went

further to observe the energy forms used by school children for reading. Since the

energy use and energy transition study in Chiwundura Communal Area was

conducted over a period of four months it was possible to observe the social

behaviour of people with regards to energy use. The researcher through participant

observation was able to gather thick data that provided validity to the findings.

During that time as Nieuwenhuis (2007) suggests the researcher was able to

establish rapport and trust between himself and the community. This enabled him to

get information he wanted without any suspicion from the community.

The method proved handy as it allowed the researcher an opportunity to interact with

the people using their own language that is Shona in a familiar culture. Unlike other

methods which deal with individuals on a one-on-one basis the observation method

enables the researcher to learn about the interaction in a group. It is also

appropriate in situations where full and or accurate information cannot be elicited by

questioning because respondents are either not cooperative or are unaware of the

answers (Kumar, 2005). This method is also used when the researcher is more

interested in the behaviour than the perceptions of individuals (Kumar, 2005). The

method therefore provides the opportunity to document activities, behaviour and

physical aspects without having to depend upon the willingness and ability to

respond to questions. The observations made were enhanced by photographs that

were taken of various situations depicting energy use.

However, the observation method had its own inherent problems. It was not

applicable to the investigation of large social settings. In this particular case the

study was limited to Gunde, Masvori and Muchakata areas, while places such as St.

Patricks Mission and St. Barnabas could not be reached. Therefore, the cases

involved were somehow limited making the generalisation of findings problematic.

Its other weakness was that people who felt that they were being observed may

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have changed their behaviour, became uneasy and/or stopped the activities

altogether (Bless et al., 2006). In Chiwundura Communal Area it was observed that

villagers wanted to give the impression that they were not cutting down trees for

fuelwood. Yet before the researcher’s presence had been revealed to them, this

was a prevalent practice. The method also suffered from the interferences of the

particular bias, attitudes and assumptions of the researcher. When the researcher

got to Chiwundura Communal Area he had the perception that only women were

involved in fetching fuelwood. The reality was different as more men than women

were responsible for gathering fuelwood. It was important therefore for the

researcher to avoid being emotionally involved in the study as this helped to avoid

clouding one’s judgement on what obtained in the study area.

This method however proved to be very effective in collecting data in the study area.

4.7.5. Transect walks

A transect walk is a systematic walk along a defined path (transect) across the

community together with the local people to explore the issue under study, by

observing, asking, listening and looking (Rule and John, 2011; Zeeuw and Zilbers,

2004). It is used to identify the cause and effect relationships among topography, soil

and vegetation, and can be used in identifying major problems and possibilities

(Rock, 2001). It can be utilised to triangulate data collected through other tools

(Zeeuw and Zilbers, 2004). The transect walk is normally conducted during the initial

phase of the fieldwork. The researcher was accompanied by participants in

Chiwundura especially in Gunde, Muchakata and Masvori Communal areas on a

number of walks through the community. The transect walks were conducted in

each case in the company of two juveniles and one elderly man. These were people

conversant with the area and were also well known in the area. The walks took

between two and three hours. The purpose of this selection intended to get detailed

information on the areas of study through on-field observations and discussions. The

participants were able to show the researcher the level of deforestation that was

going on in the different wards in Chiwundura Communal Area. It was established

that several households, including those that were connected still continued to rely

on wood fuel for cooking. Evidence observed during transect walks confirmed that

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the cutting down of trees was rampant in the area. The researcher also noticed

several brick-making projects during the transect walks. Generally brick makers

used a lot of fuelwood as they could not access coal or other alternative energy

sources. Transect walks provided a situated understanding of the social and

environmental milieu of energy transition from the perspective of key informants in

Chiwundura Communal Area. The guided tour provided the researcher with the

opportunity to identify the extent of grid electrification, as well as identify residences

with solar power among other sources of energy.

4.7.6. Content analysis

The study also made use of content analysis as a method of data collection. This

method proved to be relevant as valuable information on energy use was found in

newspapers. Other documents such as ZESA pamphlets provided information that

pointed to the direction that REA and ZESA were taking, particularly in rural

electrification. Neuman (2006) and Gray et al. (2007) define content analysis as a

technique for gathering and analysing the content of some existing text. The text

may be in form of newspapers, diaries and speeches. Government publications

were used to find out more information on energy policy in Zimbabwe. Pamphlets

produced by Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA) and Rural Electrification

Agency (REA), newspaper articles and books were analysed for purposes of this

research. This method was very economic and time-efficient. Once the material on

Zimbabwe’s energy policy and Rural Electrification Agency had been accessed there

was no need to travel. This proved worthwhile because the study on the energy

situation in Zimbabwe was conducted at a distance. The method was also useful in

that it permitted the study of processes that occurred over a long time. The method

was unobtrusive hence it had no direct effect on the subjects that were being

studied.

However, the use of content analysis has its own dangers. The method was limited

to the examination of recorded communication. It was imperative therefore to use it

in conjunction with other methods. Newspaper articles tend to project the opinion of

the writer based on a substantive topic, which researcher may have little knowledge

about. It was imperative therefore to always check for relevancy and authenticity

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before using the information. Newspapers and pamphlets may give statistics which

are not authentic. It was important therefore to cross check all statistical information

before using it.

4.8. Data analysis

The study employed the use of Statistical Package for Social Scientists (SPSS) to

analyse the data that were collected through questionnaires. Questionnaire

responses were coded and analysed using SPSS. The study made use of both the

descriptive and inferential statistics to give meaning to the data. In the case of

descriptive statistics SPSS was utilised to generate frequencies, tables and graphs.

As will be observed in Chapter 5 these were used to give an illustrative view of the

data. This gives the reader a general picture on the energy use in the study area.

The study also used inferential statistics in the analysis of data. In this regard cross

tabulations were used in order to establish the associations that existed between

variables that were used in the use of energy as development strategy in the study

area. For example this study wanted to find out if the size of a household

determined the type of energy a household used, or whether the type of energy used

by school children determined the number of hours they spend studying. It is

important to realise that whether the study shows there is an association or no

association both results have some meaning to the study which needs to be

explained. The study also utilised the chi-square tests to establish the significance

of relationships in the study area. For situations that demanded the use of chi-

square tests a hypothesis was set, whereby H₀ shows that there is no relationship,

and H₁ indicates that there is an association. The analysis is that if p is greater than

0.05 we reject the null hypothesis and if p is less than 0.05 then accept the H₀. This

gives the results depth and richness.

4.9. Ethical considerations

As already elaborated in Chapter 1, this study paid special attention to ethical

considerations. Firstly, it was imperative to get permission to carry out the study

hence in all places visited the researcher took the letter of introduction which was

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prepared by the University of Fort Hare. The researcher carried out the

investigations only after permission was granted by the person or community or

organisation that was to give evidence for the study. The researcher never made

any attempt to disguise himself or to obtain any data without proper consent of the

participants. All the participants were very clear about the intentions of the study.

They were informed that the purpose of the research was purely academic and

findings could be published into journal articles at a later stage. If they felt they could

not continue or were not free to participate they were given the right to withdraw from

the study any time. It was important to ensure that the study did not injure the

person or integrity of the participants; hence the issue of confidentiality was given top

priority. It was imperative to ask for permission to include names of participants in

the final report and the rights of those who felt uncomfortable about this were

respected. It was also necessary to protect the participants from physical harm

especially those who took part in the transect walks and from psychological harm for

those who felt the study could embarrass them or lower their self esteem. Most of

the important aspects to be observed have been explained in Chapter 1.

4.10. Conclusions

As already shown in the above section, this chapter is a very important one as it

gives shape, validity and reliability to the study. The methods used are important as

they were critical in data collection. Although this study is generally qualitative in

nature it made use of the quantitative techniques as a way of complementing the

qualitative techniques. It is important to highlight that the researcher was really

involved with the respondents on a one- on- one basis. This allowed the researcher

to obtain an insight and in-depth knowledge about their lives and livelihoods

particularly regarding the use of energy. This chapter on methodology plays a

critical role in providing authenticity to the data that were collected.

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CHAPTER 5

DATA PRESENTATION, ANALYSIS AND INTERPRETATION

5.1. Introduction This chapter presents, analyses and interprets data that were collected on energy

use as a strategy for rural development in Chiwundura Communal Area. The data

were gathered through questionnaires, interviews, focus group discussions and

transect walks. The main purpose of this chapter is to give an aggregation, summary

and the presentation on the data on household energy use as a strategy for rural

development. Data presentation and analysis are centred on the four key research

questions that help to expound the research problem. The research questions are

as follows:

Why is the transition from traditional biomass energy forms to modern energy

services slow in Chiwundura Communal Area?

How are household fuel choices influenced by the socio-economic, cultural

and environmental factors?

In what ways have the traditional biomass energy forms impacted upon poor

rural households’ livelihoods and sustainable development with special

reference to women and children?

To what extent can modern energy services be utilised to reduce poor

people’s vulnerability and increase their empowerment?

The presentation focuses on energy portfolios in the study area, determinants and

barriers of energy choices, energy and the millennium development goals and the

rural electrification programme. The discussion makes a deliberate effort to look at

what is prevailing in other developing countries. Effort is also made to relate the

findings to the theories that guide this study, namely the energy ladder model, the

leapfrogging model and the multiple fuel use model together with the leisure

consumption theory and decision making theories.

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5.2. Household energy use portfolios in Chiwundura Communal Area The study revealed that in Chiwundura Communal Areas energy services were

needed for cooking, space and water heating, space lighting, entertainment,

communication, and household based economic activities namely, baking bread,

brick making, beer brewing and pottery. The observations made showed that

households in the communal area used a variety of energy services to meet their

requirements, and these ranged from the traditional energy services, through

transitional energy services up to modern energy services. Karekezi and Kithyoma

(2002) define traditional solid fuels as a wide range of natural organic fuels such as

wood, charcoal, agricultural residues and animal dung from large animals such as

buffalo, cattle and camels.29 The traditional energy services used in the study area

included fuelwood, which was the dominant source of energy, agricultural residues

and dung, while transitional energy services included paraffin and solar energy, and

modern services were mainly electricity and LPG. Households in the area also used

candles, dry cell batteries, second hand car batteries and diesel powered generators

as part of their energy mix. This study therefore wanted to establish two things;

firstly, the factors which determined household energy choices and secondly whether

there was indeed energy transition in the study area. The study therefore looked at

the different uses of energy and determinants as well as barriers affecting the use of

different energy sources.

5.2.1. Cooking

Cooking was the most important energy end use in any household and the survey

conducted in Chiwundura Communal Area revealed that it was the most

predominant activity which consumed most of the energy needs compared to any

other activity such as lighting, space and water heating, and entertainment.

Observations showed that most of the cooking was done using the traditional solid

fuels. Electricity, kerosene and LPG were also used in some households depending

29 Although charcoal is commonly used as an energy source for cooking in many countries in sub- Saharan Africa it not used at all in Zimbabwe for this purpose. Instead it is rather an elitist energy source that is used by rich people for braaing purposes in holiday resorts or during parties. Charcoal is very expensive and ordinary households cannot afford it.

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on the different circumstances. Table 5.1 summaries the statistics on types of

energy used for cooking obtained in the study area.

Table 5.1: Types of fuel used for cooking

Type of fuel Frequency Percentage

Fuelwood 178 82.8

Electricity 36 16.6

Liquefied petroleum gas 1 0.5

Total 215 100

Source: Research data, 2011.

Households in the study area relied heavily on fuelwood and 82.8% of the sampled

population used fuelwood regularly for cooking while only 16.6% of the respondents

used electricity and 0.5% used liquefied petroleum gas (LPG).30 This situation was

typical of what was obtaining in the rural areas of other countries in the developing

world.31 Most of the cooking that was done using fuelwood was on the open fire

using in most cases (91.6%) the metal grate stove and in fewer cases the traditional

three stone stove. The metal grate (Figure 5.1) is a modification of the three stone

stove (see Figure 5.2). The metal grate was widely adopted in Chiwundura

Communal Area because of several advantages it had over the three stone stoves.32

30 In comparison this figure is much better than the Zimbabwean average where about 95 per cent of the rural households use wood for cooking (Hedon, 2010). 31 In sub-Saharan Africa and South East Asia between 80 and 90% of rural households rely on biomass energy forms (Sawe, 2009; de Koning, 1985; IEA, 2006). In the Western Pacific Region 74% of the households depend on biomass energy forms (Rehfuess et al., 2006). The situation is even worse with individual countries such as Liberia, Tanzania and Burkina Faso which have more than 95% of their population relying on traditional biomass for cooking (Brew-Hammond, 2007). The picture is however different in Eastern Mediterranean region, Latin America, the Caribbeans and most industrialised regions, where 36% 16% and 5% respectively, of the households depend on biomass fuels (Rehfuess et al., 2006). 32 A study conducted by Makonese et al. (2011) revealed that the grate had almost replaced the three stone stoves in most communal areas in Zimbabwe.

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Figure 5.1: Metal grate that has generally replaced the three stone stove

(Research data, 2011)

Figure 5.2: Three stone stove (Research data, 2011)

During focus group discussions with women in the study area it was revealed that

the metal grate was more versatile than the traditional three stone stove. It could be

used with a variety of pots which included the traditional round clay pots, the three

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legged pots and the modern flat based metal pots.33 The metal grate was regarded

as being more presentable and smarter than the three stone stoves. It could also

hold up to four pots at a given time as opposed to the three stone stoves that held

only one pot at a time.

The metal grate was not prone to accidents and was safer than the three stone stove

especially when used by younger children. It also was used as a status symbol.

Households using the metal grate regarded themselves as having moved up the

energy ladder in terms of their social status, while those using three stone stoves

were seen as very poor and at the bottom rung of the energy ladder. The same view

is given by Sawe (2009) and Bore (2002) who posit that the open combustion on the

traditional stove made up of three stones/bricks in a triangular shape, for holding the

pot, is often used by the poor in most developing countries. This state of affairs

confirms what Veblen regarded as “aping” (Slater, 1997). Lower status households

buy goods such as the metal grate because they emulate other households in the

community and it has become fashionable to do so. It is also a way of erasing the

stigma associated with poverty. Findings from focus group discussions with women

in the study area showed that very few households particularly those with elderly

people, continued to use the original traditional three stone stoves which were

moulded from clay. Clay was used because it absorbs heat and rarely cracks or

breaks when exposed to extensive heat, unlike granitic stones.

The fieldwork results showed that some of the households that were connected to

the grid continued to use fuelwood for cooking and water heating. Although 22.8%

of the households in the study area were electrified, only 16.7% of the sample used

electricity for cooking. It was also realized that of the 34% of the respondents who

owned hot plate stoves only 13% used them on a regular basis. Of the 7% who

owned electric stoves, only 6% used them regularly for cooking. Some of the

respondents revealed that although they used electricity for cooking they often back

switched to fuelwood.

33 Observations made by Akpalu, Dasmani and Aglobitse (2011) in rural Ghana showed that households continued to use three stone stoves as kerosene stoves could not support round- bottomed clay pots.

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5.2.2. Water heating

Water heating was an important end use service in Chiwundura Communal Area as

boiled water was used for various purposes which included bathing, cooking and

drinking. Survey results show that fuelwood was the major source of fuel for water

heating. Table 5.2 shows the different energy sources that were used in the study

area for water heating. A total of 89.8% of the respondents used fuelwood for boiling

water, while 9.3% used electricity, and only 0.9% used other sources such as dung

and agricultural residues.

Table 5.2: Fuel used for heating water

Type of fuel Frequency Percentage

Firewood 193 89.8

Electricity 20 9.3

Other 2 0.9

Total 215 100

Source: Research data, 2011.

In a focus group discussion that was conducted in Headman Mangwende’s village

(30 May 2011) it emerged that hot water was regarded as very important in most

households. As one of their gender roles women had to heat water every morning

that was supposed to be used by male members of the household to wash their

faces before doing anything. Annecke (1994) theorises that women who are

materially disadvantaged and have little opportunity to build self esteem tend to seek

feelings of self-worth, dignity and success by creating an image of a nurturer and

provider particularly for men and to a lesser extent children. Therefore women in

households endeavour to provide men with warm water for bathing. Boiled water

had other uses as well. It was used for bathing young children. During the FGD it

was revealed that since some households drew their drinking water from unprotected

sources it was imperative to boil it before it was availed for drinking.34 During visits

made to several households it was common to find a tin with warm water at the

fireplace at any time of the day. This was a customary practice which was intended

34 UN-Energy (2005) contends that heat to boil water is necessary as it reduces the incidence of water-borne diseases that are a leading cause of child mortality.

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to make it easy to prepare a meal should a household get an unexpected visitor.

This tradition was regarded as a sign of hospitality.35 Unfortunately this practice

consumed a lot of fuelwood and some households were gradually abandoning it

since fuelwood was becoming a scarce commodity.

Sampled households revealed that they depended on fuelwood for water heating

because it was the only source of energy they had known for a very long time, while

others felt it was fairly available and was affordable compared to other energy

sources. In most cases this did not require financial commitments.36 This explains

why even some households that were connected to the grid such as those of

teachers at Gunde High School used fuelwood to cut down on electricity bills. A

few households (9.3%) mentioned that they depended mostly on electricity for water

heating. They however reverted to fuelwood if electricity was not available for one

reason or another. In some places within the study area which experienced severe

woodfuel shortages and were also not connected to the grid depended on

agricultural residues such as shelled cobs. The shelled cobs burned out quickly but

they were able to make the water boil within a short time. They however produced a

lot of unpleasant smoke and were also not always readily available. They could be

found soon after harvest but thereafter they were scarce. In more desperate

situations households resorted to twigs and dung. Although dung produced a lot of

smoke households that used it said they had no option but to use it.

5.2.3. Space heating

In the study area space heating was an important household social activity and the

survey results showed that fuelwood was the principal energy source for space

heating as it was used by 91.2% of the respondents37, while 6% occasionally used

electricity and 2.8% used dung as shown in Table 5.3. In actual fact all households

35 The Shona people have a tradition of treating their visitors to a meal and have coined some proverbs that are meant to encourage households to feed visitors. One such proverb is mweni haapedzi dura which literally means that a visitor will not consume food to the extent of exhausting all the food in the home, including that which is in the granary. 36 Howells et al. (2005) maintain that households prefer using fuelwood for boiling water because it has little monetary demands attached to it. 37 Fuelwood remains the most important source of energy for space heating in Zimbabwe’s rural areas as compared to South Africa where coal and paraffin are important sources of space heating fuel (Panday and Mafu, 2007; Roberts and Wentzel, 2006).

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that were interviewed used fuelwood more often than not. During the interviews it

emerged that some households among the respondents owned paraffin heaters but

never used them at all. They had acquired these through their relatives who worked

in South Africa. During interviews with other households there was a general feeling

that households were not willing to adopt them. They did not like the smell and

smoke the heaters produced. Again there was the stigma that they could lead to fire

outbreaks.

Table 5.3: Fuel used for space heating

Type of fuel Frequency Percentage

Fuelwood 196 91.2

Electricity 13 6

Dung 6 2.8

Total 215 100

Source: Research data, 2011.

Most of the space heating was done concurrently with cooking. The heat that

escaped from the traditional stove was utilised for warming the room that is the

kitchen. This showed that contrary to the belief by scholars such as Vohra (1982)

and Sawe (2009) who postulated that open consumption is inefficient in terms of

usable thermal output as only between 10 and 15% of the energy is potentially

utilized by such stoves, the heat that escapes from traditional stove is important as it

warms the room.]. This idea of thermal inefficiency of open fires is taken out of

context since the heat that escapes between the stones, and the heat that is not

directed at the cooking pots, is far from wasted because it provides greatly valued

warmth in the hut.38 The kitchen was the warmest room in most homesteads and

therefore it was not unusual for some members of the household to abandon their

bedrooms for the kitchen during winter. This trend was noticeable among the aged

particularly women.

It was revealed that although dung produced a lot of smoke it tended to generate a

lot of heat; hence in desperate cases it was utilised for space heating. Crop residues

38Crewe and Harrison (1998) argue that open combustion is part of traditional technology that scholars tend to negate yet it is very crucial in the daily lives of numerous rural households.

191191191

were said to be unsuitable as they burned out quickly while at the same time they

also produced a lot of smoke. Households which used electric heaters for space

heating also used electricity for cooking hence their kitchens did not have a facility

where they could burn fuelwood for purposes of space heating. Those households

could not sit around an electric stove in the kitchen. Instead they used heaters which

were connected in the sitting room. Information obtained during interviews showed

that in the winter season some households that were connected to the grid and used

electricity for cooking, reverted to the traditional kitchen where they made some fire

on the fireplace to keep themselves warm. Homesteads in Chiwundura Communal

Area had outside sheds known as dare where men and boys sat around the fire.

This was part of their culture and tradition. Observations made during the time of the

study showed that this tradition was waning due to the demise of the extended

family. Male household members no longer spent evening time at the dare. Instead

they spent time with members of the nuclear family in the kitchen. It was more

common to find family members in the kitchen during the evening.

The demand for energy for space heating was said to increase during the winter

season as temperatures in Chiwundura Communal Area were unusually low during

that time of the year. It was also revealed that during the coldest months that is from

end of May to early September the use of fuelwood for space heating generally

increased. Evidence collected through interviews showed that the frequency for

fuelwood collection from the resettlement increased during winter from one cartload

to two cartloads. The most preferred fuelwood was Mopani as it could burn for a

longer time compared to munhondo and other species. This discussion shows that

space heating remains an important part of life for the households in Chiwundura

Communal Area. Even households that have moved up the energy ladder in terms

of space heating have not abandoned the traditional fuels as they revert to them

when need arises.

5.2.4. Space lighting

Space lighting is a fundamental human need which is however given little attention

compared to cooking and heating. A variety of sources which included electricity,

kerosene, candles, gensets, fuelwood and dung was used for space lighting in

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Chiwundura Communal Area. Generally households used more than one form of

energy depending on prevailing circumstances as was revealed in the interviews

conducted with all the respondents. Each respondent was asked to give two forms

of fuels they used for lighting in their households. Their responses showed that

49.3% of the households depended on kerosene as their first choice, with 24.2%

using electricity as their first choice. Candles were used by 9.8% as their first choice

while 7.8% used fuelwood as their first choice. Candles were used by 66%

households as their second choice while 14.4% used fuelwood, while kerosene and

solar were each used by 7.7% of the households. Dung was used by 4.2% of the

households. It was therefore observed that most of the households in the study area

depended on either kerosene or candles as their main sources of energy for space

lighting. Incidentally these sources provide fewer units of luminescence, or

brightness (measured in lumens)39 compared to electricity.

Table 5.4: Types of fuel used for space lighting.

Type of fuel 1st Choice frequency 2nd Choice frequency

Firewood 7.8 14.4

Electricity 24.2 -

Kerosene 49.3 7.7

Solar 6 7.7

Candles 9.8 66

Dung - 4.2

Gensets 2.9

Total 100 100

Source: Research data, 2011.

Households that were connected to the grid tended to use electricity for lighting more

than they used it for any other purpose.40 As has already been discussed above it

was perceived that it was expensive to use electricity for cooking. It was interesting

to note that fewer households used solar energy for lighting than was expected.

Despite the fact that quite a number of homes have solar panels very few were

39 A lumen (lm) is a measure of light energy radiated by a light source. 40 This was consistent with observations made by Taele et al. (2012) where electricity was

mainly used for lighting more than any other activity by households in rural Lesotho.

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functional. Apparently solar energy was popular in the area in the late 1980s and

early 1990s. However, the situation began to change in the early 2000s with the

advent of rural electrification. It was established that some of the households that

used solar energy in the past had “moved up the energy ladder” and were now using

electricity. These were the same households who used solar energy as their second

choice if there was power outage. Others had not bothered to have their

dysfunctional solar systems repaired.

Since around 2008 some households in the study area adopted gensets(fuel

powered generators) mainly for lighting purposes. This was a significant

development in the area’s energy mix since gensets were often associated with

urban areas where they were used as backup during power outage. The survey

results showed that 2.9% of the respondents used gensets for lighting. Most of

those families that had acquired gensets were already connected to the grid and

used gensets during power outages. A few families who were not connected to the

grid bought gensets with the hope of using them as their main source of lighting.

Although paraffin was not a popular cooking energy form it was used as the main

source of lighting energy for most households in the study area. The questionnaire

survey showed that 49.3% of the respondents used paraffin lamps for lighting while

only 6.5% of the respondents used it for cooking. Paraffin was not readily available

in Chiwundura Communal Area. Although this is typical of most African countries

(Kammen and Kirubi, 2008), it is an exact opposite of what happens in KwaZulu

Natal in South Africa where paraffin is still widely used for cooking (21.4%) and to a

lesser extent for lighting (6.8%) (Statistics South Africa, 2001). Paraffin was in most

cases used in home-made lamps known as chibani.41 This lamp is made by weaving

a wick or cloth into a tin or bottle and decanting paraffin into it.

Paraffin lamps and lanterns were often used in the bedrooms and lounges as

fuelwood provided light in the kitchens. School children also used paraffin lamps for

reading and studying. Generally kerosene lamps provided poor quality lighting but

unavailability of electricity in areas such as Gambiza, Mabhungu and Nyabango; or

41 In KwaZulu Natal in South Africa this lamp is called Isiphefu (Panday and Mafu, 2007), while in Bangaladesh it is known as the kupi (Barnes, Khandker and Samad, 2011).

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the high cost of a household connection hindered transition from kerosene to

electricity. Observations made during the time of this study was conducted showed

that the home-made lamps emitted large amounts of smoke.42 School children who

often used them for studying complained of smoke causing sore eyes and headache.

Households also used candles for lighting but mostly as a secondary source of

energy. As already mentioned 66% of the survey respondents indicated that they

used candles as their second choice. They were often used by school children for

their study. There was however a general feeling among respondents, that candles

could lead to fires if used without care. It emerged during interviews that fire

accidents were once reported in the study area. Such incidents made households

sceptical about the use of candles especially by the young children.

Some school children in the study area used the solar lanterns for reading. This was

through the auspices of ECONET a cellular network provider which donated these

lanterns as part of their community engagement to assist disadvantaged children in

the area. Some households had acquired their own lanterns through their own

initiatives and used them for space lighting and in some cases they were used as

torches.

While one end showed the adoption of modern energy sources for lighting the other

end was stuck in the use of traditional energy forms. Some households revealed

that they were so poor that they did not afford any of the above mentioned energy

services hence they depended on fuelwood and dung for space lighting. The study

concluded that households used an energy mix to meet their space lighting needs

due to a multiplicity of factors. This confirmed that Chiwundura Communal Area

households were multiple fuel users who could go up or down the ladder depending

on circumstances to meet their lighting needs.

42 A kerosene lantern emits more than 100kg of greenhouse gases into the atmosphere each year if used for four hours a day (Mills, 2000). Barnes et al. (2009) estimate that an average kerosene lamp spews a tonne of carbon dioxide into the atmosphere in less than ten years.

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5.2.5. Entertainment and communication

Entertainment and communication were critical components in the lives of

households in the study area. Radios, televisions and DVD players constituted the

main forms of entertainment gadgets and these required the use of modern energy

such as electricity, solar energy, second hand car batteries and dry cell batteries.

The survey showed that 75.8% of the sampled households in Chiwundura

Communal Area had access to radios while 35.8% had access to televisions.

Televisions and radios provided information and entertainment. In places such as

Ward 12 where electrification levels were very high almost all households connected

to the grid had radios, DVD players and televisions which were powered by

electricity. In Gambiza and Mavodza where there was limited connection to the grid,

some households used solar energy, dry cell batteries and second hand car

batteries to power their radios and televisions. Some households used solar energy

to charge second hand car batteries that were used to power black and white TVs, 9

Volt radios and 12 Volts DC lights, and DVD players which were very popular in the

study area during field study. However, households that did not have battery

chargers had to make frequent trips to the re-charge stations based at the electrified

business centres such as Mavodza, Gunde, and Muchakata to have their lead acid

batteries recharged. For most households this was inconvenient as batteries were

heavy and the distances involved were generally long and the recharging which cost

US$1 was regarded as generally expensive. On average households charged their

batteries twice a month. This was a monotonous exercise and some households

had to cut down on the use of the batteries as a way to conserve energy while others

abandoned the practice of charging altogether. The households connected to the

grid used electricity to power their gadgets. Traditional entertainment methods were

prevalent in a number of households that were not connected to the grid.

Grandmothers and mothers who were skilled in the art of reciting folktales provided

some form of entertainment, while candles or paraffin lamps and in some cases the

traditional cooking stove provided space lighting. Although this form of

entertainment was gradually fizzling out it still had space amongst communities in

Chiwundura Communal Area. Observations showed that households used an

energy form for entertainment as determined by its availability and affordability at a

particular time. More on this will be discussed later in this chapter. In conclusion,

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households in the study area used multiple fuels for lighting. Those that had gone

up the ladder found themselves going down the ladder at one time or another. The

multiple fuels theory was the most suitable to explain the circumstances that

prevailed in the study area. The energy ladder theory did not depict the true picture

of the situation as it was on the ground. Generally the level of energy poverty meant

that entertainment was kept at a minimum or in some cases households had to forgo

lighting so as to reserve energy for entertainment.

5.2.6. Household income generating activities

The study also established that heating energy was a crucial component for many

microenterprises such as beer brewing, brick-making and food processing in

Chiwundura Communal Area. It was apparent from the discussions conducted with

respondents that these enterprises were the primary source of their livelihoods

especially women. It was clear from the interviews and observations that fuelwood

was the dominant source of energy used in these enterprises. Traditional beer was

part and parcel of the households in Chiwundura Communal Area and they brewed

beer for either income generation, or traditional ceremonies. Incidentally beer

brewing consumed a significant amount of fuel.43 Interviews with some women from

Gangarabwe area (23 June 2011) revealed that beer brewing was one activity

through which women could raise their own money. This is consistent with the

assertion made by McCall (1996) that income from brewing was by far the most

significant income received by women. The trend was however changing as men

were gradually getting involved in the actual brewing of beer. Although traditionally

beer brewing is within women’s domain this gender role can change as men

negotiate their way into this practice. Some headmen in the area (23 June 2011)

argued that men were getting involved in beer brewing because it was the only

certain way they could raise income for the home as money making opportunities

were limited in the study area. The interviews conducted showed that men did not

use their power to wrestle away the control of beer brewing from women. Instead

they worked together in the brewing process to raise the family income. This is not

consistent with views by Balmer (2007) who contend that women do not have a

43 In Zambia beer brewing consumes about 25% of the total fuelwood annually (Karekezi and Kityoma, 2002).

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complete say over activities in the home. In the study the impression created was

that couples often made decisions together. Dictatorship was not part and parcel of

their way of life. Couples often had some form of democracy and women had their

power bargaining skills which were not often shown in the public domain. It was

revealed during interviews with a number of women that culturally women were

trained to negotiate with their husbands in private and usually in the bedroom.

Women often sanctioned men from getting sexual favours if they were wayward in

their behaviour.

Households in Chiwundura Communal Area had a ritual of getting together to do

specific time-bound communal work (humwe)44 during peak agricultural periods such

as land preparation, weeding, harvesting or processing harvested crops. McCall

(1996) postulates beer was then used as payment to the groups of people who

participated in these activities. Information obtained during interviews is contrary to

the notion of payment. Respondents regard the beer that was given during work

parties as refreshment and they felt the belief that beer was used as payment was

denigrating as they would not work for beer. Beer was merely a token of

appreciation which gave participants a platform to socialise as they worked. In

Chiwundura Communal Area beer brewing tended to flourish after the harvesting of

crops had been completed, that is from May to around October. During that period

there was very little activity in the fields and therefore villagers socialised through

beer parties. Beer brewing required the use of large logs of wood in the initial

stages, and then in the final stages slow burning energy sources such as dung and

tree barks were used. Although the brewing was usually done by women, men were

responsible for fetching the logs since these were not easily available in the area;

hence men had to use ox drawn carts to fetch them in resettlement areas. McCall

(1999) corroborated this assertion by saying that beer brewing is dominated by

women in the SADC region and men contributed in the collecting of fuel.

During focus group discussions some women also mentioned that women in

Chiwundura Communal Area were actively involved in pottery as a way of raising

44 Humwe simply means oneness. It is some form of a working party. Villagers used to come together to assist each other with ploughing, weeding, harvesting and processing of agricultural products. Beer was brewed so as to motivate the working party. This was a common practice in several rural areas of Zimbabwe.

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their own income. Pottery was a gender related economic activity which generated

small amounts of income. There was a general belief that in the rural economy

women were involved in activities that brought in small amounts of money while men

were associated with activities that brought in relatively large amounts of money

such as selling firewood. Women used dung and thick bark from trees which

generated a lot of heat and were slow- burning, which was good for pottery. Some

households also raised money through blacksmithing. One blacksmith (25 June

2011) from Gangarabwe revealed that most blacksmiths used fuelwood, mainly the

mopani type, to make domestic implements such as hoes, shovels, picks and axes.

He however lamented that it was difficult to get mopani wood and the stringent

conditions put in place by the Environmental Management Agency and the local

chiefs on the acquisition and use of fuelwood affected their trade. He also

mentioned that the availability of modern implements also affected their business.

Energy services also played an important role in household economic activities such

as brick-making as shown in Figure 5.3.

Figure 5.3: Brick making venture in Gunde in Chiwundura Communal Area

(Research data, 2011)

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While some households made their own bricks, most households tended to engage

renowned individuals within Chiwundura Communal Area to make bricks for them.

This was because this activity was back breaking. Fieldwork observations showed

that fuelwood was the only form of energy that was used in brick (clamps) kilns.

Brick- making required the use of several large logs of wood and in most cases they

were cut from live trees. Brick- baking required such type of energy and was often

labelled as one major cause of deforestation. The process of baking bricks usually

took one week. These logs of fuelwood were put in the openings shown in Figure

5.3. On average the brick makers said they used about 3 m³ of wood to produce

2000 bricks.45 This was an arduous process hence it was mainly a domain for men.

Few women however were getting involved in this trade as gender roles were

changing. Headman Mangwende revealed that some female headed households

made their own bricks and at times were engaged to make bricks by other

households in return for cash. Brick- making was seasonal and was done during the

dry season that was between May and September.

Battery charging for cell phones and second hand car batteries was a small income

generating activity for some families that were either connected to the grid or had

solar home systems. A number of households utilised their solar systems to charge

cell phones. Information obtained during interviews showed that it cost R2 to charge

a cell phone and US$1 to charge a car battery. Observations that were made during

the time the study was conducted showed that there was an upsurge in the number

of people who owned mobile phones but had no charging facilities. Those

households with charging facilities made some business. It was also observed that a

few households with access to DVD players showed action movies and local dramas

and charged R5 to those who wanted to watch these movies. Some households

that were connected to the grid were involved in welding. For instance in Gunde

area there were two households that were involved in making some cooking grates

and agricultural equipment such as hoes and picks. They also repaired a number of

household items ranging from wheelbarrows to scotch carts.

45 According to ZERO (1991) brick moulding was an important rural activity that consumed a lot of wood as on average a brick moulder producing 120 000 bricks per year.

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A number of poultry and piggery projects also flourished in the area. These made

use of grid electricity to provide light for security, whilst they also utilised electricity

for the refrigeration of slaughtered chickens and pork. Some women whose

homesteads were connected to the grid ran some peanut butter making businesses.

At Gunde School there was a Seventh Day Adventist women cooperative that

prepared lunch which was sold to teachers at Gunde Secondary and Primary

Schools, school children as well as members from the local community. Figure 5.4

shows a picture of one of the sessions.

Figure 5.4: Preparation of lunch in progress (Research data, 2011)

Several households in the resettlement area known as KwaKuhn46 were engaged in

tobacco farming. These were in villages such as Dukutira, Bhude, Mutsvisi and

Chikutubwe. This was a recent development which many households thought was

particularly important in improving their social status. Tobacco would enable

households to earn a better income compared to maize and any other crops. They

used fuelwood to cure their tobacco. This was particularly the case from around

February to May. During this period large amounts of fuelwood was used and the

tobacco curing was causing serious deforestation and land degradation. The use of

fuelwood has continued unabated in tobacco curing despite the stern measures that

have been introduced by local chiefs as well as the Environmental Management

Authority to curb its use. Fines as well as imprisonment could be effected on law

breakers. These were not deterrent as there were no alternatives. Most of the

46 This is a former commercial farm owned by a white man known as Kuhn.

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households were very poor. Furthermore, there were no logistics to bring in coal

which could be an alternative. Efforts to stop the use of fuelwood result in the stifling

of tobacco production and this pushes back households into abject poverty. It is

apparent that very soon more households will embark on tobacco production and

this will expose the resettlement areas to more deforestation than before. Proactive

measures rather than reactive measures need to be put in place to deal with the

emerging agricultural activity.

5.2.7. Traditional ceremonies and functions

Biomass fuels particularly fuelwood, were used during traditional village ceremonies

and celebrations. Energy services were observed to be a crucial requirement at

ceremonies such as funerals. Information gathered from headmen and village heads

showed that it was cultural for villagers to hold funeral wakes in most parts of

Chiwundura Communal Area. During that time men slept outside at the home of the

bereaved and they required large logs that burned throughout the whole night to

keep them warm. Such logs were usually found in the new resettlement areas and

men had to use carts to transport the logs. It was the responsibility of men to

collect the logs that were used at funeral wakes. On top of that large logs were also

required in the preparation of meals that were served at the funeral. Permission to

cut these logs was often granted by EMA or the local headman. Figure 5.5 shows

the type of logs that were required in meal preparation at a funeral.

202202202

Figure 5.5: Meal preparation at a funeral (Research data, 2011)

During the study there was concern that big logs were now difficult to come by, and

this meant that men had to travel long distances to get them as it was obligatory to

have fire at night as well as prepare food for the visitors.

5.2.8. Other uses

A few households which had refrigerators in the study area relied on electricity, LPG

and paraffin. It was observed that households preferred the use of electricity for

cooling since it had less procurement hassles. Paraffin and LPG required some

travelling to Gweru City or Kwekwe City which were on average 50 kilometres away.

Generally very few households had refrigerators as they were regarded as

expensive and beyond the reach of ordinary peasant farmers. It also realised that

charcoal irons made from cast iron were used on a regular basis for ironing clothes

by 75.8% of the households, while 7.4% use them rarely. Red hot charcoal embers

that were produced by burning fuelwood were put in the irons. The use of charcoal

irons was prevalent because the majority of households were not connected to

electric power, and those that were connected also used charcoal irons as the use of

electric irons was related to a number of expenses such as the cost of the irons and

the energy consumption. Some of the households connected to the grid back-

switched to charcoal irons when there was power outage. Below (Figure 5.6) is a

typical charcoal iron.

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Figure 5.6: A charcoal iron found at one residence in the study area (Research data, 2011.

5.3. Energy use determinants in Chiwundura Communal Area

The types of energy used and energy transitions by households in the study area

were determined by a plethora of endogenous and exogenous factors. While these

were energy choice determinants on the one hand, they may on the other hand be

regarded as barriers to the adoption of modern and renewable energy sources

(Reddy and Painuly, 2004; Painuly, 2001). It is important to mention that most

scholars when dealing with endogenous factors have tended to focus on household

characteristics such as economic, and behavioural and cultural characteristics of the

households. Little mention is made of important household dynamics such as

decision making which are salient in determining household energy choice. This

study will make a deliberate attempt to pay special attention to decision making and

show how it influenced energy choices in the study area. Exogenous factors dealt

with external conditions which affect household energy choices and these included

the physical environment, government’s energy policy and energy supply factors.

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5.3.1. Income

The study established that household income was the most important determinant of

the energy choices that households made in Chiwundura Communal Area.47

Decisions made by most households on the type of energy to use were based on

their income levels. Incidentally income has a strong bearing on other determinants

such as affordability, accessibility and decision making. It was observed that

households in the study area belonged to different socio-economic groups and in a

way this reflected the different energy consumption patterns in the area. The

majority of the sampled households (58.6%) in Chiwundura Communal Area were

peasant farmers. A few households (7.4%) depended on formal jobs and these were

mainly in the civil service, 25.6% were in self-employment. The remaining 8.4%

depended on remittances. Table 5.5 below shows the different income groups that

were identified in Chiwundura Communal Area.

Table 5.5: Income groups in Chiwundura Communal Area

Income group Frequency Percentage

Agriculture 126 58.6

Formal employment 16 7.4

Self-employment 55 25.6

Remittances 18 8.4

Total 215 100

Source: Research data, 2011

Figure 5.7 shows a graphical representation of income groups in Chiwundura

Communal area.

47 Several scholars (Heltberg, 2005; Mestl and Eskeland, 2009; Mirza and Kemp, 2011; Peng, Hisman and Pan, 2010; Viswanathan and Kumar, 2005;) in studies conducted in India and Guatemala maintain that household income is a major determinant in fuel choices especially when households decide to include expensive modern energy forms such as liquefied petroleum gas, solar home systems and grid electricity in their energy mix. They observe that even with rising income most households continue to depend on fuelwood and energy forms like LPG and electricity were considered as luxuries and consumed only by the richest that were in the top end of the rural income distribution.

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140

120

100

80

60

40

20

0

Frequency

Figure 5.7: Income groups in Chiwundura Communal Area

Source: Research data, 2011.

The majority of households in the study area practised subsistence agriculture and

barely managed to get surplus produce for sale; hence their incomes were low and

unpredictable.48 As already discussed in Chapter 1, the greater part of Chiwundura

Communal Area was situated in agro-ecological Region IV,49 and this region

experienced some severe seasonal droughts and as a result crop yields tended to

be very low. The situation was worsened by the old soils which had been exposed

to several years of tilling. Agriculture in the sampled area of Gunde, Muchakata and

Masvori was seasonal. This was because as mentioned earlier on in Chapter1 the

area has one rainy season that stretches from October to March. Furthermore

households had small pieces of land for farming due to overpopulation. As a result

very few households in the original communal area were able to produce excess

maize for sale. Only a few selected households in the resettlement area could sell

excess maize. This meant that most households had little disposable income.

Instead most households relied on horticulture which they practised on a small scale.

48 Louw et al. (2008) contend that income in rural areas may be irregular due to the type of employment undertaken by household members which is mainly from agricultural work or informal selling of goods. 49 As already discussed in Chapter 2, Zimbabwe is divided into 5 agro-ecological regions with Regions I and II being the most suitable for agricultural productivity. Regions IV and V are not suitable for crop production but cattle ranching. Most of the communal areas in Zimbabwe are located in these regions because of the country’s historical past.

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This therefore meant that incomes for those in agriculture were generally depressed

and this had ripple effects on their livelihoods.

In interviews conducted with both current and former ward councillors it was

revealed that the majority of poor households in Chiwundura Communal Area could

not enjoy the benefits of modern energy services and fuels as these required huge

financial investments. For instance they could not afford to be connected to grid

electricity because this entailed high initial connection charges and high costs of

house-wiring.50 This is consistent with observations made by Clancy, Maduka and

Lumampao (2008) that households in Nigeria could not switch to electricity because

of high initial charges, high cost of wiring and high standing charges. Incidentally

there were no experts to do the wiring in the rural community of Chiwundura

Communal Area, and they relied on electricians from the two nearby cities of Gweru

and Kwekwe. Information obtained through interviews showed that the electricians

tended to be exploitive and charged exorbitant fees for tubing and wiring jobs. They

charged the same rates as those charged in the urban areas where households had

at least access to income. The situation was exacerbated by the dollarization of the

economy since 2009. Most households expressed that they had problems

accessing the United States dollar as well as the South African Rand and Botswana

Pula. As a result they ended up engaging in barter trade with livestock replacing the

currency that was hard to come by. Traditionally, livestock such as cattle have a

cultural significance. They symbolise a stable home and households were generally

reluctant to dispose of their livestock in order to acquire modern energy.

There were several expensive stages that were involved before a household could

switch to the use of electricity. Zimbabwe Electricity Supply Authority demanded an

upfront connection fee of US$95 and a deposit fee of US$45. In order for the

connection to be done the house had to be properly wired. The processes cost a

fortune as research data shows that wiring a four roomed house cost approximately

US$200. These costs were generally beyond the reach of most peasant farmers in

50 Brook and Besant-Jones (2000) contend that potential rural users of electricity generally have low incomes and they cannot for instance connect to the networks which range from US$50 for the simplest single phase connection to hundreds of dollars for more conventional connections and this is worsened by the fact that once electricity has been introduced households must purchase appliances and fittings.

sufficient income to pay monthly electric bills and to purchase the necessary appliances.

207207207

the communal area as their incomes were constrained.51 Observations made in the

study area showed that a number of households were able to get connected to the

grid but were struggling to acquire the requisite appliances such as the cooking and

entertainment gadgets. On top of that they also struggled to pay their monthly bills.

The survey also established that some of the households that had been connected

had been disconnected because they had defaulted on payments. The situation was

compounded by the fact that once disconnected the household had to pay US$95

reconnection fee, and a security deposit of US$45. In order to get reconnected to

the grid one had to board a bus to go to either Gweru or Kwekwe to pay the fees. It

was also established that Chiwundura Communal Area residents had to travel many

kilometres every month in order to pay their bills. This tended to encourage defaults

on payments and it was also likely to discourage other potential consumers from

obtaining a connection. The amounts of money that were involved were beyond the

reach of most rural households whose sources of income were limited. The

available income competed with other household needs such as food, education,

health and agricultural inputs. This situation made the whole electrification

programme a daunting task for the majority of households that were recently

connected.52 Some households revealed that they had back-switched to the use of

fuelwood and other biomass energy forms because they could not afford either to

reconnect or to meet the monthly charges; hence their economic situation forced

them to hold onto the use of fuelwood. The situation was so dire that one of the

sitting councillors revealed that she had gone for more than seventeen years trying

to put up together the necessary resources but was still unable to electrify her home.

In Chiwundura Communal Area the majority of the houses had limited (fixed) loads

hence they paid monthly fixed charges of US$12. Most households however felt the

fixed or standing charges were too high and they were an appreciable deterrent.

They argued that since they did not have dependable sources of income they found

it difficult to raise this amount without straining their households. Time and again

their supplies were switched off by ZESA the power utility. Once power was cut off it

51 A similar situation was noted by Murphy (2001) in a study conducted in East Africa. The costs of hiring an electrician or of purchasing electrical equipment such as circuit breakers, fuses, outlets, and wiring were well beyond the means of most rural East Africans. 52 Davies (1998) observes that if the investments in the grid are to be worthwhile families should have

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meant they had to back-switch to traditional energy sources. This was not because

traditional energy was the type of energy they wanted but because it was the only

option that was affordable to them.53 This scenario was similar to several cases in

rural areas of the developing countries which are characterised by lack of purchasing

power yet the technologies have a long payback period (Quadir et al, 1995;

Redwood-Sawyer, 2002).54 During interviews and focus group discussions it

emerged that most households preferred electricity as a source of energy because it

was clean and convenient although limited income was their main stumbling block.

These observations were in line with findings made by ERC (2004) in studies

conducted in the rural parts of Limpopo and Eastern Cape provinces of South Africa

where approximately 80% of the electrified of households in the rural parts of

Limpopo and Eastern Cape provinces of South Africa were found to cook with mostly

wood, kerosene and liquefied petroleum gas (LPG), because they could not afford to

pay for electricity.55 Therefore the impact of rural electrification on the use of

fuelwood was realised to be negligible.

Fieldwork observations revealed that the impact of income was not only limited to the

procurement of modern energy sources. It also affected the households that used

fuelwood. The study area had a serious shortage of fuelwood due to high population

densities and extension of agricultural land. Households relied mostly on buying

fuelwood from fuelwood vendors who collected it from the resettlement areas. High

income households such as teachers often bought their fuelwood requirements.

Those who could not afford to buy had to walk a total distance of twelve kilometres to

and from the resettlement areas where fuelwood was still available. Table 5.6 below

shows the relationship that exists between income levels and methods of acquiring

fuelwood in Chiwundura Communal Area.

53 GNESD (2007) posit that modern energy services such as electricity which require high upfront investment costs find themselves in competition with “free” firewood that is gathered traditionally. 54 Fawehinmi and Oyerinde (2002) argue that fuelwood remains the fuel of choice for most homes in rural Nigeria despite the fact that it is not sustainable because of its threats to humans, forests and the economy. This is because rural households cannot afford electricity. In Kenya where the solar marketing is thriving, the majority of Kenyans cannot even afford the cheapest systems (Jacobson, 2007). 55 A similar trend was observed by CURES (2009) that poor electrified households in South Africa tended to rely on electricity for lighting and entertainment but frequently turned to paraffin and wood and less often to LPG for cooking and heating.

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Income group

(amount in US$)

Method of acquiring firewood (%)

Fetch from bush Buy

Below 100 9.39 0.47

100 to < 300 6.10 3.29

300 to < 500 13.15 5.63

500 to < 700 1.41 3.29

700 to < 900 8.45 13.61

900 and above 8.92 26.29

Total 47.42 52.58

Table 5.6: Association between income groups and methods of acquiring

fuelwood

As mentioned earlier on, the study area was severely deforested and fuelwood was

available in the resettlement areas. This situation resulted in the commercialisation

of fuelwood. Table 5.6 shows that more respondents depended on fuelwood that

they bought from fuelwood vendors. This however was stressful as generally

households were poverty stricken with irregular incomes. Those who were unable to

buy the fuel were therefore forced to walk around five kilometres twice a week

depending on their needs.

Household incomes also determined how fuelwood was to be transported. A cross-

tabulation in Table 5.7 shows a summary of relationship between income and

methods that were used to transport fuelwood in the study area. It was observed

that households without stable financial resources used family labour to collect and

transport fuelwood on their heads. As income levels improved it was observed that

households used either wheel barrows or ox carts. However, wheelbarrows were

used for relatively short distances as they could carry a maximum load without

burdening the person pushing it.

210210210

Income group (amount in US$)

Method used to transport fuelwood (%)

Carry on the head Use wheel barrow Use ox cart

Below 100 13 4 3

100 to < 300 10 0 2

300 to < 500 12 7 9

500 to < 700 1 1 1

700 to < 900 8 5 6

900 and above 5 6 7

Total 49 23 28

Table 5.7: The relationship between income and means of transporting fuelwood

Source: Research data, 2011

A few households in the study area with regular incomes such as business people,

teachers and other civil servants were amongst those that got connected to the grid.

They revealed during interview sessions that they utilised electricity for cooking

because they had disposable income to buy the gargets and to pay for the bills.

Furthermore most of them like teachers at Gunde High School, Mavuzhe High

School, St Patricks High School and Gunde Primary School stayed in school houses

which were electrified. It was however not surprising that these households stocked

some fuelwood as a contingent measure in case there was a blackout. Blackouts

were a common phenomenon in the study area because ZESA was generating

below capacity. This will be discussed in greater detail in the ensuing section on

rural electrification.56-57 At the same time some of the households whose houses

were electrified did not use electricity for cooking at all. The survey showed that 49

(22.8%) out of 215 respondents were from electrified homes yet only 13 (6%) out of

215 respondents used electricity on a regular basis. Those who did not use but were

connected argued that this was expensive and they also could not afford to buy the

necessary appliances. IEG-World Bank (2008) contends that in practice benefits of

RE have been little realised in most rural areas of the developing countries because

electricity is largely not used for cooking in rural areas.

56 At the time of the study Zimbabwe was experiencing serious power outage and this caused numerous power cuts which could last for more than 12 hours. 57 ESMAP (1999) observe that households in Hyderabad, India, experience an average of two or three power outages each day, and as a result they are forced to continue depending on fuelwood.

211211211

In the final analysis poor households had very few options but to continue using

fuelwood for cooking as it suited their situation. It remained the major cooking fuel

because it was freely available from the resettlement areas unlike electricity, LPG

and generators which required money in order to utilise them. Responses from

interviews conducted showed that 52.6% of respondents purchased fuelwood from

wood vendors and they argued it was cheaper than buying and using modern forms

of electricity. A number of scholars (Hosier and Dowd, 1987; Kramer, 2009;

Madubansi and Shackleton, 2007; Mishra, 2008; Prasad, 2008) have also observed

that rural communities in other parts of the world continue to depend on fuelwood

because it can often be collected free, with expenditure only of their own time and

labour. Although it was not easy for some households to acquire fuelwood, most

households endeavoured to use it since it was considered a superior cooking fuel

because it was much preferred over other biomass fuels, such as crop residues or

dung58.

Apparently the trend in the study area was that even the households that were

recently connected to the grid continued to use fuelwood for cooking citing costs of

paying for electricity bills as one reason, and the inability to afford the electricity

cooking gargets as the other reason59-60. It was almost the usual scenario that the

use of electricity was restricted to lighting and entertainment. A similar observation

was made by Prasad (2008) and Rehman and Bhandari (2002) who established that

most poor households do not use electricity for the most energy-intensive uses such

as cooking, water heating and space heating, when first connected to electricity.

This therefore meant that some of the households that were connected to electricity

automatically became multiple-fuel users because they could not afford electricity

even when they preferred to use it more extensively.61 This is consistent with the

58 Khandker, Barnes and Samad (2010) also observed that even in India fuelwood was given preference over other biomass energy forms because it was regarded as superior. 59 Thom (2000) argues that in most rural areas households usually regarded modern energy sources as expensive; hence they applied them sparingly and for unique services (such as radios and television for entertainment) rather than simply supplanting an existing energy carrier to provide an already supplied service. 60 Pereira et al. (2011) postulate that solid fuels are displaced once rural households have the access to modern sources of energy, but will instead be used as a complementary form of energy as determined by the availability of funds and natural resources for families. 61 de Almeida and de Oliveira (1995) infer that although firewood’s fraction of fuel budgets falls as incomes rise, woodfuel use continues even at relatively high income levels, and it is only at the highest income levels that fossil fuels and electricity usually account for nearly all energy.

212212212

observations made by CURES (2009) that poor electrified households in South

Africa rely on electricity for lighting and entertainment but resort to paraffin and wood

and less often LPG for cooking and heating. To cushion themselves from the

vagaries of energy costs poor un-electrified households usually rely on a greater mix

of energy sources. They use candles for lighting, batteries for entertainment,

paraffin, wood and LPG for cooking, and wood and coal for space heating (Aitken,

2007).

Findings obtained from the interviews showed that although LPG technology was not

popular because of fires and explosions associated with them the issue of income

and cost proved to be a significant deterrent to its acquisition. Only eleven (5.1%)

households out of 215 had LPG stoves. The heads of these households were

generally in paid employment. One was a headmaster of a primary school in the

area. These households used electricity as their staple energy and only used the

LPG in cases of emergence especially when there was power outage. The

interviews conducted with those that did not own gas stoves showed that they

regarded LPG energy as expensive.62 It was also observed that some of the

respondents had phobia for LPG which they regarded as highly dangerous. A

survey conducted in the City of Gweru showed that LPG technology was exorbitantly

priced. Information that was obtained through interviews however showed that there

were a few households that owned gas stoves but had not been sampled as

questionnaire respondents.

62 Bailis, Ezzati and Kammen (2005) and Reddy and Painuly (2004) infer that in Kenya and India the initial cost of LPG stove and gas tanks is high thereby forcing low-income consumers who lack access to cash and/or credit to depend on traditional biomass stoves.

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Table 5.8: Prices for liquefied petroleum gas components

Item Cost per unit

9kg gas cylinder $110

7kg gas cylinder $95

5kg gas cylinder $80

4.5kg gas cylinder $75

3kg gas cylinder $70

2 burner Cadac stove $90

2 burner Cadac stove and cylinder $135

1 burner Cadac stove $40

Source: Research data, 2011

This scenario confirms observations made by Schlag and Zuzarte (2008) and

Daurella and Frank (2009) that LPG is almost inexistent in rural areas of sub

Saharan Africa because of high prices except for very few countries namely Gabon,

Senegal, and Mauritania which have adopted the use of LPG. D’Sa and Murthy

(2004) posit that the upfront cost for procuring the stoves and cylinders tend to make

LPG heat delivery system unaffordable for low-income groups, even at subsidised

rates. When compared with traditional energy forms, LPG is relatively expensive

and the poorest sections of the populations would instead prefer biomass energy.63

This situation was a major deterrent for poor households in the study area. As a

result they continued to depend on biomass fuels used on a traditional three-stone

stove or metal grate.64 Goldemberg et al. (2004) have concluded that worldwide

LPG is affordable by more affluent households. In a nutshell, it is an energy form

that segregates against poor peasant households like those in Chiwundura

Communal Area.

School children from low income households used paraffin lanterns and candles for

their studying in the evenings. In more desperate cases they used diesel and light

63 Annecke (1999) observes that in South Africa LPG is not an option because it is highly priced, is poorly packaged (small containers) and those who are supposed to use it have developed phobias in using the technology. 64 A similar trend was noticed in rural Ghana where fuel choices are limited to most basic due to economic constraints, and households rely on three-stone stoves for their cooking (Amissah-Arthur and Amono, 2004).

214214214

from fuelwood. Muchawaya (2006) contend that rural households in Zimbabwe that

could not afford to buy paraffin have improvised other energy sources for lighting in

the evenings. Some of the households use diesel, oil, rubber tyres in place of

paraffin and firewood. It is however unfortunate because all options are serious

sources of IAP. More on this will be discussed in the ensuing sections shortly.

5.3.2. Availability of fuel

The choice and use of fuel for cooking and lighting purposes by households in most

rural areas depends largely on their availability, awareness and cost (Viswanathan

and Kumar, 2005; Xiaohua and Zhenming, 1996). Joon et al. (2009) contend that in

Haryana higher percentage of households from rich farmers use crop residues for

cooking even though they are the poorest form of energy source, as they burn

quickly, and the flame is difficult to control. This is because they can obtain crop

residues in high abundance from their own lands without added costs. Although

villagers desired to use electricity in Chiwundura Communal Area it was not

immediately available because the power utilities that were tasked with the

responsibility of bringing power to the area (namely REA and ZESA) were

incapacitated by lack of funds and equipment. Information obtained from the REA

Midlands Regional Engineer (29 May 2011) showed that the process of electrifying

the whole communal area was delayed by high infrastructure costs. The situation

was exacerbated by the low household densities which made the supply of electricity

to the area more costly than was anticipated. As a result several households

continued to use fuelwood which was considered a much cheaper and more

accessible alternative to electricity. The situation was further hampered by the fact

that those who desired to get connected to the grid had to meet the full cost of doing

so, which was obviously beyond their reach. Initially the government met 40 per cent

of the cost of electrifying the rural area but because of constrained economic

situation it had scrapped this support service and customers met the full cost. To

make matters worse banks were not ready to advance loans and credit to the rural

people as they did not have any collateral and there was no guarantee that they

215215215

would be able to pay back.65 During focus group discussions conducted at Gunde

the general sentiments by the participants were that loans could subject them to

more misery as they did not have resources to pay back the borrowed money. They

could not commit their cattle as collateral as this was their source of livelihood.

Failure to secure loans was a major deterrent for prospective users.

Paraffin was not a popular cooking energy source in the study area. This stemmed

from the fact that it was not easily available in the area. Paraffin stoves were only

used as a back-up to electricity during power outage. At the time the study was

conducted Zimbabwe was experiencing a serious electricity crunch; hence the more

affluent households in the study area that were connected to the grid and depended

on electricity for cooking tended to use paraffin stoves in emergency situations. A

number of factors made it difficult for the ordinary households to use paraffin. It was

not easily available in the area. Shops in the study area were unwilling to sell

paraffin.66-67 Instead the commodity was being sold on the black market which made

its price very exorbitant. A litre of paraffin cost US$2 on the black market instead of

the gazetted price of US$1.30.68 Therefore most poor families could only afford

small quantities which were often below a litre at a given time. As such most

households found it uneconomic to use the commodity for cooking and they instead

reserved it for lighting. Otherwise other households only used paraffin as a catalyst

in starting a fire on the traditional stove. Paraffin was sprinkled on fuelwood so as to

start and support combustion especially if the wood was wet. This situation was

contrary to what obtained in South Africa and India where paraffin was a staple and

conditions had been made so that it became more preferable to other fuel options in

the rural areas (Ellis, Krug, Robertson, Hay and MacIntyre, 1994; Sarme, Bora and

Bhattacharyee, 2000; Truran, 2004). Firstly, as already stated in Chapter 2, the

government of South Africa had a deliberate policy in place that made paraffin

65 Kammen and Kirubi (2008) infer that limited access to credit for rural customers who have limited cash flow and have low purchasing power is an impediment to the adoption of modern energy forms. 66 This situation is different from what obtains in Kenya and Argentina where paraffin is readily available from a range of outlets such as service stations, shops and dedicated kerosene pumps and consumers can acquire it on a daily basis in small quantities that they can afford (Clancy et al., 2008). This makes the commodity popular. 67 This situation is consistent with observations made by Brigham, Chihongo and Chidumayo (1996) in Tanzania where households continue to use charcoal despite the fact that it is expensive and polluting. Paraffin is difficult to get and households have no option but to switch back to charcoal. 68 Zimbabwe suffers from the twin problem of unavailable and unaffordable paraffin and therefore consumers are exposed to unscrupulous dealers who sell paraffin at exorbitant prices and in some instances mix it with water which exacerbates the problem of IAP (Muchawaya, 2006).

216216216

accessible to the poor. In rural South Africa paraffin was readily available at retail

and “spaza” shops which are within the locality, whilst in the rural areas of

Rajasthan, 96% of households buy it from ration shops in their neighbourhood

(Laxmi, Parikh, Karmakar and Dabrase, 2003). The government only pays lip service

to this aspect as there is nothing on the ground to suggest that indeed the

commodity has been availed to poor households. Households make individual effort

to secure paraffin for their own consumption. Secondly it is relatively cheap

compared to other options as a litre costs R2.40 (US$2.85), and has very low set up

costs as the cheapest paraffin stoves range between R15 and R20 (roughly US$

2.15 to US$ 2.85) (Truran, 2004). This suits the conditions of the unemployed and

low income rural households. It does not require any connection fees and can be

used to prepare food quickly (Panday, 2007). It can be bought in small quantities

which range between one and five litres, and consumers can buy what they afford.

These conditions were not available in Chiwundura Communal Area in particular and

Zimbabwe’s rural areas in general, and as a result paraffin did not have a significant

role in cooking. The study therefore recommends that efforts be made to avail the

commodity so as to widen the energy choices in the rural areas where fuelwood is

becoming scarce.

As already alluded to earlier on LPG technology was not easily available in the

locality of Chiwundura Communal Area.69 Most respondents decried that LPG

technology was fraught with several challenges which were deterrent to its

acquisition. There were no LPG refuelling stations in the study area. The nearest

LPG refuelling stations were in the cities of Gweru and Kwekwe, which were more

than 50 kilometres away. This meant travelling to these places for purchasing and

refilling the canisters. Many public transporters were wary of transporting canisters

on their vehicles as they were associated with explosions and fire. This was a

burdensome process and generally this was a hindrance to the acquisition of the

technology. It did not make economic sense to purchase and transport LPG in small

69 CURES (2009) and Bailis et al. (2005) note that a similar trend prevails in South Africa’s rural areas where LPG is not readily available because rural markets are more dispersed and less well-off than their urban counterparts. The situation is worsened by issues related to packaging and phobias associated with the technology. The technology has been promoted in few African countries such as Senegal where the government is actively involved in its dissemination (World Bank, 2000).

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quantities, yet the households did not have the capacity to procure and transport

large quantities. This proved to be a barrier to its use in the study area.

A number of other factors on top of availability also worked against the adoption of

LPG in Chiwundura Communal Area. Most LPG stoves had single plates which

were not suitable for preparing food for large families which were a common

phenomenon in Chiwundura Communal Area. Apparently almost all respondents

were not aware of the availability of LPG double stoves in the market. Furthermore

LPG was volatile both in terms of price and supply. At the time the study was

conducted it cost between US$3 and US$3.50 per kilogram. Zimbabwe imported

LPG from South Africa, and in 2011 it experienced a period when supplies were

constrained due to production problems in South Africa. This meant therefore that

the gas was not immediately available and the situation was even more difficult for

rural communities who had to travel to either Gweru or Kwekwe in search of a

commodity that was scarce on the market. There was also a general feeling that

LPG was not a safe technology which households that were interviewed were not

willing to let children use without supervision. This meant that the technology

segregated children and yet they were amongst the people who were involved in

cooking.

Observations made during fieldwork showed that a combination of fuelwood scarcity

and lack of income, forced some households in the study area to move down the

energy ladder; hence they resorted to the use of agricultural residues and dung for

cooking.70 Although the use of dung for cooking purposes was not prevalent, a few

families in the study area conceded that they used it in extreme situations. During

interviews it was mentioned that those who used dung were usually stigmatized as

being very poor people. As a result there was a tendency by such households to

avoid being noticed that it was their source of energy. Observations also established

that households with very old people and with no young members tended to use

dung more often for cooking. They said that it was light to carry and could be

collected from the nearby grasslands. Furthermore they had the skills and

70Akther, Miah and Koike (2010) inferred that low income proved to be a barrier to the use of costly fuel and households use leaves and cow dung instead as energy sources in Meghna floodplains of Bangladesh.

218218218

techniques to use the dung. They argued that dung burned slowly and was

appropriate for most of their staples. It also generated adequate heat that kept the

kitchen warm. When asked about the smoke from the dung they said they did not

mind much about the smoke unlike younger generations because they had used it

for a long time so they were accustomed to it. Elderly people who stayed alone also

used twigs such as lantana camara which were readily available in their environs.

The use of agricultural residues such as shelled cobs for cooking was a seasonal

practice. Unlike in the past when fuelwood was still more plentiful, and shelled cobs

could be discarded in the rubbish pit, then it was regarded as a “waste” but

nowadays they are a preserved commodity and are aptly referred to as “residues”.

Shelled cobs however quickly burnt out and produced a lot of smoke. They were

often used in the preparation of fast cooking foods such as fried vegetables and

beverages like tea, which required little time.

5.3.3. Accessibility of energy sources

The accessibility of energy sources could be looked at in two ways in the case of

Chiwundura Communal Area. The first type of accessibility is referred to as the

physical accessibility and this was mainly concerned with the distances to the

nearest source of energy. For example, households in Nyabango, parts of Gambiza

Ward and St. Christopher area were located more than twenty kilometres from the

nearest electricity grid lines. Some households in these areas who could afford to be

connected to the grid continued to rely on biomass as their remote location inhibited

them from being connected to the grid. Other households were just unfortunate

because electricity cables did not pass through their area. In most cases potential

consumers of modern energy were affected by the decisions made by service

companies such as ZESA and REA not to extend services to the remote areas.71

The same could also be said of LPG and paraffin suppliers. Apparently it was going

to be very expensive for suppliers to deliver LPG to Chiwundura Communal Lands

where there was no ready market. Customers were therefore supposed to collect

71 It is important to note that availability of modern fuels may be determined by the decisions made by service companies to limit their distribution, government policies that affect fuel availability, and other

factors (Barnes et al., 2005).

219219219

the LPG on their own from Gweru and Kwekwe.72 This scenario therefore shows

that the adoption of LPG technology, whose access was difficult, could only be under

stringent conditions. Therefore, in the study area where traditional biomass fuels

were widely used, and the main ‘‘cost’’ was the opportunity cost associated with the

time to collect and cart fuelwood and other biomass energy forms, there were no

incentives to switch to LPG. In general access restrictions to modern fuels in

Chiwundura Communal Area was critical in influencing households’ fuel consumption

behaviour. The unavailability of modern fuels was an impetus for them to choose

fuelwood.73

The second type of access was related to the cost of fuel services. CURES (2009)

posit that the principal problem of access to energy and particularly electricity is that

most poor households are not able to afford electricity as well as the modern

appliances that accompany it. Most modern energy forms such as electricity, solar,

diesel generators, and even candles and paraffin required some form of cash.

Peasant households were limited in their use of these sources and this explains why

they opted to use fuelwood which was becoming scarce. This was discussed in

greater detail when the influence of income on household energy use and choice

was looked at.

5.3.4. Household characteristics

Information obtained through surveys, interviews and observations showed that

energy use, choices and transition were partly a function of household

characteristics and in particular age, sex and educational background of the

household head and the household size.

5.3.4.1. Age of household head

72 This observation was similar to a situation which was prevalent in Turkey where LPG markets have

been affected by high cost of rural distribution due to long distances and high transport costs, poor road networks, dispersed and inaccessible customer base (World LP Gas Association, 2005). 73 Leach (1987) and Gupta and Kohlin (2006) argue that the consumption of biomass fuels in rural

areas in developing countries, especially in India, Pakistan and Sri Lanka continue to be high because access to modern fuels is low.

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The study established that there was a link between the type of energy that

households used and the age of the household head. A cross-tabulation was run in

order to test if there was a relationship between the age of the household head and

the type of energy used by the household. Table 5.9 shows the results of the test.

Table 5.9: Cross-tabulation of Age and Type of fuel used for cooking Type of fuel used for cooking

Age

Fuelwood

Electricity

LPG

Total

Below 20 5 0 0 5

20 to less

than 30

16

3

0

19

30 to less

than 40

36

8

0

44

40 to less

than 50

41

4

1

46

50 to less

than 60

42

10

0

52

60 and

above

38

11

0

49

Total 178 36 1 215

Source: Research data, 2011.

Households with older heads preferred to use biomass fuels especially for cooking

as reflected in the table. During discussions with household heads they mentioned

that they preferred to use fuelwood because they had used it for a long time so they

were familiar with it. Inertia was the main reason why older households held onto

fuelwood. Since the older members of the households in the study area grew up

using fuelwood as their main energy source and had no access to other fuels, such

as electricity they developed a habit of using fuelwood and it was very difficult for

them to make a sudden switch-over to non-solid fuels which were relatively more

recent. Some of them mentioned that they preferred fuelwood for cooking as food

cooked on it was tastier than food cooked using modern energy forms. This will be

discussed in ensuing sections in this chapter. In most cases these household heads

were not in paid employment so naturally they could not afford to connect to

electricity. Even in cases where some households were connected to the grid they

continued to rely on biomass fuels. Those who were above sixty years of age were

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generally fearful of modern energy forms and the stigma attached to them. They

mentioned that electric appliances were associated with electrocutions while gas

stoves were associated with explosions and fires.

The study also established that lack of adequate information contributed immensely

to the resistance by the elderly to embrace modern energy services. The elderly

household heads generally lacked relevant information on the operations of modern

energy services. Instead they were indoctrinated with the wrong and negative

information; hence they developed negative perceptions about electricity and LPG

for instance.

The situation was however different with younger household heads who preferred to

use modern energy sources. They explained that modern energy services were

more reliable, cleaner and more convenient than the traditional biomass. One young

female teacher at Gunde High School whose home was in the local community and

was electrified acknowledged in an interview that the use of electricity had many

advantages compared to the traditional biomass energy forms. She added that in

her case she saved a lot of time in meal preparation. She also said she did not

notice any differences in the taste of food prepared using electricity. She said food

taste was not determined by the type of stove that was used but was based on

individual’s perceptions and attitudes. Although younger households preferred to

use modern energy forms they continued to depend on fuelwood as they were

limited by lack of financial resources. This is illustrated in Table 5:10. Whereas the

young families would be expected to be using electricity it was not the case. The

younger households explained that because of the nature of the rural economy they

lacked financial resources to get connected to the grid, as well as to procure

appliances to use for cooking. These findings are consistent with observations made

by Manyo-Plange (2011) in a study in rural Ghana where firewood remained popular

with young couples who were still trying to establish themselves economically.

Households with older heads had the capacity to use modern energy forms as some

of them had an opportunity to work in paid employment. They also had acquired

these resources over a long period of time.

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5.3.4.2. Household size

Fieldwork findings showed that there was a link between household size and the

type of fuel used for cooking and water heating at household level in the study area.

Table 5.10: Cross-tabulation of household size and type of fuel used for cooking

Type of fuel used for cooking

Size of

household

fuelwood

electricity

LPG

Total

1-2 11 5 0 16

3-4 45 3 0 48

5-6 64 10 1 75

7-8 38 11 0 49

9-10 15 5 0 20

Above ten 5 2 0 7

Total 178 36 1 215

Source: Research data, 2011

Generally households in the study area were relatively large. This is observed in

Table 5:10. The households that were sampled for the study showed that 70.3% of

the respondents sampled had five members or more. Scholars such as Mishra

(2008) and Mirza and Kemp (2009) argue that the size of the household, other things

remaining the same, is directly related to its energy requirements; hence a bigger

household would be expected to have a higher level of firewood consumption. They

further contend that large household size tends to be an important factor for deciding

whether to include biomass energy forms such as firewood and crop residues in their

energy mix. The study findings showed that 81.6% of respondents were from

households which had more than 5 members and they used fuelwood for cooking.

When further interrogated they revealed that fuelwood was comparatively cheaper to

use for cooking and water heating for many people than any other form of energy

such as electricity. Most households in the study area used fuelwood to boil their

water in 10-litre tins. They felt it was possible to boil enough water for every member

without incurring serious monetary costs. Even households that were connected to

223223223

the grid also tended to use fuelwood if their families were large. Those households

that used electricity for boiling water were comparatively smaller.

Furthermore, most of the houses that were connected to electricity had load limiters.

They therefore could not use stoves with more than two plates. The use of two plate

stoves was inappropriate for large families as it would take longer to prepare food;

hence households resorted to using metal grates on firewood. A metal grate could

handle up to four pots of various sizes at any given time. Although there was

scarcity of fuelwood in the study area larger households did not experience fuelwood

problems as they had a larger labour input at their disposal. Children’s labour was

utilised as well to freely collect biomass energy from the nearby forests as well as

fuelwood from the resettlement areas. Large families are therefore considered as an

economic asset in the countryside, where child labour can be utilised for fuelwood

collection (Dasgupta, 1998 as cited in Barnes et al, 2005). Large families therefore

benefitted from the use of biomass compared to electricity for instance which could

not be obtained freely.74

Larger families generally choose traditional and often less efficient fuels in greater

proportions. These are often freely available hence they do not have an economic

burden on the large family. Large households generally consume less total energy

per household member than do smaller households (Barnes et al., 2005). For most

households in developing countries, cooking is the main end use for energy

consumption, and the amount of energy required to cook for a large household is not

proportionately greater than for a small household (Barnes et al., 2005). Smaller

households have a higher likelihood of using modern fuels such as LPG (Heltberg,

2005). LPG plates are small hence they can only be used to cook food

commensurate with fewer people. Traditional stoves using biomass fuels are

therefore used to prepare food for larger families.

The study established that smaller families especially those composed of elderly

people used lantana camara twigs and dung. They did not have the energy to walk

and carry heavy loads of fuelwood. They also prepared small quantities of food that

did not require large amounts of fuelwood. It is important to highlight that this study

74 In studies conducted by Heltberg (2005) in Guatemala, household size was associated with fuel stacking, and larger households used more of both woodfuels and LPG.

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was conducted in an area which predominantly depended on fuelwood; hence the

findings are significantly biased towards fuelwood users.

5.3.4.3. Gender of household head and energy use

The study wanted to establish how the gender of household heads influenced the

energy choices made by different families in the study area. The study established

that most of the households in the study area were headed by males as illustrated in

the pie-chart below.

male

female

Figure 5.8: Gender of household head in the study area, Source: Research data, 2011.

The study further established that most households headed by women belonged to

the low income groups compared to households headed by men who belonged to

the higher income groups and this is illustrated in Table 5.11.

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Table 5.11: Link between gender of Household head and income

Gender of

household

head

Income group (amount in US$)

below

100

100 to <

300

300 to <

500

500 to <

700

700 to <

900

900 and

above

Male (%) 3.72 2.33 15.35 2.79 13.95 29.77

Female (%) 5.81 6.06 2.33 1.86 8.37 5.12

Total (%) 9.53 8.39 17.68 4.65 22.32 34.89

Source: Research data, 2011.

This had a number of implications. Although most households in the study area

relied on fuelwood, it was evident that most women headed households depended

on fuelwood as their principal energy source. They lacked excess income that they

could allocate to the acquisition of cleaner energy systems hence they continued to

depend on fuelwood. Most of the female respondents argued that the available

income was committed to what they regarded as the most pressing basic needs

such as food and school fees. They viewed cleaner energy services as a luxury and

they could always use fuelwood to meet their energy demands. This study

established that most of the electrified households in the study area were headed by

men. It was recognised that men unlike women were able to earn extra income as

they could take up some jobs outside their homes. For instance it was realised that

men were involved in selling wood to earn extra income. Women tended to be

restricted to the homes. The decision to acquire modern energy forms has always

been a contentious issue. It is generally believed that men dictate the type of energy

service to be used in the home. During focus group discussions with women in paid

employment in Gunde, it was highlighted that women bore the main responsibility of

gathering firewood and cooking, but did not make decisions on purchasing modern

forms of energy systems as this was the prerogative of men. This was particularly

the case in households where men were the main bread winners and were in paid

employment. This was usually the case where households wanted to acquire

modern energy gadgets. It was further elucidated that women were responsible for

managing matters to do with the kitchen. These included fuels that had already

been acquired, and meals to be cooked in the kitchen, and that ended there.

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Female teachers at Gunde Secondary School proposed that it was imperative to let

women determine the choice of a fuel they wanted to use. However interviews with

villagers produced different views altogether. The opinions given by respondents

were that decisions to procure cleaner fuels were family decisions made by both

husband and wife and at times also included views by the children. All the villagers

interviewed denied that men dictated the type of energy that was to be used in the

home. They even went further to elaborate that men in Chiwundura Communal Area

unlike other rural areas had taken it upon themselves to collect fuelwood from the

distant resettlement areas. It was out of the recognition that women could not walk

the long distance with fuelwood loads on their heads. This could be looked at as a

reversal in gender roles because the usual situation is that women bear the burden

of looking for fuelwood. Two headmen went on to castigate the views that men

dictate on household energy arguing that these were views of people who did not

have adequate information on the operations of rural households especially in

Zimbabwe. They argued that basically decision making concerning the acquisition of

important family property was not done by one individual. There were negotiations

that took place and often women could sanction their husbands by denying them

conjugal favours such as sex if they were dictators. It was observed that in public

men appeared to be the sole decision makers yet negotiations on most decisions

would have been carried out in the bedroom.

An interesting observation was made concerning working female household heads

that were mainly in the teaching profession. In areas such as Gunde with a high rate

of electrification most female household heads who were employed had connected

their homesteads to the grid. They revealed that by virtue of being formally

employed it was difficult for them to go out looking for fuelwood and when the

opportunity to get connected to the grid presented itself they immediately took it.75

Those that were not yet connected depended on fuelwood they bought from vendors

in the area. They revealed that having a regular income empowered them to take

decisions that empowered them as well as reducing the burden of collecting

fuelwood. This therefore meant that women in general were tempted to relieve

themselves of burdensome tasks whenever an opportunity presented itself. Those in

75 Cecelski (2004) posits that women’s status and involvement in commercial, income-generating activities are important as they enhance the women’s ability to influence households’ decision- making about energy and appliance purchases.

227227227

paid employment longed to switch over to the use of modern energy forms and in

particular electricity. Furthermore, employment opportunities had widened their

horizons and they now realised the benefits of using cleaner energy systems such as

electricity. The use of electricity also enhanced their status in the community on top

of making their chores easier. Those using electricity were however quick to say that

they would not totally abandon fuelwood and other biomass fuels as supply of

electricity was erratic in the area. They also revealed that the use of fuelwood was

situational and would rely on it when they wanted to boil water or prepare traditional

dishes. It was therefore clear that most rural women were disadvantaged by the

vicious cycle of being poor, uneducated and unemployable. This kept them in the

fuelwood web.

The study also wanted to establish whether there was any connection between

gender composition of the household and the type of energy used. It was found that

gender composition had a significant role in the determination of the fuel that was

used in the different household in the study area. Household that had more females

than males tended to use fuelwood for cooking more often than not. Fuelwood

collection was regarded as a gender role for women and as such they were naturally

expected to execute the task.76 Furthermore women used fuelwood collection time

as part of their social interaction and therefore valued the opportunity so much. This

will be discussed in greater detail when the study looks at the influence of culture on

the use of energy. From the above discussions it can be concluded that gender in

one way or another affected the decisions on energy choices made by different

households in the study area.

5.3.4.4. Education

The study wanted to establish whether there was any link between the highest level

of education attained by the household head and the type of fuel the household used

for cooking. For purposes of this study education was classified into strata,

specifically “low” and “high”. A respondent was classified as having a low level of

education if he or she had either no formal education or had received primary

76 Heltberg (2005) in a study conducted in rural Guatemala on the same subject established that a high share of females increased the supply of collection and cooking labour time. Households with more females tended to use fuelwood for its cooking and water heating.

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education only. Respondents with secondary education could not be classified as

having a high level of education as most of them did not complete ‘O’ Level. For this

study those with tertiary education were regarded as having a high level of

education. Before going into greater details it is pertinent to mention that most of the

individuals in the communal area were lowly educated. The study showed that

15.3% of the respondents did not have any form of education while 37.7% had only

attained primary education whilst 40.9% had some form of secondary school

education. Only 6% had tertiary education. A cross-tabulation (Table 5.11) was run

to establish if there was any relationship between the highest level of education

attained by the household head and the type of fuel a household used.

Table 5.12: Cross-tabulation of highest educational level and type of fuel used

Educational

level of

household

head

Type of fuel used for cooking Total

fuelwood

electricity

Liquid

Petroleum

Gas

none 29 4 0 33

primary 69 12 0 81

secondary 70 17 1 88

tertiary 10 3 0 13

Total 178 36 1 215

The findings of this study were that education had a very significant impact on fuel

choice in terms of discouraging wood and enhancing demand for modern fuels for

individuals with higher education levels. These sentiments came out during

interviews and focus group discussions whereby teachers and other civil servants

appreciated the dangers of deforestation on the environment. It must also be

mentioned that even though they reflected the awareness of land degradation they

had very limited options especially if they resided in areas that did not have modern

energy forms.

The study showed that 45.6% of the respondents who used fuelwood had household

heads with either primary education or none at all, while 55.6% of those connected

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to the grid had either secondary or tertiary education.77 Field observations showed

that educated people in the study area were mainly teachers, nurses and agricultural

extension workers who were committed to their work during week and had little time

for collecting biomass. In areas that were connected to the grid they tended to use

electricity for most of their energy needs such as cooking. Furthermore, better

education translated into improved occupational status and this incidentally led to

better incomes compared to most of the less educated and unemployed communal

household heads although to a lesser extent this had a positive effect on firewood

alternatives in Chiwundura Communal Area. This therefore meant that household

heads who were employed tended to use more of firewood alternatives than their

counterparts who were unemployed. According to Mishra (2008) one’s level of

education is a strong indicator of social achievement and as such better education is

expected to discourage fuelwood consumption.

Another important observation that was made in the study area was that if the head

of a household was an educated woman the tendency was for the household to

switch to cleaner fuel forms such as electricity if they were available. This was due

to the fact that the woman would usually be in paid employment hence this meant

she would not have enough time for collecting fuelwood. Heltberg (2004) observes

that higher education for the women in the household translates into higher

opportunity costs of fuelwood collection time, motivating fuel switching in order to

save on the time of these women. If electricity was not available as was the case in

several places in the study area and there were no other people in the home then

she would resort to buying fuelwood from vendors. During interviews with female

teachers whose households were not connected they revealed that their social

standing did not allow them to go out and fetch fuelwood. They argued that the

community expected them to buy fuelwood because of their status. In most cases

vendors had some standing arrangements with teachers to supply them with

fuelwood. They were obliged therefore to buy fuelwood from vendors. Educated

women were generally influenced by their educational attainment to shift towards

modern fuel forms.

77 The household head with post primary level education is expected to have an improved awareness of risks associated with smokier fuels and opportunity cost of fuel collection; hence they are expected to diversify out of smokier fuels because of an improved level of education.

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The study concluded that the level of education was a strong indicator of social

achievement and as householders attained higher levels of education they

developed the desire to use cleaner fuels. Observations however showed that those

who were connected to the grid did not abandon the use of fuelwood. Fuelwood was

used to cook certain foods and it was also used during blackouts. Fuelwood was

also used for other functions such as space and water heating. Therefore in that

regard households with educated heads were multiple fuel users.

5.3.5. Remote location of households

Although Chiwundura Communal Area was located close to the City of Gweru and

the City of Kwekwe it was not easy getting to the communal area by road as the

roads were in a state of disrepair. Furthermore, some areas within the communal

area were located in some remote areas where road networks were poor and not

maintained at all. As a result parts like Nyabango and Chigwana were not serviced

by public transport and people walked long distances averaging five kilometres to get

to the nearest bus stop. The mere fact that communities were located in remote

locations jeopardised the households’ chances of utilising modern energy forms.78

Mirza and Kemp (2009) contend that community remoteness was associated with

several inconveniences which included transporting specific energy sources such as

LPG cylinders and kerosene, incurring financial costs, use of tremendous physical

efforts as well as engaging household members and their time. Some businessmen

at Gunde shopping centre argued that it was very inconvenient to transport paraffin

containers for refuelling in either Gweru or Kwekwe; hence remoteness was a major

deterrent. Furthermore, the few public and private transport owners who plied these

roads were reluctant to have the paraffin containers in their cars or buses as they

associated them with explosions and fires. It was acknowledged during interviews

that the procurement of paraffin involved an incredible amount of physical effort and

time commitments which most households were not prepared to face. As a result

paraffin was only procured to meet lighting purposes and was rarely used for

cooking. The remote location of households was also a major deterrent in accessing

78 Taele et al. (2012) made similar observation in Lesotho where two thirds of the country is sparsely inhabited because it comprises rugged mountains and deep valleys. As a result the small scattered villages which are on mountain sides and are only accessible by foot or horseback are not connected to the grid.

231231231

grid connection. The majority of households in Chiwundura Communal Area could

not obtain a connection to the grid because they were located too far from the

supply. On top of that most of the homesteads in the study area were scattered

making it difficult for ZESA to connect them to the grid. ZESA and REA managers

explained that the cost of building a distribution network to serve such isolated

homesteads was beyond the financial capability of the utilities and the Government.

Otherwise most households in remote places failed to utilise modern energy sources

and ended up using fuelwood as the principal energy source for cooking, water and

space heating and in some cases lighting.

5.3.6. Cultural practices associated with meal preparation and cooking

During field study it emerged that socio-cultural practices associated with meal

preparation and cooking were significant in household choices of energy and these

decisions were critical in determining energy transition in households in the study

area as a whole. As Quadir et al. (1995) and Annecke (1999) put it; these socio-

cultural practices included lack of perceived needs, unwillingness to adjust to the

changes in life style, difficulty in integration with the social structure and disharmony

with prevailing values and ideology. Bank (2010) postulates that fuels are encoded

with a multiplicity of social meanings and social associations which may be culturally-

defined and tend to determine the contexts in which a particular fuel type is used as

well as contexts in which ideally it should not be used. In Chiwundura Communal

Area several households continued to rely on fuelwood as it was appropriate for

cooking certain traditional foods such as brown rice, mutakura, mazondo79 and

boiled maize. These required slow heating and the locals in the study area believed

that only fuelwood could achieve this. It was also revealed that taste preferences

and the familiarity of cooking with traditional fuels contributed to the tendency of

using fuelwood even in households that were electrified. A number of elderly people

mentioned that food cooked with traditional fuels was tastier than food cooked with

modern fuels. For example they said that tea prepared using traditional fuels

remained hot for a longer time than tea prepared using an electric stove. They also

mentioned that sadza, a staple in most homes, which was prepared using traditional

79 Cow trotters and these are a delicacy usually prepared on the traditional fireplace. There is a belief that trotters prepared using fuelwood are tastier than those prepared on an electric stove.

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fuels was well done whilst sadza prepared using electricity was somehow underdone

and was not appetising. They argued that fuelwood gave food a certain appetising

taste which they could not get from modern fuels. This situation was also reported in

other parts of the developing world. In Haryana in India for instance, many wealthy

families use LPG stoves for preparing tea and for cooking vegetables, while retaining

a traditional biomass stove (chulah) for preparing bread (Chapatti) (Heltberg, 2005;

Joon et al., 2009; Malhotra et al., 2000). This stems from the belief that Chapatti

become crispier and tasty if cooked in Chulah.80 Maconachie et al. (2009) contend

that traditional Hausa households in northern Nigeria are reluctant to use kerosene

stoves as they believe they affect the taste of the food, and in some villages, old men

will not eat food cooked on kerosene. In South Africa paraffin has become a staple

fuel as it meets energy demands as dictated by certain diets as well as cultural and

traditional practices. In electrified rural communities paraffin is used for cooking hard

foods such as dumplings, pap, tripe, samp and beans, which require slow cooking,

so as to save on prepaid electricity (Panday, 2007). Paraffin is therefore used in

wick stoves that can be turned down to a very low simmer (Truran, 2010). Men use

primus (paraffin) stoves to steam their bodies, or to cook traditional muti (medicine)

for inducing vomiting (Panday, 2007).

Bank (2010) observes that the type of fuel used in the preparation of a particular

meal is frequently determined by the content and nature of the meal itself. For

instance among wood users in Botswana, 68% use fuelwood mainly for cooking

traditional foods such as ‘‘hard beans’’, ‘‘stamp’’ and ‘‘seswaa’’ (Hiemstra-van der

Horst and Hovorka, 2008). “Stamp” is a form of traditional ‘‘porridge’’ cooked from

rough-ground millet or maize, and is cooked by slow boiling while ‘‘seswaa’’ is a

traditional manner of cooking large pieces of meat by repeated boiling until they are

dry. The pieces of meat are cooked for long periods of time and this requires

prolonged heat inputs. In Burkina Faso, many families prefer tô a meal that is well

rooted in their cooking culture that uses the firewood hearth (Ouedraogo, 2006). It is

prepared from local cereals mainly sorghum, millet and corn. In Nigeria the Hausa

women have a tradition of cooking large quantities of food (tuwo) every day which

80 In certain regions of Mexico even high-income households cook tortillas over an open wood fire rather than using an LPG stove because they prefer the taste and texture provided by woodfuel cooking (Masera et al., 2000; Saatkamp, 2000).

233233233

they share at a moment’s notice with the extended family as well as those in need

(Maconachie et al., 2009). The preparation of such substantial portions of the staple

food (tuwo) requires use of large pots on wood fires as modern fuels and stoves

cannot hold the large pots. Similarly in Jaracuaro, traditional foods that are prepared

for village and family parties are cooked with fuelwood because LPG stoves are

inadequate for these purposes (Masera et al., 2000). Rugumayo (2010) observes

that in Uganda rural homes that have been either electrified or those that own LPG

stoves continue to use wood and charcoal to cook traditional food such as matooke

or beans because such foods require slow burning fires that allow simmering. Rural

communities argue that when these foods are cooked on fire they test better than if

they were cooked on electric stoves. However, in the case of meal preparation in

Chiwundura Communal Area, it was established that the continued use of the

traditional stove was determined by the type of pot that was used. Traditional round

clay pots and three legged pots were usually used in the preparation of traditional

food and these could not sit on electric stoves but on either three stone stoves or the

grate. Furthermore the clay pots and three legged pots had qualities that allowed

them to be used in the preparation of such foods as rupiza, nhopi, mutakura and

dried meat in peanut butter which required slow heat. It was also established that

the locals were accustomed to using them and therefore thought they were better

than metal pots. It is important therefore to conclude that the nature of the pots used

was important in the cooking culture of the households in Chiwundura Communal

Area.

Traditional and cultural expectations had an influence on the choice of stoves and

energy used in Chiwundura Communal Area. In discussions that were held with a

number of elders both men and women it was revealed that it was taboo in both

Shona and Ndebele cultures for a woman to cook while standing as dictated by most

modern electric stoves. Instead, they were expected to either kneel or sit when

cooking as a form of giving reverence to the exercise. This was possible when using

a metal grate or a traditional three stone stove. The figure below (Figure 5.9) shows

an elderly woman in a kneeling position as she cooked sadza. The introduction of

modern stoves implied a learning period that needed to be carefully monitored and it

would mean that local women needed to adapt themselves to cook while standing

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instead of kneeling and Masera et al.(2000) regard such changes as an entrance

barrier to modern stove adoption.

Figure 5.9: An elderly woman preparing sadza, Source: Research data, 2011.

The symbolic importance of the traditional round-shaped kitchen and traditional

fireplace were significant in the persistent use of fuelwood in the study area. Locals

believed that their traditional spirits could only visit them when they used the

traditional kitchen for cooking. The lives and livelihoods of most households in the

study area were deeply rooted in the importance of ancestors and the traditional

spirits. They believed that these looked after them and their prosperity was

dependent on these spirits. This meant that the traditional biomass energy and the

grate or three stone stove was used for cooking as one way of retaining the favours

of the spirits. The traditional kitchen does not usually accommodate the modern

electric stoves. It was also cultural in the study area for most newly married women

to request for their own kitchens. If they were accorded their own kitchens this

symbolised that they had been accepted in the home. Each married woman wanted

to have a fire burning in the three stone stove or grate. This was significant as it

showed that there was a woman in the home and that there was life in that home.

Some women with electrified homes continued to maintain the traditional kitchen

because of its cultural significance.

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The three stones making up a traditional stove were imbued with a lot of cultural

significance. The stove represented the home, the first stone represented the father,

while the second stone represented the mother and the third and last stone

represented the children.

Figure 5.10: A diagrammatic representation of a family based on three-stone

stove

The three-stone stove was revered in many homes in the study area as it was a

symbol of a complete family. As such it had to be functional to retain its importance

and significance. These views were mirrored in observations made by Gill (1985) in

some rural areas in Africa and Asia where traditional beliefs have contributed to the

continued consumption of fuelwood. Gill observes that in Ghana, the 3-stone

fireplace symbolises a united family, whilst in parts of Nepal, villagers believe that a

spirit dwells in their traditional hearth; hence the traditional fire is significant in their

lives.81

Traditional fireplaces offered a social or ritual focus as families sat around them in

the evening after meals. This was a common practice in the study area as

observations in the study area showed that families gathered around the hearth

81 Smith (1991) observes that in many cultures the fire is viewed as the centre of the home and is said to have cultural and spiritual significance. As such traditional communities will continue to use fire for their cooking because of these deeply rooted beliefs.

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especially after meals. It was noticed that this was critical for family bonding. Elders

such as parents and grandparents exploited this time to educate their children and

grandchildren on indigenous knowledge. Young children got advice on traditional

matters during these times through folktales and this was quality time for families.

The study also established that some households in Chiwundura Communal Area

preferred using fuelwood because it produced smoke which was multi-purpose in

nature. Smoke in the kitchen was very important because it preserved the thatch

and rafters. Muchawaya (2006) contends that through indigenous knowledge

systems smoke has always been known to protect the thatch. The generality of the

households in the study area could not afford asbestos of zinc as roofing material;

hence they instead used grass for thatching roofs. They also used untreated poles

as rafters for their roofs. Smoke preserved the roofing poles as weevils could not

survive in smoky environments.82 Observations made in the study area established

that poles used as roofing rafters in kitchens were in most cases not affected by

weevils, while rafters in the rooms that were free from smoke such as bedrooms and

lounges were easily affected by weevils. The researcher noticed that rafters in most

lounges had several tiny holes which resulted from boring by weevils. Kitchen roofs

tended to last longer than bedroom roofs as on average kitchen roofs could be

replaced after 8 to 10 years, while bedroom thatch was replaced after every five

years.

Poor households in the study area did not have refrigerators. They instead used

smoke, which was a traditional way of preserving food items such as meat and fish.

At the same time smoke also flavoured the meat. The study established that this

was part of the indigenous knowledge systems that was used in the study area to

preserve food. The meat dried much faster if exposed to the smoke. In a number of

kitchens visited during fieldwork observations were made of long pieces of meat

(midzonga) hanging loosely above the traditional fireplaces where they were being

smoked till they became biltong were. Fish was usually placed on either the three

stone stoves or the grates. This helped to preserve the delicate fish whilst at the

same time it was being flavoured. This ensured that households had enough relish

throughout the year and this also contributed in ensuring food security. The locals

82 Budds et al. (2001) and Barnes et al. (1993) also made a similar observation in Kenya and India where smoke was regarded as a major agent in the preservation of thatch roofs.

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also revealed that smoke deterred insects such as house flies, mosquitoes and

cockroaches. This study however observed that mosquitoes and houseflies were

only driven out during the time when smoke was thick otherwise they soon returned

to the kitchen when the smoke cleared. As for cockroaches they were never

affected by the smoke. Rodents such as rats were also not affected by the smoke.

There is a Shona proverb that is used to show that the soot that collects in the thatch

and the rat are close friends which never get at loggerheads.83 Some women

informed the researcher that in wet seasons many households used kitchen smoke

to prevent moulds and fungi attacking many of their foods. This explained why it was

therefore common practice to leave a smouldering fire in the stove after cooking.

Smoke was also used in preserving maize and sweet sorghum seed selected to be

used in the following season. These were either hung directly on top of a fireplace or

they were stuck in the roof thatch where soot covered them. This was part of the

indigenous knowledge that was used in the area to preserve seeds. In a way this

benefitted poor households that could not afford to buy seeds. The preservation

method also made sure some crop varieties such as sweet sorghum that were not

sold in the agro-shops were available.

Furthermore, the use of fuelwood had other important functions which were critical

components of the social fabric particularly for women and girls in Chiwundura

Communal Area. Fuelwood collection provided the social interaction among the

females in the different village which provided an important platform in the

development of girls into women. One elderly woman emphasised that during

fuelwood collection girls were initiated into womanhood. They used this opportunity

to educate each other and share experiences on the intricacies of marriage life.

Women also used this time to share their experiences and advise each other on life

issues.

The versatility of a traditional cooking fire is summed up in the following diagram

(Figure 5:11) which shows that the flame and the smoke have multiple purposes and

because of that rural communities will hold onto the use of fire.

83 Gonzo nachin’ai zvatosvorana which when literally translated means that it is amazing that thick friends the rat and the soot have parted ways through some misunderstanding.

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Figure 5.11: The versatility of the open fire, Adapted from Smith (1991)

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The open fire also proved to be versatile in another way as it could be made

anywhere and at any time. Open fire was usually on the floor and it did not require

women who were the dominant users to lift the heavy pots to the height of a stove.

According to Troncoso et al. (2007) the use of fuelwood was advantageous because

wood pieces of any size could be used and heat transfer was faster when fuelwood

was used because the fire heats the pot directly.

Observations made in the study area showed that a number of houses had dover

stoves (Figure 5.12). These were adopted in the 1970s and in the 1980s and

apparently these were not in many homes. From information obtained during

interviews innovators and early adopters were quick to adopt these stoves. Dover

stoves were regarded as status symbols as they were associated with the wealthy

members of the community. These stoves fitted well in the category of improved

stoves although they were a lot better than improved stoves that were introduced in

other parts of sub-Saharan Africa and Zimbabwe such as Seke Communal Lands,

Hurungwe and Guruve areas (Mapako, 2004). In actual fact Chiwundura Communal

Area never benefitted from the dissemination of improved stoves that were

introduced as development intervention aimed at household cooking (Bailis, Cowan,

Berruetta and Masera, 2009). Instead households that acquired dover stoves used

their own resources.

A dover stove had a number of advantages compared to the traditional stove. The

dover stove had a chimney so there was no indoor air pollution in the kitchen. It was

also cleaner as there was no contact between the pot and the direct flame. It could

hold up to three flat based metal pots at a time. The use of the dover stove had

however a few challenges. It was not placed high enough and required cooks to

bend whilst cooking. Some people who once used them complained that this could

lead to back ache. Furthermore, most women were used to cooking whilst seated or

kneeling as was the traditional norm in the area. It also required that they cut

fuelwood into small pieces so that they could fit into the burner. This was laborious

and almost every respondent revealed that it was a time consuming activity.

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Figure 5.12: The dover stove (Research data, 2011)

Unlike the traditional fire place that was located in the centre of the kitchen so as to

radiate heat to the whole room, the dover was fitted as close as possible to the wall.

The stove was therefore not suitable in the provision of space heating services in the

kitchen, which were critical in the communal area. Its location also interfered with

the traditional setup normally found in a kitchen. Usually members of a househould

sit around a fire with women and infants on one side of the fire while men and boys

sat on the other side. A dover stove means all members are found on one side. As

a result one group usually men tend to withdraw from sitting next to the fire. A few

households that had dover stoves abandoned using them because they did not

usually satisfy other perceived culturally biased needs of users which included

lighting, space heating, repelling insects and pests, drying of thatched roof, and

providing a communal gathering point. It could not be used with the traditional round

clay pots and three legged pots. Despite their significance dover stoves were

obsolete in the communal area.

5.3.7. Lack of information

Mohamed and Lee (2006) argue that the wider utilisation of renewable energy is

affected by lack of reliable information on the positive benefits derived from their use.

The low level of awareness of renewable energy technologies, including their

characteristics and advantages affects the whole spectrum of stakeholders, who

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include planners, developers, professionals and technicians as well as actual and

potential users, and this resulted in the lack of confidence in the technology

(GNESD, 2007). It emerged during the course of the study that lack of information

was a major impediment in the quest by households to adopt modern energy

services in Chiwundura Communal Area. For example when the first electrification

programme was instituted in the early 1980s most households were reluctant to get

on board because they had a mind-set that electricity was an expensive energy

service and that it was meant for the well to do members of the community. As a

result they were left out yet the programme was intended for those that were

formerly disadvantaged. Even in the recent electrification which was carried out in

the early 2000s households remained sceptical about the effectiveness of the

electrification programme. It also emerged that most households did not have

enough information about LPG technology and this stemmed from the fact that it was

never popularised in the area before. This scenario confirms observations made by

Schlag and Zuzarte (2008) and Daurella and Frank (2009) that LPG is almost

inexistent in rural areas of sub Saharan Africa except for very few countries namely

Gabon, Senegal, and Mauritania which have adopted the use of LPG. In the study

area little information on the LPG technology led to its stigmatisation. It was

associated with explosions and fires; hence households did not want to adopt the

technology as part of their energy mix. It was interesting to note that there was not

even a single household that had ever witnessed any incident where LPG caused a

fire or burns. All the information they had was based on hearsay. It was clear that

generally the households in the study area lacked concrete information on the

energy services that could improve their standard of living. This has however

inhibited their adoption of modern fuels which could improve their lives and

livelihoods.

5.3.8. Lack of skilled manpower

The adoption of new technology is hampered by the unavailability of adequate

manpower to develop, install and operate and maintain technology (Quadir et al.,

1995). In Chiwundura Communal Area there was a shortage of local people with the

skills to maintain and repair solar home systems and fuel powered generators. Most

of the so called technicians were self taught and could not deal with more

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complicated problems or faults. That explained why there were several homes with

redundant solar systems and diesel generators. The researcher observed that at

one of the repair shops at Muchakata Business Centre there were several

dysfunctional generators that the ‘self trained technician’ could not fix. He however

purported that his main problem was the lack of spares for the gargets. The situation

explained above did not augur well for the emergence and development of

renewable energy technology in the study area as potential users were deterred by

what they saw. According to GNESD (2007) a shortage of local people with requisite

skills to maintain and repair the technology hinders the emergence of coherent and

stable markets and restricts the effective contribution that RETs can make to poverty

alleviation. During interviews conducted in the study area, some respondents

revealed that they had developed interest in acquiring solar home systems and fuel

powered generators but were put off after realising that there were no skilled people

to repair the systems once they developed problems. One retired agricultural

extension officer in Masvori area explained that the mere fact that several homes

had redundant SHS whilst some recently acquired gensets presented numerous

problems that could not be easily dealt with made him postpone the acquisition of

either of the two. Instead he was waiting to get connected to the grid line whenever

it will be introduced to his area. Chances of the grid being introduced to this area are

very remote as there are numerous challenges which include remoteness and the

increasing costs of connecting to the grid. It is apparent several households could

be in this predicament.

5.3.9. Household decision making

Brigham et al. (1996) contend that while income maybe the single greatest factor

affecting fuel choice in households, the decision making process surrounding fuel

use and fuel “switching” was a complex and significant process. Economists

generally regard households as homogeneous entities that make rational choices on

fuel based on price. However, social scientists see this differently as they consider

the intra-power relations within the household as salient in household energy use

(Clancy et al., 2008). The researcher observed that decision-making was

determined by a number of factors. For example men in Chiwundura Communal

Area were involved in fuel gathering to a great extent and this meant that they felt

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the opportunity cost of fuelwood gathering. This meant that when the opportunity to

adopt a better fuel presented itself they were more than willing to do so. One

headman revealed to the researcher that when the opportunity of getting connected

to the grid availed itself he was quick to grab it because he was aware of the

cumbersome task of fuelwood gathering from the resettlement areas such as

KwaMeyer, Garapasi and KwaFrancis. Apparently this was the reason why most

households that had the capacity to connect to the grid took on board the idea once

it came their way. It was observed that in households that comprised adult men and

women there was a gendered division of labour. Activities centred on the kitchen

were allocated to women; hence they were supposed to be responsible for energy

provision. Women generally made decisions on the collection of fuelwood and its

use. They also made decisions on what to cook and when to do so. This was

consistent with the assertions made by the World Bank (2009) that women made

decisions surrounding fuelwood, such as when and where to collect fuelwood, and

with which group of women to do it. This however contradicts views by Caro,

Green, Pangare and Goswami (2010) who contend that although the burden of

customary energy use falls disproportionately on women, and have primary

responsibility for collecting and processing fuel resources they rarely have control

over their production or use. These views could be attributed to households in

Pakistan where the unitary model still prevails because of the tradition which tends to

position the male head as the head household decision maker (Hou, 2012).

In some households in Chiwundura Communal Area there was generally some

semblance of collective model operating between husband and wife.84 According to

elderly women in the study area the division of labour and gender roles in their area

had changed to suit the prevailing scarcity of fuelwood. Men were involved in

collecting wood but that did not mean they had taken over the decision making in the

kitchen. It was taboo for men to do so. In the traditional family such men could be a

mockery in the community. Women could threaten to report such men to their aunts

84 McElroy and Horney (1990) and Basu (2006) say that collective models assume that different household members have distinct preferences and that the final decisions fall somewhere along the spectrum between full cooperation and conflict. Cooperation would mean that husband and wife agree on whatever form of energy is available as determined by circumstances whereas conflict could arise because they would have failed to agree and interventions and bargaining would come in.

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who in turn would caution or sanction them. The children were not part of the

bargaining. This is not to say there were no unitary households at all.

Another factor that affected the household decision making in the study area was

scarcity of fuelwood. This meant that the commodity was commercialised and men

had to be more involved in the decision making more than before since they were

responsible for buying fuelwood. Israel (2002) asserts that studies that were

conducted in Bolivia on household resource allocation suggested that the individual

who earns an income in the household may make a difference to household choices.

These choices include energy. In discussions held with several households it was

mentioned that men were responsible for raising household income hence they had

to be involved in all forms of expenditure. The headmen who were interviewed

revealed that the involvement of men was mainly to make sure that there was no

wastage through reckless use of fuelwood. The same trend was noticed in

households that used electricity. Men who were sole income earners wanted to

control the use of electricity as they paid monthly bills. Even men who were based in

town while their families were in Chiwundura Communal Area maintained an upper

hand in the decision-making in the home because of the regular remittances they

sent home to meet household expenditures which included energy bills and

appliance purchases.85 One male respondent from an electrified household

mentioned that there were times that he expressed disapproval on the way his

children wasted electricity. He revealed that he did not want them to cook food such

as beans and cow trotters using electricity as these took many hours; hence he

encouraged them to use fuelwood as he considered it cheaper than electricity.

However, even though women in the rural area were responsible for managing the

home, they were also involved in making decisions on the choice of the gadget that

they preferred. They had to negotiate on the affordability and utility value of the

different gadgets. One woman revealed that it was not possible for any sensible

man to simply acquire a stove without the knowledge of his wife. Women were more

conversant with the different forms of stoves and services they offered. Literature

85 Cecelski (2004) argues that even in situations where men were physically away from the rural home and had emigrated to the city in search of employment they retained their dominance in decision-making because of the remittances they sent home. Furthermore, male relatives who remain behind can play an important role in decision- making about energy and appliance purchases.

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tends to show that rural women traditionally have limited decision making power

about household purchases of energy commodities such as candles and batteries

(The World Bank, 2009; Clancy et al., 2008; Tucker, 1999).86 This also applies to

priorities in energy expenditure, investments and choice of technologies. There is

the contention that men tend to buy household recreational equipment such as

televisions and radio which were biased towards men’s interest before labour saving

equipment for domestic chores such as stoves which benefitted women (Makan,

1995). Although this was noticeable in some homes, a number of opinions were

raised. Women in the study area revealed that they were in a silent competition with

their peers with regards to material possessions such as solar panels and diesel

powered generators. Wives often pressurised their husbands to acquire these

gadgets. This is what Slater (1997) refers to as the model of emulation. Individuals

use material goods to signify status and also as tools for status competition. As a

result a number of households have diesel generators that are not functional but

were acquired because the wife felt that since a certain household in the locality

owned one they could also own a generator. The contention that men bought

entertainment gadgets to satisfy their own interest and tastes is not totally correct.

Women spend most of the time at home; hence they had the opportunity to listen to

the radio during their spare time. They revealed that they had certain programmes

they enjoyed on both radio and television. Therefore it was wrong to say that women

did not enjoy the benefit of the recreational gadgets as men dominated them. In

actual fact one woman acknowledged that most entertainment gadgets were bought

as a result of the pressure from the women. As already discussed earlier, women

were in competition with their colleagues hence the acquisition of a new television

set or radio motivated them to acquire their own as well. Men were only responsible

for the actual buying but the decision could have been nurtured by the women.

Some working women brought in a different dimension altogether in the household

decision- making. They brought income to the household on a regular basis; hence

their bargaining power was enhanced. They revealed that it was relatively easier for

their household to connect to the grid when the opportunity came. It was not difficult

86 Miller and Mobarak (2011) argue that the weak negotiation power of women in intra-household decision- making may inhibit the spread of improved cookstoves in India. It is important to note that this happens in societies that men wield a lot of power and the households are unitary in nature.

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to convince their husbands of the need to buy an electric stove, a fan and

refrigerator. This was because of their financial contribution. This was consistent

with the assertion by Hou (2012) that women who bring income to households or

women with higher level of education were more likely to have greater bargaining

power at home. In a study conducted by Israel (2002) in Bolivia it was observed that

education was consistently associated with choosing better energy source. All the

female teachers that were interviewed in the study area revealed that if electricity

was made available they would adopt it. A chi-square test (Appendix 9) was run and

the results showed that there was no relationship between the type of energy used

for cooking and the person who made the decision on the energy used for cooking.

This is line with the views that have already been discussed above. Decision making

in the study area was not monopolised by men although here and there a few men

made unilateral decisions on energy choices and usages.

5.4. Fuelwood acquisition

Since fuelwood was the dominant form of energy in Chiwundura Communal Area, it

was necessary to look at how different households acquired it and its implications on

energy transition. Fuelwood using rural households in Chiwundura Communal Area

were categorized into four groups: (a) the ‘collector’ households that collect fuelwood

only for own consumption and whose domestic energy requirements could be

entirely met from the forest source; (b) the ‘seller’ households for whom fuelwood

collection was a livelihood activity; (c) households that feel the need for purchasing

some amount of fuelwood from the market in addition to the collection from the

nearby forest for own consumption; and (d) the purely ‘buyer’ households.

The ‘collector’ households were further classified into two groups: (i) those that used

animal drawn carts: and (ii) those that carry fuelwood loads on their heads. The

‘collector’ households were not connected to the grid and entirely depended on

fuelwood that they collected on their own from the nearby forests and the new

resettlement areas. They depended on the members of the households for the

labour. Households with boys and adult men relied on them as they were generally

responsible for collecting fuelwood from the distant resettlement areas. In well to do

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‘collector’ households men and boys used carts and at times wheelbarrows to

transport the wood as shown in figures 5.13 and 5.14.

Figure 5.13: Use of animal drawn carts to transport fuelwood Research data, 2011

Figure 5.14: Use of wheelbarrow to transport fuelwood Research data, 2011

Apparently these families seemed comfortable with the idea to continue using

fuelwood as their primary form of energy. They did not feel the burden as they used

carts. The other group which consisted of the less privileged households relied on

head loads which were collected by women. Males from these households rarely

wanted to go and collect fuelwood as it meant they would carry it on their heads.

They argued that was not their gender role. In most cases women from these

households did not walk the long distances but tended to scrounge for twigs from the

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neighbourhood and were also responsible for cutting live trees. Female headed

families also fell into this category. Most of them were poor and could not afford

carts let alone to buy fuelwood from wood vendors.

The ‘seller’ households were an emerging group which played a critical role in the

fuelwood supply and demand dynamics. This was brought about by lack of fuelwood

in the communal area.87 Initially the group was composed of males only who either

resided in Chiwundura Communal Area or the new resettlement areas. They used

animal drawn carts to transport wood. More recently there has been a new

development as women have also joined the trade. This has been necessitated by

the increase in demand for fuelwood in Chiwundura Communal Area as well as

increasing poverty among the households. The women engaged in the sale of wood

felt that this was one way of providing for their families although it was tedious and

back-breaking. Unlike men who used animal drawn carts most women carried

bundles of fuelwood on their heads.

The wood vendors claimed that they bought fuelwood from the newly resettled

farmers who were clearing land for cultivation. In some cases the “sellers” were

asked to clear the land on behalf of the farmers and they were then given fuelwood

as payment. In other cases some ‘sellers’ admitted they poached wood from the

forests in the resettlement areas. It was difficult to distinguish between the genuine

suppliers and poachers. This was a lucrative business as demand for firewood in

Chiwundura Communal Area was insurmountable. In a way the ‘seller’ households

made fuelwood readily available to Chiwundura households. The ‘sellers’ charged

between US$7-8 per cart load depending on the quality of the fuelwood. Most

households interviewed required one load per month. Generally this was

sustainable for most households who could afford to buy such as teachers, business

people as well as horticulturalists. This scenario encouraged the continued reliance

on fuelwood by families in Chiwundura Communal Area.

The third group consisted of households that felt the need for purchasing some

amount of fuelwood from the ‘seller’ households in addition to the collection from the

87 Madubansi and Shackleton (2007) noticed a similar trend in Bushbuckridge lowveld, South Africa where there was a decline in the proportion of households collecting their own fuelwood caused by a decline in fuelwood availability and this led the households to purchase the fuelwood.

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nearby forest for own consumption. Interviews revealed that these households had

some of their members who were in paid employment mostly in urban areas. They

often survived on remittances from family members who were either in urban areas

of Zimbabwe or were working outside Zimbabwe. As such they had times they had

some extra cash to spend on fuelwood. When their cash resources were low they

resorted to collecting wood from the nearby forests. It was observed that this group

rarely walked long distances to the resettlement areas. They therefore contributed

substantially to deforestation that was already advanced in the study area.

The last group was that of the purely ‘buyer’ households. These households

consisted of the working class in the study area. These were teachers as well as

business people. Some households expressed that their children or relatives who

worked in the urban areas send them cash on a regular basis that was specifically

meant for fuelwood as they knew the area had fuelwood problems. The teachers

who were interviewed said they did not have time at their disposal for fuelwood

collection because of work commitments hence they made arrangements with ‘seller’

households to be supplied with fuelwood on a regular basis. Some teachers argued

that it was not a question of affordability but that they had no alternative but to

depend on the ‘sellers’. The ‘buyer’ group also included those households that were

connected to the grid. They used fuelwood during blackouts as well as for other

needs such as space heating and cooking traditional meals. In brief, the acquisition

of fuelwood clearly shows that although there is energy transition in the study area, it

is not unidirectional but that households move up and down the ladder as dictated by

energy needs.

5.5. Energy and development in Chiwundura Communal Area This sub-section deals with the linkages that exist between energy and development

in Chiwundura Communal Area. It attempts to show how access to modern energy

services is a fundamental prerequisite for poverty reduction and sustainable human

development. Energy services impact upon all aspects of people’s lives and

livelihoods; hence households which lack access to energy are restricted to a life of

poverty especially in the countryside, where opportunities are scarce (Pereira et al.

2011). Its availability therefore has the potential to influence the lives of poor people

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in a manner that enables them to escape poverty (Taele et al., 2012). This sub-

section demonstrates that residents of Chiwundura Communal Area are impotent in

the absence of modern energy. Without energy economic development is stifled and

access to basic needs such as clean water, refrigerated food and medicines,

telephones, radio and television, computers and the internet is hampered. This sub-

section deliberately attempts to show how the absence of energy affects the

attainment of the millennium development goals (MDGs) in Chiwundura Communal

Area. It is important to realise that there are numerous overlaps in the discussion

and certain issues may be repeatedly discussed in other sections.

5.5.1. Energy and poverty alleviation Access to modern energy services is regarded as a fundamental prerequisite for

poverty alleviation and sustainable human development, as they impact upon all

aspects of people’s lives and livelihoods in one way or another (Practical Action,

2010). The capacity of poor households to develop is often limited by lack of modern

fuels and electricity; hence they are constricted to a life of poverty. Rural

electrification has the potential therefore to improve farm and non-farm productivity

as households with electricity are able to work longer and generate more agricultural

income (Kim, 2007). Improvements in the quality of energy services will improve

their lives and hence bring about sustainable development in a big way. It will also

bring about social equity, which is a principal value underlying sustainable

development. The findings made in the study area revealed that the

overdependence on traditional energy services such as fuelwood by households

made it difficult for households to eradicate the extreme poverty and hunger which

were prevalent in the area. Lack of or limited access to modern energy services in

particular electricity, marginalised the poor households and seriously limited their

ability to improve their living conditions. Observations made showed that

households continued to be subjected to the burden of time-consuming domestic

labour such as fuelwood and water collection. Most peasant households depended

on seasonal agriculture and as such their incomes were also seasonal. In most

cases households were not able to obtain surplus maize for sell. Most families failed

to get enough yields that could take them through to the next season. The

communal area as already mentioned in Chapter 1 was prone to droughts and as

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such households in some seasons failed to harvest enough to sustain their families.

Those households that practised horticulture relied on water from shallow wells for

their gardens which often dried up during the dry season forcing households to

suspend their horticultural activities. This denied them the opportunity to earn some

income that could help them to improve their living conditions. Lack of electricity for

the majority of households worsened their conditions as they could neither improve

productivity nor generate local income through improved agricultural development

and non-farm employment. If there was electricity then households could practise

horticulture all year round thereby ensuring that they earned an income throughout

the whole year. The money could be utilised in various ways which included

supplementing their food requirements, buying fertilisers to improve their soils and

even acquiring modern energy services. The crops in the irrigated field could

supplement their diets thereby ensuring balanced diets and food security.

During his stay in the study area the researcher observed that lack of energy had

negative repercussions for several families. Members of such households both men

and women spent many hours and walked long distances in search of fuelwood

which was scarce in the Chiwundura Communal Area. As already elucidated

fuelwood was available in resettlement areas such as KwaMeyer, KwaFrancis and

Masvori which were on average six kilometres away. Time was therefore divided

between gathering fuelwood and working in the fields.88 A number of interview

respondents expressed the opinion that if fuelwood had been available then there

would have been more development in the study area as people could devote more

time to other development work that improves livelihoods such as agriculture.

Agricultural productivity in Chiwundura Communal Area was generally deteriorating

because the soils were old and had been overworked for several years as explained

in Chapter 1. One way to improve yields was through the use of chemical fertilisers.

This was however not possible for most households as their incomes were so

depressed. They were expected to use crop residues and dung to improve their

soils but these were used as fuel because wood was scarce in most communities in

the area. The use of dung was common in Mabungu, St Christopher, Gumbure,

Savanna and Mutakati. Madubansi and Shackleton (2007) maintain that the use of

88 Birol (2007) argues that time that was spent in search of firewood could be devoted to improving

livelihoods such as working in the fields.

252252252

dung and agricultural residues as fuel is a threat to food security and leads to a

vicious cycle of poverty. Some individuals went out to pick dung in the grasslands

and this denied the grass the necessary nutrients that were valuable in the growth of

the grass. This affected the natural food cycle and livestock was generally affected.

As long as households in Chiwundura Communal Area continue to experience fuel

challenges that will have negative implications on agricultural productivity and

ultimately food security.

It was also established that some households’ meal preparations were affected by

the shortage of fuelwood. Some families could not afford to have the normal three

meals in a day as there was no energy for cooking purposes. A number of coping

strategies were adopted by such families so as to deal with that situation. Firstly,

some families revealed that they undercooked the staple food which was supposed

to be cooked over a number of hours, and in severe cases they had altogether

stopped preparing such dishes because of lack of energy. Secondly, some families

prepared food in bulk so that part of it would be served later, but it would be cold.

During the fieldwork it was a common phenomenon to see young children being fed

cold staple (sadza), which was leftover of the previous dinner (supper). Under

normal circumstances leftover food should either be warmed or heated and failure to

do this exposed these children to diseases. Thirdly, some reduced the number of

meals they cooked in a day from three to two. Some families mentioned that they

only had one hot meal per day, and attributed this to the lack of fuelwood to cook the

meals. Besides causing problems of hunger this induced malnutrition and

malnourishment. Table 5.13 shows a cross tabulation of the different energy forms

that were used in the study area and the number of meals that households had per

day. The table shows that globally 102 households (47.7%) out of 214 which

responded to the questionnaires had three meals a day. These used fuelwood,

electricity and LPG as their sources of energy. One hundred and eight (50.5%) had

two meals per day. They depended on either fuelwood or electricity as their energy

sources. The study went further to establish the relationship between specific

energy sources and the number of meals the families had per day. Evidence

gathered in a questionnaire survey showed that eighty six households (48.3%) out of

the one hundred and seventy eight that used fuelwood had two meals a day, while

three (1.7%) had one meal per day. Further interrogations through interviews,

253253253

showed that most families avoided lunch partly because they wanted to save on the

amount of money spent on buying fuelwood. As already mentioned earlier on, most

of the households depended on subsistence agriculture; hence they did not have

excess disposable income. The other sentiments that emerged were that the

families wanted to reduce the number of trips that were made by those members of

the family that walked to the resettlement to fetch fuelwood. They tried to conserve

the fuelwood by reducing the number of meals per day. They also went on to

mention that meal preparation had to be shortened in order to serve on the fuelwood.

In this case the researcher observed that it had become common practice to

extinguish the fuelwood as soon as meal preparation was over. This had an effect

on some foods such as beans and mutakura that needed many hours of boiling and

simmering. It was also found out that some of the households had two meals simply

because they did not have the food. The survey also established that twenty two

(80%) out of thirty five households that used electricity had two meals per day.

Interviews revealed that they regarded electricity as an expensive form of energy.

They therefore cut down on the number of meals. The male respondents revealed it

was during this time when they usually intervened on the use of electricity since they

were often associated with paying for the bills. They argued that they often advised

their families to be more careful when using electricity so that they did not waste it.

They were quick to highlight that this was not supposed to be equated to

dictatorship. They argued it was part of their role to train their families to use

electricity sparingly so that they would continue to enjoy its benefits for a longer

period. They went on to say it was pointless to be liberal and benevolent but fail to

enjoy the use of clean and reliable energy source as the family will have run out of

money. It also emerged that some of the households that used electricity were not

at home during lunch time at they were at work and some at school. As such there

was no need to prepare lunch as all members would have two meals, that is,

breakfast and supper.

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Table 5.13: Cross-tabulation Type of fuel used for cooking and number of

meals per day

Type of

fuel used

for

cooking

number of meals per day

Total

one

Two

three

fuelwood 3 86 89 178

electricity 1 22 12 35

LPG 0 0 1 1

Total 4 108 102 214

Eating undercooked food, reheated, and cold food has negative nutritional impacts.

It also emerged that most families no longer boiled water before drinking it due to

limited energy sources.89 This exposed households to diseases such as dysentery

and diarrhoea, and these situations tend to add the burden on women more than

men. If a family member was unwell it was the woman who looked after that person.

This took away their valuable time they could use for other productive purposes.

This study also established through observations and interviews that numerous

households that were not connected to the grid often retired to bed early. The

researcher stayed in the study area for more than three months and observed that

most of the houses that used biomass energy went to bed around 7 pm. This was

caused by lack of lighting energy particularly modern energy services such as

electricity. The household could not stay in a room that was engulfed in smoke from

the fuelwood fire as this affected their eyes as well as their breathing. This had a

number of negative consequences on their livelihoods. Their day was very short.

Firstly they could not extend livelihood activities such as craft work beyond daylight

hours because they did not have sufficient lighting. This meant that they could not

supplement their meagre incomes. Secondly, lack of adequate lighting negatively

affected adult education. Several adults revealed that they could not get time to

study during the day as they had to attend to different chores in order to subsist for

their families. They could however not study in the evening as they did not have

89 Clancy et al. (2003) posit that lack of energy restricts the boiling of water and in some cases the adequate cooking of food resulting in ill health and this threatens the people’s wellbeing and increases vulnerability of humans.

255255255

adequate lighting. In most cases they reserved candles for their children to use for

studying. Adult education is an important vehicle that helps to empower the formerly

deprived people, who because of some previous circumstances were unable to be

educated. This form of education enables adults to deal with developmental issues

which include health, agriculture and reproduction since they would be able to read

and write. However, lack of modern energy in most homesteads in the communal

area meant that members of the households including adults walked about six

kilometres to fetch fuelwood and would work long hours to prepare food with

inefficient biomass energy. This left them with very little time to attend to any reading

or studying. Furthermore they would be very tired from the physical engagements

during the day. A few women from households that were connected to the grid

complained that the introduction of electricity lengthened their day. They had little

time to rest as they had to attend to activities such as embroidery to augment

household income. Over and above they admitted that their situation was better

than that of women in homes that depended on biomass energy.

The above discussion highlighted that lack of access to modern energy services by

households was a form of poverty in its own right. The discussion also showed that

poverty caused lack of access to modern fuels and electricity, and the absence of

energy access also reinforced constraints in income generation potential.90 In

conclusion the study observed that households that lacked modern fuels and

electricity were trapped in a vicious circle whereby a lack of energy access led to

limited income earning capability which led to reduced buying power, which in turn

limited the access to energy which was likely to improve incomes. The only way to

break the circle was to introduce modern fuels and electricity to the poor households.

During focus group discussions at Mabodza Business Centre on 30 June 2011,

participants mentioned that irrigation agriculture could be their salvation. They

argued that the study area was a drought prone area and irrigation agriculture would

boost productivity as well as ensure food security. Members of the focus group

revealed that the whole of Chiwundura Communal Area had two schemes namely

Mutorahuku and Mabodza. Both irrigation schemes were gravity driven and

90 Vera and Langlois (2007) postulate that lack of electricity imposed a number of limitations which made life difficult for communities. For example they argue that lack of electricity concomitantly leads to inadequate illumination, limited telecommunications, no refrigeration and limited possibilities of home or cottage industries which are all major drawbacks to livelihoods.

256256256

participants in FGD lamented that this limited the schemes’ productivity. Their views

were that if electricity could be introduced to both schemes the area covered would

increase thereby increasing productivity. The participants further argued that the

introduction of electricity would broaden productivity and horticultural activities that

were seasonal in nature could be carried all year round. Households would be

assured of income all year round. There is serious unemployment in Chiwundura

Communal Area and the introduction of irrigation means school leavers would be

occupied. The introduction of irrigation agriculture would assure households of fresh

food throughout the year and excess products would be sold and households would

have extra income. Irrigation agriculture would encourage households to switch to

higher-value crops which would increase opportunities for income generation thereby

significantly changing their livelihoods.

The study established that some of the households that had adopted modern

energy, particularly electricity, were engaged in income generating activities such as

poultry and piggery projects. Some had welding and peanut butter making

machines. Electricity was utilised for refrigeration purposes. Producers of pork and

chicken meat sold their products to the local communities and to a local boarding

school. This provided relish and nutritious meals to the consumers of pork and

chicken meat. At the same time the producers earned valuable income and also

created some employment. These activities alleviated poverty in the area.

It was also observed that some households owned some welding machines.

Welding machines were used to make domestic implements such as metal grates,

hoes and tools which were sold to the local communities. They were also used to

repair wheelbarrows and carts among many other things. Such households earned

some cash from these activities which raised their standard of living. During the

study three families had peanut butter making machines. They made peanut butter

which they supplied to local shops. Other households utilised electricity to charge

mobile phones and second hand car batteries for villagers who did not have

electricity. Although it improved household income earnings, it also improved

communication levels in the area. Households could phone friends and relatives

using mobile phones while radios and televisions informed them on new

developments in areas such as agriculture and health. The adoption of electricity by

257257257

some households enabled them to have an opportunity to engage in some income

generating activities; hence they sustained their lives and livelihoods. They were

able to achieve the first millennium development goal as well move towards

sustainable development.

5.5.2. Energy and education The development of human capital is important and can only be achieved through

investing in the education for children (Ndiritu and Nyangena, 2010). Investing in the

education of children is important because it enhances their productive skills and

earning capacities which are critical in the eradication of poverty. Education also

confers other benefits such as health status and ability to acquire new information.

These benefits will not be confined to an individual but will be transmitted to parents

and members of the community as well. Observations made in Chiwundura

Communal Area however showed that some of the school-going children ran the risk

of not enjoying learning because of lack of adequate energy services. As already

established in Chapter 1, only a few households in the study area enjoyed the

benefits of electrification, and several areas within the study area had limited

fuelwood because of severe deforestation. These developments had serious

implications on children’s education in the area.

This study established that the continued dependence on biomass energy sources

and particularly fuelwood had some negative consequences for school going

children. The observations made showed that children played an important role in

the collection and use of biomass fuels. The depletion of forests in the communal

area meant that children had to assist their parents in collecting fuelwood from

distant places as more hands were needed.91 In particular the boy child was the

worst affected by this development. Results of a survey conducted with school

children revealed that 49.5% of all fuelwood collection was done by boys.92 This is

illustrated in Table 5.14.

91 When fuelwood becomes scarce in the local environment and is available further away it requires more time and effort and this may lead to girls being kept from school to help their mothers in collecting fuelwood (Havet et al. 2007). 92 This was contrary to what is found in most literature on the impacts of energy shortages on

education which tends to show that the girl child at times drops out of school to assist in the

258258258

Table 5.14: Fuelwood collection frequency

Who collects Frequency Percentage

Mother 7 6.7

Father 9 8.5

Girl 13 12.3

Boys 52 49.5

Buy 24 22.9

Figure 5.15 is a graphical representation of fuelwood collection based on responses

given during the survey conducted in the study area.

60

50

40

30

20

10

0

mother father girls boys buy

Figure 5.15: Fuelwood collection in the study area.

This affected their learning as they tended to give priority to household chores such

as fuelwood collection. On average children in the study area walked an average of

five kilometres in search of fuelwood. Although they usually did this during

weekends there were times when fuelwood stocks ran out during the week and they

were forced to go out to look for fuelwood. In a focus group discussion that was held

at Gunde High School on the 14th of June 2011 participants revealed that fuelwood

shortages affected their learning in a number of ways. Pupils revealed that at times

they got to school late because some time would have been spent on fuelwood

collection. By the time they got to school they would have missed on some concepts

household with fuelwood collection (Mapako, 2010; Nankhuni and Findeis, 2003; UN-Energy 2005, UNDP, 2005; Rehfuess et al., 2006; Rugumayo, 2010).

259259259

that were taught in their absence. Furthermore, they would be so tired that at times

they would be dozing making it almost impossible for them to concentrate. In a chi-

square statistical test that was run to establish the relationship between coming late

to school and the persons who collected fuelwood it was established that there was

no link (Appendix 10). This was was because both boys and girls revealed that they

came late at one time or another because they had to collect fuelwood. The physical

count reflected that boys were affected more than girls. This has serious negative

impacts on the attainment the second millennium development goal on achieving

universal primary education by 2015. The children will have passed through the

different levels of education but will not be having the passes that enable them to

secure post secondary school training or good employment to get them out of

poverty. In worse of situations 24.5% of the pupils argued that they at times missed

school altogether because they had to fetch fuelwood that was used in the home.

This obviously was a negative impact on the learning of children particularly boys.

The results of this study are interesting because in most studies on energy use in

rural areas, focus has mostly been placed on the girl child. This study draws the

attention of planners and different stakeholders on the plight of the boy child whose

education is being affected because he is involved in the collection of fuelwood for

the family.

During the same focus group discussion it emerged that most girls had to prepare

breakfast for their families before going to school. They complained that the task

was made difficult and cumbersome if there was not enough fuelwood in the home.

They resorted to the use of agricultural residue if at all it was available; otherwise

they used twigs which produced a lot of smoke. Some of the girls revealed that

smoke affected their eyes and this in turn made reading difficult when they got to

school. They also revealed that smoke often produced a nasty smell which was

easily identifiable and as a resulted they were often stigmatised by their colleagues

who came from electrified homes. One lady teacher informed the study that children

from households that used biomass energy were generally less presentable than

those that used electricity. She said their uniforms were not well pressed and that

their books were dirty. This lowered their esteem and they generally suffered from

an inferiority complex amongst such children thereby affecting their learning. Some

of the teachers at secondary schools such as Gunde, Mavhuzhe and Masvori

260260260

concurred with the sentiments raised by the school pupils. They said shortage of

fuelwood negatively impacted on the learning of school pupils as some of the pupils

came to school late or missed school altogether attending to this household chore.93

Although this study did not get to the extent of getting empirical data on the

performance of the children in class, some teachers explained these children often

failed to catch up on the lost time and this caused lifelong damage to their literacy

and economic opportunities. They failed to pass their National examinations and as

a result they ended up in the villages as they could not access good employment

opportunities. Otherwise they got employment in menial jobs. This meant there was

a vicious cycle of poverty. They were never able to get employment that would

enable them to acquire modern forms of energy that improved their quality of life.

The study also established that oftentimes families resorted to the use of poor

energy forms such as agricultural residues in the preparation of meals. The poor

combustion from agricultural residues had several consequences. The girl child

spent a lot of time on food preparation and this led to a reduction in the time for

reading and study. The family would eat late into the night and the girl child was

expected as part of her traditional chores to clean the utensils. Furthermore the

utensils also got very dirty from the soot that was produced by agricultural residues.

This meant more work for them and therefore could not read or study after that. On

top of that soot often led to the cracking of palms. Some of the girls however

devised strategies to deal with the soot. Before placing the pot on the fire they

covered the bottom part of the pot with ash. The ash protected the pot from the soot

so this innovation saved them from lots of work. In general the girls revealed that it

was difficult for them to read or attend to their homework because of problems

associated with fuelwood shortages and lack of modern energy. The situation was

however different for children from homes that used electricity for cooking. The

whole process was fast and clean. As a result they spent less time on cleaning the

pots. They had more time to attend to their studies or even refresh whilst watching

television. It was also observed that lack of fuelwood also meant that most school

93 UN-Energy (2005) and Cabraal, Barnes and Agarwal (2005) contend that poor people’s limited access to modern fuels and electricity means they spend time collecting traditional fuels, fetching water, processing food or in other physical work; hence they do not have time that is freed for education.

261261261

children had cold breakfast and in some cases went to school on empty stomachs

and this obviously affected their learning.

The study established that children from homes that were not electrified used poor

sources of light such as candles (39.6%), paraffin lamps (19.8%) and at times light

from fuelwood (1.9%). According to Practical Action (2010) a kerosene (paraffin)

wick lamp or a candle provides just 11 lm, compared with 1,300 lm from a 100 W

incandescent light bulb. This therefore shows that paraffin wick lamps and candles

produce poor quality light which has the potential to negatively affect eyesight.

Furthermore paraffin fumes are toxic and can cause all kinds of illnesses. For

example the flickering wick creates toxic smoke; the soot irritates airways and eyes,

which can lead to cataracts and respiratory illnesses. A cross-tabulation was run to

establish if there was any link between the sources of light that school children used

and sore eyes. Table 5.15 gives the results of the cross-tabulation.

5.15: Link between sources of light and and sore eyes

Frequency

of sore

eyes

Type of reading light

Total

Firewood

Candle

Paraffin

lamp

Solar

Electricity

At times 0 18 8 5 7 38

Always 1 7 2 0 2 12

Never 1 17 11 4 21 54

Total 2 42 21 9 30 104

The table shows that on the one hand twenty five pupils (59.5%) out of forty two

children who used candles, and ten (47.6%) out of twenty one children who used

paraffin lamps complained of sore eyes at one time or another. On the other hand

nine (30%) out of thirty students who used electricity for reading suffered from sore

eyes at one time or another. It is important to realise that some of these pupils used

fuelwood for cooking; hence there was a possibility that this could have been the

cause of the sore eyes. From the results of the survey candles and paraffin lamps

present some challenges for school children who use them for reading. The study

also utilised interviews to solicit for information from school children. It emerged that

the use of candles and paraffin lamps was more prevalent than the use of electricity.

Interviews established that the situation was even worse than what was portrayed by

262262262

the survey results and at times some pupils ended up using fuelwood as they ran out

of resources to procure candles or paraffin.

A chi-square test was run to establish whether there was any association between

the source of energy school children used for reading and the hours they spent on

studying (Appendix 11). The results show that there was no association at all as

some children using candles and paraffin read for more hours than those that used

electricity. This is typical of school children in Zimbabwe. They want to utilise

education as the gateway to success. They therefore study very hard even under

very difficult circumstances such as poor lighting because they realise that this is the

only way to improve their lives and livelihoods. These were some of the responses

that were given by the children during interviews. Teachers from secondary schools

in the area also corroborated the information given by the school children. They

revealed that whilst they were not as smart as those from electrified homes

academic performance was a different ball game. They indicated that performance

had nothing to do with the form energy the students used. They said if anything

those coming from households that depended on fuelwood wanted to improve their

situation.

The study established that 1.9% of the respondents among school children used

light from fuelwood for studying and doing their homework. Evidence gathered from

interviews with students showed that when the situation got very desperate students

resorted to the use of light from fuelwood or even dung to read. This usually was the

case with those who had no sources of regular income. When there was no money

to buy candles or paraffin students found it difficult to suspend their studies; hence

they had to be contented with light provided by fuelwood even though it was very

poor. Observations made in the study area showed that these forms of energy

tended to produce very thick smoke which could negatively affect children in their

reading. Although the survey results only showed that only 1.9% of the respondents

used fuelwood it emerged during FGDs that the use of fuelwood was a common

practice in the study area. Such conditions did not allow students to read for a long

time hence they spent on average one hour in the evening on their studies. Light

263263263

from fuelwood was dim and was bad for eyes. The presence of smoke affected the

eyes thereby reducing reading time.94

Other students explained that when they ran short of paraffin or candles they

resorted to the use of diesel which according to their experiences lasted longer.

They however revealed that diesel produced very thick smoke which irritated the

eyes and nostrils, and caused breathing problems. Some school children added that

they at times developed headaches which they attributed to the use of diesel lamps.

Studies by the International Agency for Research on Cancer have shown that diesel

fumes cause cancer (WHO, 2012).95 The learners were however oblivious of this

fact. Further research needs to be conducted to establish the impact of the sooty

smoke to people who are exposed to it for short periods such as children in

Chiwundura Communal Area. However Practical Action (2010) warns on the

dangers of using paraffin lamps by positing that pollutants from the cheapest

kerosene wick stoves have the smallest particle size, which are the most dangerous

since they are taken more deeply into the lungs.

The school children’s situation was exacerbated by the fact that they were not

involved in household decision- making process to determine the type of lighting fuel

used in the home. Children who should actually benefit the most from improved

lighting were usually deprived of that opportunity as they had little decision-making

power on a household decision to acquire a better lighting system. All the pupils that

were interviewed at Gunde and Chiwundura High School revealed that they did not

have room to negotiate for a better source of light. They made use of what was

provided to them. One student argued that it was pointless for the children to

demand better lighting because they were aware that their parents could not afford

better lighting such as electricity. Another student felt that it was not the place of

children to negotiate for better lighting system as that was discourteous from a

cultural point of view. Children were supposed to be grateful for the efforts their

94 In a survey conducted Cabraal et al. (2005) in India it was found out that electricity provides a very

high amount of quality light compared to that provided by kerosene thereby creating an atmosphere in

which reading is possible for adults and children, who can more easily pursue their studies.

95 Havet et al. (2007) reveal that shortages of kerosene in Karalpakstan in Uzbekistan led to the use of diesel fuel in lamps and this consequently led to the emission of harmful substances that polluted the environment as well as affecting the health of people.

264264264

guardians were making to at least send them to school especially under the difficult

economic conditions that prevailed in Zimbabwe.

It was observed that school children using electricity did not experience many

challenges in studying compared to their counterparts from unelectrified homes.

They could read and do their homework utilising electricity. The only problem

affecting their study was power outages which were frequent at the time of the study.

They then resorted to candles or paraffin lamps. This could also explain why some

of the children who used electricity complained of sore eyes. This problem could

probably be traced to the use of candles and paraffin when there was an outage. It

was also established from some teachers that children from electrified households

fared better in many respects than children from households that relied on biomass

energy services. They mentioned that they attended to their homework and that they

were also generally smart. They came to school in clean and well pressed uniforms.

This gave them a better esteem than that of children from homes that relied on

biomass energy forms. During FGDs it was observed that some girls from homes

that were not electrified tended to have an inferiority complex. Some of them even

mentioned that they regarded themselves lowly as they were disadvantaged by lack

of electricity. This was bound to have some ripple effects on their education.

The study established that those who stayed close to the schools that were

electrified utilised the electricity for evening study. This however had its own

challenges. It was not safe for the children to walk to school at night as they could

be abused in one way or another. The streets and roads did not have electricity

light. Again some parents felt that this gave their children room to engage in

iniquitous activities. During interviews some parents revealed that although it was a

good idea for children to go and read at school during the evenings there were some

negative aspects that could result from this that included mischief and illegitimate

pregnancies.

Lack of lighting has impacted negatively on adult literacy which was initiated at

independence in the early 1980s. This programme which proved popular then was

experiencing serious challenges as a result of limited modern fuels and electricity.

Information that was captured during focus group discussions showed that during the

265265265

day most adults had other pressing household commitments and could only get time

to attend to their studies in the evenings. However, lack of good lighting hampered

their desire to improve their literacy and numeracy skills in the evenings when they

had time. Adults felt that if there was good lighting some of them could utilise this

opportunity to further their studies. They argued this was going to contribute

ultimately towards the development of their communal area.

The study established that modern energy played a significant role in education in

the study area. Schools such as Gunde Primary School and Gunde High School

which had electrified accommodation and classrooms were able to retain

experienced and skilled teachers as electricity improved their quality of life.96 A

number of highly qualified teachers that were interviewed felt they had no reason to

leave their current schools as they had electricity. They used electricity for cooking

and they enjoyed the use of refrigerators, televisions and other entertainment

gadgets. Some of them were actually connected to international television channels

through the digital satellite television. At Gunde High School nine teachers out of

fifteen who resided at the school campus had satellite television sets and had access

to South African Broadcasting Corporation as well as the Botswana Broadcasting

Corporation. The study also established that students at Gunde High School,

Mavuzhe High School, St. Patricks and Masvori Secondary School were doing

computer studies since their schools were electrified. This was an important

opportunity for the students because they enhanced their ICT skills, and new

horizons were opened to them.

The situation obtaining at the electrified schools was a complete opposite of the

experiences of teachers at Chikutubwe School who depended on fuelwood for

cooking and all forms of heating and candles for lighting. One teacher at the school

explained that she used candles or a paraffin lamp when marking the learners’ work.

She complained that the smoke produced by these sources of light affected her eyes

which became itchy. As a result she had to do most of the work during the day and

this put her under immense pressure. She also revealed that there was a high

96 UN-Energy (2005), Gustavsson (2007) and Gustavsson (2004) contend lighting in schools helps retain teachers, especially if their accommodation has electricity. This in a way guarantees children in the area education of high quality.

266266266

turnover of teachers at the school as they transferred to schools that were electrified.

This impacted negatively on the quality of education for the learners as at times they

were exposed to unqualified teachers. Lack of continuity also affected the learners.

This was a typical situation whereby lack of sustainable energy affected the

attainment of education.97 The teacher revealed that the rate of drop outs at her

school was very high as learners failed to appreciate the importance of education.

The future of these drop outs was likely to be doomed as they lacked education

which could be a gateway to the attainment of skills. Certainly these learners were

likely to be unemployed in their adult life as they would not have requisite skills.

The above discussion shows that energy has a very close association with

education. Modern energy is likely to promote learning in a number of ways, whilst

traditional energy sources tend to have negative contribution towards education.

5.5.3. Energy, gender and health As already discussed in preceding sections, the majority of households in

Chiwundura Communal Area just like households in most rural areas of Zimbabwe

and other developing countries continue to depend on traditional biomass. This was

due to a number of factors which included the inaccessibility and unavailability of

modern energy services. The study observed that energy issues were generally

gender biased. Women in the study areas had a close association with various

aspects of energy issues. They were involved in collection, management and use.

This was because fuelwood collection and cooking were regarded as some of the

gender roles associated with women. Incidentally these roles inextricably linked

women to energy particularly fuelwood.

The study area particularly the former tribal trust land suffered from serious

shortages of fuelwood due to extensive deforestation. As already mentioned earlier

on Chiwundura Communal Area was a densely populated area and most of the land

has been taken up for agricultural expansion and extension. Fuelwood use to some

extent was responsible for deforestation. This meant that the area did not have any

forests hence households depended on the resettlement areas (former white

97 Cabraal et al. (2005) conclude that poor teacher retention directly contributes to low levels of access to education and poor educational outcomes.

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commercial farms), which were on average six kilometres away, for fuelwood.

Women with homes close to the resettlement areas collected fuelwood which they

carried on their heads. They usually got assistance from the girl children. During

interviews and focus group discussions it emerged that they carried loads weighing

up to thirty kilograms on their heads. This was done twice a week depending on the

season. More trips were made during winter. Women and girls in the resettlement

areas were also responsible for collecting fuelwood that was consumed in the home.

Women in the resettlement areas however revealed that they did not have to walk

long distances as fuelwood was still in abundance. They therefore did not need to

carry large bundles of wood but this meant they had to regularly go out to collect

wood so as to replenish their stocks. Men in the resettlement areas did not assist

women in this gender role which was strictly regarded as women’s domain.

The situation was however different in the former tribal trust land where fuelwood

was very scarce. It was a common practice in these areas for men and boys to be

involved in fuelwood collection. This was because fuelwood had to be collected from

distant places and it was inconceivable for women to carry fuelwood loads on their

heads. Men used animal drawn carts. In a survey conducted with school children in

the former tribal trust land it was found out 49.1% of the fuelwood collection was

done by boys. This scenario was a shift in what is usually prevalent in most rural

areas where gender roles prescribe that women and girls have the responsibility of

collecting fuelwood.98 Cecelski (2001) observes that about 80% of all energy that is

used in households is sourced by women and children. Interviews with village heads

and headmen showed that it had become almost the norm for the male members to

collect fuelwood for the family. The few women who were involved in the collection

of fuelwood said it was a tedious process which involved a lot of hardship in walking

long distances and carrying head-loads of fuel-wood. They complained that the

process was associated with health disorders for women and children. Scholars

such as Laxmi et al. (2003), Wickramsinghe (2001) and Parikh (2002) postulate that

the collection and carrying of heavy loads of fuelwood resulted in neck, back and

98 Gender roles refer to the different roles that are assigned to men and women by the society in which they live (Balmer, 2007). Gender relations influence the decision- making process in terms of fuels and appliance use, acquisition and expenditure. Gender roles also reflect the gender division of labour but they are not universal and rigid as men can do work that is considered as women’s work and vice versa. In a way gender roles can be negotiated in term of the type and volume of work.

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head ailments. Data gathered during fieldwork showed that women’s health was

affected by walking long distances over difficult terrain, and carrying heavy loads of

firewood. More women than men complained of ailments such as backache and

neck ache, which the study associated with carrying heavy loads of fuelwood. In the

study area females who complained of back ache were 24.2% of the respondents

compared to men who represented 16.7% of the respondents. Women needed to

use their physical power to transport the fuelwood loads on their heads whilst men

used animal drawn carts. This probably explains why more women than men

complained of backache.

The study also observed that households could also buy fuelwood from vendors who

capitalised on fuelwood shortages in the area. A cart of fuelwood cost between

US$8 and US$10 depending on the quality of the wood. Information obtained in the

study area showed that 52.1% of the respondents bought fuelwood from the vendors

while 47% collected fuelwood in one way or another. Observations made during the

study showed that buying fuelwood put a strain on a number of families since they

depended on unreliable seasonal agriculture for income. Female headed families

were the most affected. The study established that women were unlikely to get

opportunities to get into part time work or odd jobs to earn them extra income. Men

could do this hence they could earn extra income that they could devote to buying

fuelwood. Families that did not own carts often partnered with families that owned

carts and negotiated ways of compensating each other. During interviews

respondents from female headed families revealed that they usually had limited

options which included walking to resettlement areas to collect fuelwood as well as

scrounging for twigs from the local bushes. In more desperate cases they defied the

law that forbade them from cutting down trees. They therefore risked being arrested

by village heads as well as by EMA. In some instances women were enticed to pay

in kind such as sexual favours in return for loads of fuelwood. This was a form of

abuse which had a potential of spreading sexually transmitted infections (STIs) and

HIV and AIDS. It is important to realise that most households could not easily

access the United States Dollar as well as the South African Rand which were the

currency of tender since dollarisation was effected in Zimbabwe in 2009. Barter

trade was therefore very common and families used mainly goats and chickens in

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place of the Dollar or Rand. This had serious repercussions as goats and chickens

had a significant cultural role.

Although men and boys were involved in the collection of wood, they were not

involved in cooking as this was a female-only activity.99 In fact although some men

in the study area revealed that they cooked once in a while it was taboo for men.

These views are consistent with observations made by Balmer (2007) in rural areas

of South Africa. Gender roles determined that women and girls were responsible for

preparing meals; hence they spent many hours close to the open fire. For instance

the preparation of sadza, a staple in the communal area, took on average one hour.

During that time women would be exposed to episodes of high pollution as they

would be working directly above the fire. More women and girls than men and boys

in Chiwundura Communal Area just like in most rural areas in the developing world

are responsible for preparing meals. They spent on average three hours a day close

to the fire. To make matters worse they used the traditional three stone stoves

although the majority of them have adopted the metal grate. This however does not

reduce the amount of smoke that is released in the room. The women were

therefore exposed to smoke and particulates emitted by the biomass fuels they used.

Moreover, fire from biomass fuels required more or less continual feeding, resulting

in extended exposure to the smoke. The situation was exacerbated by the fact that

they operated in very poorly ventilated traditional kitchens. In all homesteads that

were visited during the time of the study it was observed that they used the

traditional kitchen for cooking. Those kitchens did not have large windows. Instead

they had a small triangular or rectangular opening that served as a window and this

is illustrated in the picture below.100 During winter the openings are stuffed with

sacks and old pieces of cloth

99 Cecelski (2000) argues that cooking is incidentally women’s most time and effort-consuming energy need. 100 Muchawaya (2006) observed that the type of kitchens that are built in rural Zimbabwe worsen IAP as they are not well ventilated. Some of the kitchens do not have windows and smoke gets trapped inside. Muchawaya adds that the kitchens have small V-shaped windows that are less than 30 centimetres in size.

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Figure 5.16: Traditional kitchen showing ventilation openings

To make matters worse most of the cooking was done in the kitchen because it was

considered as a private affair and the kitchen provided such privacy.101 Generally

families did not want their neighbours to know what they had for any meal. They

believed that their neighbours could stigmatise or bewitch them depending on the

meal they had. As a point of emphasis culturally African women want to maintain

their privacy where preparation of food is concerned. Annecke (1998) contends that

study findings show that indoor air pollution was one of the main challenges that

affected the health of households in several parts of Chiwundura Communal Area,

particularly those that were not connected to the grid.102 Literature shows that

exposure to indoor air pollution is a function of the complex interplay between

household fuel patterns (Smith, 1987), appliances used (Ezzati et al., 2000), housing

design (Bruce, Bates, Nguti, Gitonga, Kithinji, and Doig, 2002 and Bruce, Perez-

Padilla and Albalak, 2002) and human behaviour (Barnes, 2005). Places such as

Chinamasa, Zvenhunguru and Ward 10 (Gambiza), the greater part of Ward 11

(Mutengwa) and Ward (13) (Nyabango) which depended on unprocessed biomass

fuels such as wood, animal dung and crop residues for cooking and heating were the

101 Muchawaya (2006) observes that cooking indoors is the norm in rural Zimbabwe and households only cook outdoors when they have big functions and will be using big pots such that if the process was to be done in the kitchen the heat would be too great. 102 Mishra, Retherford and Smith (2002) contend that indoor air pollution is a serious health problem in many rural areas of developing countries where long term exposure to smoke from cooking indoors with wood, animal dung and other biomass fuels contributes to respiratory illness, lung cancer, and blindness.

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worst affected by IAP. These were inefficient sources of energy with incomplete

combustion and burning them in traditional open fire places resulted in the release of

large amounts of health-damaging air pollutants.103

Findings were that women and young children below the ages of five years in the

study area were the most affected by indoor air pollution because they were exposed

to smoky conditions more than the rest of the people. They spent most of the time in

the kitchen close to the fire. Infant children also tended to be with their mothers and

were exposed to smoke especially during meal preparation times. A number of

mothers had a tendency to place their sleeping children close to the fire especially in

the evenings and early morning so as to keep them warm. Interviews conducted

with a number of women revealed that several of them were unaware that they were

exposing their children to serious health threats.104-105 Fatmi et al. (2010) also raise

the same concern that in Pakistan IAP is not a recognised environmental hazard and

that the government has not put in place policies and standards to control it at the

household level.106

Young children are more susceptible to ALRI through indoor air pollution exposure

because the epithelial linings of their lungs are not yet fully developed and this may

result in greater permeability of pollutants (Pande, 2000). Their immune systems are

not fully developed and this limits the body’s defence against infection. Children

have a higher respiration rate, and have a larger lung surface area per kilogram of

body weight than adults, which means they breathe in 50% more polluted air under

normal breathing conditions compared to adults (Budds et al. 2001; Moya et al.,

2004; Warwick and Doig, 2004). This information does not make any sense to the

103 In studies conducted in Gujarat state in western India, it was found that fuels such as firewood, dung-cakes and crop wastes emit total suspended particulates (TSPs), benzopyrene, carbon monoxide and polycyclic organic pollutants which are harmful to humans (Batliwala and Reddy, 2003) 104 Barnes et al. (2006) also made a similar observation in Mafikeng in North West Province in South Africa where respondents acknowledged that smoke in the kitchen was an acceptable part of rural life, and that their parents and grandparents had inhaled wood smoke with no health effects. They therefore did not see any reason why they were supposed to be concerned about it. 105 Muchawaya (2006) also made a similar observation that most people who suffer from symptoms of respiratory infections in the rural areas of Zimbabwe, do not seek medical attention as they consider such symptoms to be normal and therefore do not take them seriously. 106 IAP is also associated with a number of pregnancy related outcomes. Medical studies conducted show that it is responsible for still births and neonatal deaths. In some cases it results in low birth weight deliveries (Fatmi et al. (2010).

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rural poor such as those in Chiwundura Communal Area. Furthermore even if they

understood the implications of IAP they have limited options to deal with it.

The exposure to smoky conditions is associated with a number of illnesses that

include respiratory diseases, chronic bronchitis, asthma, and tuberculosis. A number

of scholars (Batliwala and Reddy, 2003; Clancy et al., 2003; Ezzati and Kammen,

2003; Mishra et al., 2002; Mudway et al., 2005; Saha et al., 2005; Torres Duque,

Maldonado, Pérez-Padilla, Ezzati and Viegi, 2008) infer that long term exposure to

high levels of smoke from burning biomass fuels leads to a host of respiratory

diseases, including acute respiratory infections (ARI), chronic bronchitis, asthma,

(COPD), and tuberculosis that are widespread in many developing countries. Lung

cancer, adverse pregnancy outcomes, cataract, and blindness are also linked to

indoor pollution. It was really worrying because most women interviewed during

fieldwork were unaware that they were living in health threatening situations.

Women and girls in Chiwundura complained of chest pains, sore eyes and cataracts

which were worse in older women. The results of a survey conducted (Table 5.16)

show that more women than men suffer from ailments related to smoke.

Muchawaya (2006) postulates that studies conducted in different parts of the world

have established an association between indoor air pollution and the development of

cataracts especially in women. Pokhrel et al. (2005) and Saha et al. (2005) have

also established that there is a generally high prevalence of cataracts in developing

countries and that epidemiological studies conducted in Nepal and India have linked

these to biomass fuels.107 Observations made during fieldwork revealed that a

number of individuals also used the kitchen as a bedroom. This was common

among the old women who wanted to take advantage of the warmth in the kitchen

during the winter season. This only helped to expose them to diseases that were

linked to IAP.108 The situation was worsened by the poor management of the

fuelwood in most households. Most of the storage places (bakwa)109 were not

107 According to Fullerton et al. (2008) smoke induces oxidative stress and depletes plasma, ascorbate, carotenoids and glutathione which provide antioxidant protection against cataract formation. 108 Silk et al. (2012) in a study in rural Kenya observe that 37% of the respondents slept in the kitchen

which they also used for cooking purposes. 109 Bakwa is a place where fuelwood is kept and almost all households have such a place.

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protected from the rains and weevils. These compromised the quality of the

fuelwood thereby making it powdery and this made it produce a lot of smoke when it

was used for domestic purposes. It was imperative therefore to pay special attention

to the management of fuelwood to retain its quality.

Table 5.16: Ailments due to smoke in the kitchen in percentage (%)

Ailments Male Female

Sore eyes 10.7 20.9

Cataracts 4.7 9.8

Chest pains 8.8 21.9

Source: Research data, 2011.

It was however difficult to conclude that these ailments were solely caused by indoor

air pollution since the study was not physiological in nature. It was possible that

other causes could have been responsible for these ailments. The conclusions were

however based on contributions made by other authors and scholars (Manlove,

2009; Bruce et al, 2000; Mishra et al., 1999; Ezatti and Kammen, 2001; Smith et al.,

2004) who conducted physiological studies to determine the link between indoor air

pollution and the mentioned ailments and possible deaths.

In addition to cooking, women were responsible for managing the fuelwood once it

was within the homestead. This is why Troncoso et al. (2007) contend that fuelwood

is an essential aspect in the life of most women. The same view is supported by

scholars such as Malhorta et al. (2004) and Schlag and Zuzarte (2008) who posit

that the use of biomass fuels has a distinct gender dimension in the household

energy sector in much of the developing world. Interviews conducted with women

showed that they were often stressed by constantly ensuring that there was enough

fuelwood at the bakwa. They said this was burdensome and at times they had to

forgo preparing certain meals because the process consumed lots of energy. One

major observation made was that there was no proper management of the bakwa

once fuelwood was piled there. It was exposed to rain and other weather elements.

As a result the fuelwood deteriorated quickly as it was attacked by weevils and it

ended up giving poor quality heat which was often characterised by smoke. Women

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had to balance on the family’s nutrition and the available fuelwood. This was

discussed in the section above on energy and poverty.

The use of the three stone stove exposed poor households in Chiwundura

Communal Area to problems of burns to children. This was caused by the fact that

households that used the three stone stove were not using the proper moulded

traditional stoves. Instead they were using improvised stoves, which was a set of

ordinary stones picked from the bush or mountain. This is illustrated in Figure 5.17

where a lady in the study area was captured cooking on such a stove. The pot was

sitting precariously on the stones and this could lead to an accident any time.

Figure 5.17: A lady tending to a pot on three stone stove

The flat based pots that most households used were not compliant to the stoves as

round clay pots are the most appropriate. These situations resulted in accidents as

pots could tilt any time and children sitting next to the fire were the usual unfortunate

victims of burns. Although it was difficult to quantify the number of burns

experienced in the study areas interviews revealed that these were a common

occurrence. Most families have now adopted the metal grate to avert these

accidents.

It was even more disturbing to note that there were several households that had

adopted electricity but continued to use firewood for cooking. In this regard the

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drudgery associated with fuelwood was not removed. Women since they were the

chief cooks in the home continued to spend many hours close to the inefficient and

polluting biomass energy in the poorly ventilated kitchens. They continued to suffer

from the effects of indoor air pollution and despite the fact that their homes were

connected to the grid. Observations made showed that some households that even

had the modern kitchens with electricity chose to continue using the traditional

kitchen and the traditional biomass energy. As already discussed in earlier sections

some households had modern kitchens with electrical gargets at their disposal, but

for cultural reasons they chose to remain in their traditional kitchens. It could be

concluded that lack of knowledge on the dangers posed by biomass energy as well

as the smoke it emitted contributed to this state of affairs. It was also realised that

most of the households who practised this behaviour were more concerned about

the expenses they would incur in using electricity for cooking more than the dangers

posed by biomass energy. As a result women and children in these households will

continue to suffer because of ignorance and the desire to avoid costs.

There is a general consensus in literature and gender debate that men in the

developing countries continue to influence the acquisition of energy technologies in

the kitchen. Some scholars such as Skutsch and Clancy (2006) and Wilson and

Green (2000) posit that men even go to the extent of dictating the type of stove

technology to be used and when to buy the stove technology. Wilson and Green

(2000) further infer that any technological developments have traditionally been seen

as falling within the men’s arena and cooking and wood collection in the women’s.

Nyoni (1993) reveals that in Zimbabwe men rejected solar stoves that their wives

wanted to adopt for use in their kitchens. Wilson and Green (2000) had a similar

experience in Zimbabwe where some men who had attended a solar cooker building

workshop said they would not allow their wives to use the ovens. In a similar vein,

researchers based in Lesotho encountered resistance from the men in the

community towards the introduction of solar cooking because they were concerned

about what the women would do with their spare time (Wilson and Green, 2000).

These scholars conclude that such ideas stem from the traditional belief that

technology and its development are preserves for males. They also argue that men

have a high degree of selfishness that is embedded in them. In their analysis they

say this leaves women with very little room to exercise their choice for a technology

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that suits them. In the end households end up using energy technologies that men

choose, but are not the most effective in lightening women’s burden.

This assertion was however rejected by men in Chiwundura Communal Area who

claimed that these views were being propagated by people with very little

appreciation of African customs and traditions. They argued husbands always

consulted with their wives before taking any decision. In one of the focus group

discussions conducted on the 28th of June 2011 some women in Chimurenga village

confirmed that they always discussed such issues as a family although in some very

few cases some husbands dictated the types of energy the family could use. The

revelations made by a number of men were that men with dictatorial tendencies

could suffer a backlash from women who could censor them in bed by denying them

conjugal rights. It was argued that most women used this as their strongest

bargaining weapon. It was also established that most women pressurised their

husbands to buy them certain gadgets such as solar home systems and generators

just to show off to their neighbours that they could afford to buy them. It was more of

conspicuous consumption more than necessity.

The general feeling from the women was that if their husbands acquired SHS

ultimately their children also benefitted as they could study after hours. They added

that the acquisition of modern forms improved their social standing in the community.

This was a contentious issue which really depended on the lenses that were being

used to analyse the situation. The study felt though there was democracy in the

home about the type of energy that was used, men and women had different energy

needs. As a result their perceptions on energy vary.

Some of the fieldwork results show that women and men in the study area had

different energy needs. For example on the one hand women emphasised the need

to conserve fuelwood so that they could use it for cooking and water heating

purposes. On the other hand were more concerned with using fuelwood for space

heating. As Cecelski (2000) and Wamukonya (2002) women in homes that were

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connected to the grid had different views on the use of electricity.110 Women in

Chiwundura Communal Area expressed the wish that once their homes were

connected to the grid then the drudgery in their daily lives would be taken away.

They expressed that electricity would avail them with more time to do productive

work as they no longer had to walk long distances to the resettlement areas in

search of fuelwood. Since electricity was a clean form of energy it means they would

spend less time cleaning the dishes. They also raised the concern that electricity

was bound to improve their health as they would no longer need to carry heavy loads

of wood on their heads, whilst at the same time cooking in smoke laden kitchens.

Some of them expressed that they would start small income generating activities.

In this study it established that men’s views on modern energy were completely

divergent from those of women. It was observed that for men the acquisition of

modern energy was synonymous with an improvement in social standing; hence

being connected to the grid was reflective of high status. This explains why most

households acquired gensets though it was clear they were not going to be able to

use them due to economic hardships. It was clear that men associated modern

energy forms with entertainment, communication and security. While most girls and

women wanted to be connected to the grid so as to reduce the drudgery of collecting

fuelwood, cooking and cleaning dishes, most boys were concentrating on home

theatres, DVD players and mobile phones. There was a hyper activity of boys who

exchanged musical videos and action movies. In a number of homes it was observed

that households with SHSs or generators tended to use these for entertainment

instead of using them for lighting. These observations were in line with observations

made by Skutsch and Clancy (2006) in a study they conducted in South Africa. They

found out that in poor rural households high expenditures on batteries were often for

purposes of listening to taped music while female members of the house had no

access to equipment to use in the kitchen to cook meals for the household. They

also found out that in some households energy intensive recreational equipment was

purchased before labour saving devices for domestic chores. In Chiwundura

Communal Area young men often sought part time work so as to raise money to buy

entertainment gargets such as DVD players. Observations also showed that energy

110 According to Cecelski (2000) and Wamukonya (2002) women use energy and electricity differently from men and this was determined by the different productive and reproductive activities.

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use was differentiated according to social and economic divisions of labour. On the

one hand women were often confined to the use of traditional energy sources to do

their domestic chores. These were not commercial in nature. On the other hand

men used modern energy forms to make grates and repaired domestic tools which

generated income for the family. This confirms views by Clancy et al., (2004) that

traditional fuels which are for non-productive activities are women’s domain, while

modern energy services which are for income earning tend to be concentrated

among men. This scenario disadvantages women as they continue to be trapped in

the poverty web.111 CURES observe that women and men have different perceptions

about the benefits of energy. In most cases men want to associate energy with

leisure, improved quality of life and education for their children, while women

associate electricity with the reduction of their workload, improvement in health and

reduction in expenditure.

Observations made were that fuelwood was scarce in most parts of Chiwundura

Communal Area due to increasing population, expansion of cultivation land and

increased demand for fuelwood. This therefore meant that fuelwood was mainly

available in the resettlement areas such as KwaFrancis, KwaMeyer and Garapasi

which were on average six kilometres away from the communal area. The scarcity

had several implications such as long walking distances and the commercialisation

of fuelwood.112 These in turn were significant in the behavioural patterns associated

with traditional biomass collection and use. For instance it was established that

there was a gender bias in firewood-type harvested and equipment used in the

process. Men had become involved in fuelwood collection which involved walking

long distances. Fewer women walked long distances because this was strenuous.113

Furthermore men and boys were associated with the use of axes and had access to

oxen power as well as wheelbarrows, which enabled them to harvest and transport

larger logs over longer distances compared to women who generally collected

111 CURES (2009) contends that there are immense gender disparities in energy access in South Africa, where men are reported to influence the rural energy programmes so that energy is directed towards radio and television as well as battery charging instead of cooking. 112 Clancy (2003) infers that the scarcity of fuelwood usually translates to the commercialisation of the commodity. 113 Havet et al. (2007) assert that in areas where women walk long distances in search of fuelwood they are at greater risk of rape, attack from animals and other threats because they will be farther away from home.

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masvinga.114 Fieldwork observations revealed that women used carts on few

occasions especially when the household did not have male members old enough to

use carts. It was also noticed that families that did not have adult male members

were not at liberty to use carts even when they owned some, because carts had their

own challenges such as breaking down or developing punctures. In general, women

did not have the skills and physical power to repair the carts or mend the tyres. As a

result, in such households women walked long distances in search of fuelwood,

which they carried on their heads. Observations showed that they were able to carry

quantities that lasted them on average a period of one week. Their frequencies

therefore of walking several kilometres were higher than households that used carts

who could go for a month without going back for fuelwood replenishments.

Alternatively they scrounged for twigs such as lantana camara, agricultural residues

and dung which they picked from the local environment. These energy services as

already alluded to were inefficient and highly polluting. The above discussion only

exposed the gender based power imbalances in the fuelwood sector at household

level that existed in the study area.

The scarcity of fuelwood and the long distances involved in the search of fuelwood

created commercialisation of fuelwood in the study area. The study established that

this development had gender dimensions. Men harvested fuelwood for income

generation while most women were concerned with collecting fuelwood for domestic

use. Men used ox or donkey drawn carts for this illicit trade. A few women who

were involved in fuelwood commercialisation carried the wood on their heads. This

was a strenuous exercise which impacted negatively on their health. The

commercialisation of fuelwood exploited households with females who could not

walk the long distances but depended on fuelwood. They were charged between $8

and $10 for a load of fuelwood depending on the quality of fuelwood. A load lasted

one month on average. Generally Chiwundura households were poor as they

depended on subsistence agriculture, and yields were not always good due to

incessant droughts. Families were therefore not able to raise extra cash for the

procurement of fuelwood. Such families were trapped in a vicious cycle of poverty

as the little money they had and was supposed to be used to meet other needs was

114 These are bundles of fuelwood made of thin poles averaging between 25 and 30 kilograms and are usually carried by women. One bundle is called ‘svinga’.

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diverted towards the acquisition of fuelwood. In most cases these households had

limited options. They either resorted to the use of twigs which they salvaged from

the local environment or used agricultural residues and cow dung which they picked

from the grazing land as already mentioned in the above discussion. The twigs burnt

out quickly while the agricultural residues and dung produced a lot of indoor air

pollution. This will be discussed in detail shortly.

Fieldwork observations showed that there were instances that women had to go out

to resettlement areas to collect fuelwood but this had spill over effects on their

families. This chore sometimes kept women away from home for the whole day.

Oftentimes women had to leave early in the morning and only came back home late

in the afternoon. The consequences were that they left young children and their

homes unattended. There was a likelihood that these children could get injured or

even get abducted when left on their own. A number of incidences involving young

children who were left unattended were raised during focus group discussion. One

typical example was of young boys who started a fire that destroyed a granary in the

village in Masvori area. Several cases of mischief associated with unattended

children were raised. These included young children who went swimming and two of

them drowned. It was also established that on days women went to collect fuelwood

from the resettlement areas their young children did not have what one would term a

normal meal. They would be fed on cold meals or in worse situations were forced to

skip lunch as there would be no one to cook for them. At times they would have their

supper late as their mothers would have returned late from their sojourns.

During fieldwork it was observed that a number of households had at one time or

another adopted a variety of modern energy forms which ranged from solar home

systems, electricity and diesel powered generators. It was however disturbing to

note that in some cases the adoption had not translated in relieving women from the

drudgery associated with traditional biomass energy use in the study area. W omen

continued to be exposed to indoor pollution as they spent long hours near the fire

preparing meals. During interviews with different members in Chiwundura

Communal Area it emerged that during the late 1980s and the early 1990s a number

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of households acquired solar home systems.115 It emerged during fieldwork that the

photovoltaic systems improved the quality of life of the people in the study area by

providing better quality light than that provided by paraffin lamps and candles which

incidentally also produced hazardous smoke. They also provided better

opportunities for school children to do their homework. They also provided

entertainment and communication through radio and television. However SHSs

failed to solve the major energy problem of providing an energy source for cooking

and substitution for fuelwood, hence women viewed it as an energy form that was

less sensitive to their needs.116 Information from women whose households had

solar systems or had at one time used it showed that despite the benefits provided

by the technology it extended the working day for women. It was further explained

that solar systems tended to suit men’s needs more than women’s needs. One

woman in an interview on 24 June 2011 said she felt sorry for her daughters who

had to clean dishes after the evening meal while male members of the family relaxed

watching television or listening to the radio. She said the girls rarely joined the

males after their chores as they went straight to sleep as they would be tired from

the hard day’s work. In essence they lost out on some important informative and

educational programmes that were aired on the radios and television in the

evenings. Women require an energy form that empowers them by releasing them

from firewood collection and cooking on an open fire. They will therefore get time for

self advancement through adult literacy, actualisation about nutrition, family planning

and skills training such as sewing, child care and gardening which may bring in

increased revenue (Youm et al., 2000).

Women and girls in Chiwundura spent more time on energy related issues such as

fuelwood collection, cooking and cleaning of dirty dishes than they did on other

115 According to Marawanyika (1997), Mapako and Afrane-Okese (2002) and Mulugetta, Nhete and

Jackson (2000) there was a general euphoria on solar energy in Zimbabwe and donor agencies such

as the Global Environmental Facility - United Nations Development Programme (GEF-UNDP) funded

some of solar photovoltaic projects. However households in Chiwundura Communal Area did not

benefit from these donor driven projects they managed to buy their own SHSs.

116 Youm et al. (2000) contend that this is one of the main reasons why the PV system, which had looked promising, was not successfully adopted in the developing world because it did not deal with women’s issues adequately.

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domestic functions and income-generating activities.117 On top of that their days

were long as they had to do other chores such as cleaning plates in the dark due to

poor lighting. During interviews and focus group discussions they highlighted the

fact that their plight would be lighter and more bearable if they were provided with

affordable modern energy and preferably electricity.

At this juncture it is necessary to look at the link between energy and HIV/AIDS.

This study did not look at the statistics on individuals suffering from the diseases but

only looked at the implications of availability or unavailability of energy on the

HIV/AIDS patients. Household energy is critical in keeping both HIV/AIDS patients

and their care-givers going. It is indispensible for the preparation of safe and

nutritious meals as well as for boiling water for drinking and bathing. It also provides

warmth for those who are ill. Although there were HIV/AIDS patients in the area the

researcher was not able to get information on energy use from the patients as well

as their care givers for ethical reasons. Information was however solicited from the

health personnel in the area. They said due to the prevalence of HIV/AIDS in the

study area just like any other part of Zimbabwe, home based activities were now

common phenomena in the households.118 They revealed that most patients often

spent time in the kitchen since it was a warm place, but in the process they were

exposed to indoor air pollution which worsened their medical conditions. Fullerton,

Bruce and Gordon (2008) argue that the incomplete combustion of biomass fuels

indoors produces dense smoke which is a major contributor to respiratory problems

especially among the immuno-compromised HIV/AIDS patients. Furthermore, there

has always been a link between IAP and tuberculosis and pneumonia, which

incidentally have a close association with HIV/AIDS (Warwick and Doig, 2004). IAP

is therefore likely to worsen the conditions of HIV/AIDS. The fact that fuelwood is

scarce and is also bought means the patients could also be deprived of the much

needed energy. This may also mean that households end up using highly polluting

substitutes in an endeavour to keep the patients warm. It is an area that needs more

research so as to authenticate these assumptions.

117 Aina and Odebiyi (1998) made a similar observation in Nigeria where they said that women spent more time on energy collection at the expense of other domestic functions such as child care, breast feeding, farming, food production and processing. 118 Muchawaya (2006) argues that the prevalence of HIV/AIDS in Zimbabwe means that home based care activities are a common phenomenon but they expose patients to IAP which worsens their medical conditions.

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Energy in various forms was also critical as it was used to power radios and

televisions that were very important in the dissemination of information on HIV/AIDS.

Like in most rural areas in Zimbabwe HIV/AIDS scourge was a menace.

Communities needed to get regular information on the problem. A number of people

who utilised dry cell batteries complained that since most of them were counterfeit

products they did not last long enough; hence they lost out on very valuable

information. The same predicament affected those people who used second hand

car batteries. These did not last for long periods. Households using generators

said they could not use them for extended hours and were most likely to miss out

whenever they were not in use. The story was however different for people who

relied on electricity. If there was no blackout or load shedding they benefitted from

uninterrupted viewership. The same views were also echoed by the households that

used solar power. Energy was therefore critical because it powered radios and

televisions which provided information that could contribute to behaviour change and

probably a reduction in the prevalence of HIV/AIDS.

5.5.4. Energy and the environment This study established that there was an inextricable relationship between energy

and the environment in Chiwundura Communal Area. During a number of transect

walks between Muchakata and Gunde Business Centre it was noticed that

environmental degradation emanating from deforestation was a big challenge in the

communal area. The situation that was created was unsustainable. There was an

apparent link between woodfuel use and deforestation in Chiwundura Communal

Area. The observations made during the time of study revealed that because of the

relative scarcity of deadwood some households in Chiwundura Communal Area

frequently cut live wood to meet their energy needs. During interviews some

household heads admitted they cut down trees because they had no option as they

needed fuelwood for their domestic needs. The main argument they presented for

cutting live wood was that there was insufficient dead wood available in the

communal lands unless one went to the resettlement area.119 The distance however

119 Cvijetic et al. (2004) say about 15 million hectares of tropical forests are cleared annually for fuelood for cooking and heating.

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tended to be deterrent to those tasked with the responsibility of gathering fuelwood

for the family. Some households did not have scotch carts and therefore found it

difficult to walk to the resettlement areas to fetch fuelwood. Furthermore fuelwood

had become commercialised and several households did not have a regular and

reliable income hence the only alternative was to cut live trees. This was particularly

the case with poor female headed families who could not sustain their livelihoods

through buying fuelwood. The use of twigs and agricultural residues did not appeal

to many people because they produced a lot of smoke while at the same time they

burnt out quickly hence they were not suitable for the preparation of meals for large

families. Some households did not have young members with the energy to walk the

long distances and to carry heavy fuelwood loads. In such cases households turned

to the sprouting trees thereby disturbing the regeneration of the miombo

woodlands.120 It was observed that in these areas preferred species of firewood

were no longer easily available. They also resorted to cutting down few remaining

large trees, some of which were sacred. For example they were cutting down the

muchakata tree which had important traditional and cultural values such as rain

making ceremonies. They also targeted fruit trees such as mutohwe, mutamba and

mutsvubvu that needed to be preserved. Traditionally it was taboo to cut down

sacred and fruit trees in the study area. Some villagers also raised concerns that

there had been a massive decline in the availability of ecosystem goods such as

honey, poles for constructing cattle pens and huts, and traditional medicines

because of the unsustainable harvesting of trees. Although it was a criminal offence

to cut down any type of tree in the area some households argued they had no

alternative option.

The commercialisation of fuelwood was worsening the problem of deforestation

particularly in the resettlement where fuelwood was still in abundance. Initially

households were supposed to get their fuelwood from cleared fields. Vendors

therefore opted to ask the recently resettled farmers to clear up land for them in

return for the wood which they later sold in the former tribal trust land. There has

120 Although wood as biomass is considered as a renewable energy source, forest growth in Ghana is less than half of wood fuel demand and this makes wood fuel an unsustainable option (Akpalu, Dasmani and Aglobitse, 2011).

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been however an upsurge in wood poaching in the resettlement area as people

sought for means to earn livelihoods.

The recent introduction of tobacco production in the resettlement areas particularly in

Chikutubwe and Jaridhe areas brought in a new dimension to deforestation. A lot of

fuelwood is needed for curing tobacco. Since tobacco is a lucrative crop121 it has

attracted a number of families that previously produced maize and other food crops.

Most of these families revealed that they wanted to improve their incomes. This

however threatens the forests as large quantities of fuelwood are needed for curing

tobacco. Even though the government has put in a new instrument to curb the

transportation of fuelwood households continue to flout the law because there is no

alternative.

A number of deterrent measures were put in place, for example, both traditional

leaders and Environmental Management Agency (EMA)122 fined offenders who cut

down live trees for fuelwood. In the study area traditional leaders fined offenders by

making them to pay a goat. This did not however stop people as their major problem

was lack of fuelwood in the area. Households were expected to use dead wood that

was harvested from standing and fallen dead trees from local forests for fuelwood.

Sale of fuelwood was also prohibited. In the case of individuals who wanted to make

bricks they had to obtain permission for brick making from the village head and they

should lop off branches rather than cut the whole tree for brick burning. However,

transect walks revealed that whilst the memory of these restrictions and taboos was

kept alive, enforcement was no longer active. Discussions with the village heads

exposed that their authority had been eroded. They revealed that some individuals

were discourteous and never asked for permission to cut down trees. The study also

observed that there was apparent tussle for power between EMA and the traditional

leaders. EMA felt that forest issues fell under their jurisdiction whilst traditional

leaders argued they were the rightful custodians of forest reserves.

121 In a study on deforestation in Malawi, Mapako (2010) found out that the main cause of deforestation at national level between 1983 and 2007 was the growing population that was in need of food and cash crops where land under tobacco increased by 830%. 122 This is a government agency tasked with environmental management.

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Another observation that was made in the study area was that councillors had

gradually become very powerful and usurped some of the authority from the

traditional chiefs. They gave instructions and permissions that were premised on

their political power. Such developments disempowered traditional leaders of

traditional authority as resource managers and custodians. This encouraged

householders to break the standing regulations; hence they got involved in

uncontrolled tree felling for fuel. On the contrary some villagers argued that village

heads had become corrupt and they were bribed so as to allow people to cut trees

indiscriminately.

Increases in population in the area have consequently resulted in the increase in the

demand for housing. Most of the recent buildings in the area were made of bricks

and were roofed with either asbestos sheets or were grass thatched. The brick

making process was a threat to the environment in a number of ways. The process

consumed a lot of wood and in this particular case fresh live trees had to be cut

down as they were appropriate for this purpose. In a study conducted by ZERO

(1991) 0.32 tonnes of wood are needed to produce 1000 bricks and a professional

brick maker requires 38.4 tonnes of wood to produce about 120 000 bricks in one

year. This is quite a lot considering that Chiwundura Communal Area is depleted of

forests. It was also gathered from the brick makers that at times they never got

permission from the respective authorities to cut down the trees. Brick making also

resulted in the creation of borrow pits when clay was extracted to make bricks. In

most cases these pits were never reclaimed and were a potential threat to animals

and humans as they tended to hold water during the rainy season. There was also

the likelihood that the borrow pits could result in the increase of malaria incidence as

they provided breeding places for mosquitoes.

The unprecedented demand for fuel had negative effects on sustainable

development. While the current generations have a critical need for fuelwood, their

actions will deprive their descendants the opportunity to enjoy forest resources as

these will have been exhausted. The massive deforestation in Chiwundura has

caused land degradation in the area. Soil erosion characterised by deep gullies was

noticeable in areas such as Muchakata, Gunde and Masvori.

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The over exploitation of trees had resulted in serious water problems. From the

observations made during transect walks the streams and rivers in the study area

were no longer perennial. They quickly dried up due to massive siltation that

occurred over the years. Mutorahuku River near Muchakata was heavily silted while

Mlezu River has sand in several sections. Furthermore, water resources were

polluted due to soil materials that were washed into them. This was causing a water

crisis for both animals and humans. As explained by headman Mangwende villagers

could travel more than five kilometres to water their cattle as well as collect water for

domestic use during the dry winter season. This was unsustainable as valuable and

productive time that could be spent on other functions was now being used this way.

It was also established that siltation resulted in the creation of stagnant pools of

water. These in turn encouraged mosquito breeding. The researcher was informed

that although the cases of malaria in the area were very low there was an increase in

the presence of mosquitoes. The villagers described the mosquitoes as a nuisance

which disturbed their sleep.

Although it was not easy to quantify, the household sector in the communal area

contributed to the emission of carbon dioxide from the use of fuelwood. This added

to the total amount of the greenhouse gases in the atmosphere although in real

terms this is insignificant when compared to the large amounts produced in the

industrialised countries.

The prevailing situation in Chiwundura Communal Area showed that households in

the resettlement areas depended on dead wood which was a result of land

clearance. Observations however showed that households in the former tribal trust

land depended on live trees and this perpetuated deforestation. Even though there

were very few trees left in the area the demand for fuelwood encouraged poaching of

fuelwood in areas where the resource was still in abundance. This was likely to

result in the depletion of forest resources, biodiversity loss, climate change and land

degradation. This situation had also resulted in a range of negative socio-economic

and environmental outcomes such as increased fuelwood collection times for

households, increased distances people walked in search of wood, increased use of

dung and agricultural residues as fuel with subsequent loss to soil fertility and

greater monetisation of woodfuel supplies requiring more cash outlay from poor

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households. The use of rudimental biomass energy forms resulted in the emission

of polluting carbon dioxide.

5.5.5. Energy, communication, entertainment and development According to Practical Action (2010) information and communication technologies

(ICTs) which are intrinsic to social and economic relationships are important tools for

alleviating poverty and promoting sustainable development. ICTs enable the

widening of social and economic relationships beyond people’s immediate

surroundings. However it is important to realise that the benefits of ICTs cannot be

realised without energy and particularly electricity. For this study ICTs included

radios, televisions, telephones (mobile and fixed), computers and the internet. The

study established that households in the communal area generally owned radios,

televisions and telephones (particularly mobile phones). Access to computers was

limited to schools as already mentioned but there were no internet services in the

area. The survey showed that 75.8% of the sampled households in Chiwundura had

access to radios while 35.8% had access to televisions. Their use was however

compromised by the inadequacies in the availability of energy. Households that

were connected to the grid enjoyed greater use of radios and televisions compared

to households who were not connected to the grid. Intermittent electricity supplies

that were characterised by numerous blackouts and load shedding however

compromised the use of radios and televisions. Households that depended on

second hand car batteries, solar energy and dry cell batteries explained that they

had a limited use of radios and televisions. It was noticed that second hand batteries

required regular charging. A few households with access to solar energy used it to

charge cell phones and second hand car batteries that were used to power 9 Volt

radios. Very few houses used solar home systems for lighting. However

households that did not have battery chargers had to make frequent trips to re-

charge stations based at the electrified business centres such as Mavodza, Gunde,

and Muchakata to have their lead acid batteries recharged. This was seen as being

inconvenient as batteries were heavy and the distances involved were generally long

(on average 5 kilometres) and the recharging which cost US$1 was regarded as

generally expensive as most households were peasant farmers who could hardly

raise that kind of money. Dry cell batteries got flat quickly as most of those on the

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market were fake products. Through interviews and observations it was established

that televisions and radios were used mainly for entertainment rather than

information. This was due to limited availability of energy. It was noticed that there

was a tug-of-war between the elderly and youths when it came to the operation of

these gargets. The elderly wanted to listen to or watch news and educational

programmes whilst the youths wanted to listen to entertainment programmes such

as music. They also utilised the available energy to power DVD players which were

very popular in the area during field study.

This study was able to generate different views from a wide spectrum of people

concerning the importance of information and communication. Respondents from

electrified homes acknowledged that they enjoyed the use of televisions and were

able to follow world events since quite a number had DSTV facilities in their homes.

They were also able to watch and listen to educational, health and agricultural

programmes which were developmental in nature. Some of the respondents claimed

they had benefitted tremendously from these programmes. Some women revealed

that health programmes such as family planning were aired on the radio in the

vernacular and these helped the community to improve their health. They also said

there were a number of phone-in-programmes which discussed a variety of topical

issues which generally enlightened listeners.

Although very few homes in the study area had fixed telephones, several individuals

had some form of mobile phone. Mobile phones were widely adopted in the area

and were used as phones as well as music players. A few individuals acknowledged

that they used them for internet services. Interviews revealed that the advent of

mobile phones had reduced the distances between people. Respondents argued

that it was easy to communicate with their kith and kin in different places and this

was good for development. In the study area there were two boosters, one owned

by Econet and the other by NetOne. The boosters were powered by electricity. The

introduction of electricity improved communication channels in the study area. It was

however observed that electricity outages pose some challenges as households may

not be able to view television or listen to radio when there is no power. The

challenges posed by power outages will be discussed in the ensuing sections.

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5.6. Electrification in Chiwundura Communal Area The electrification programme has been going on in Chiwundura Communal Area

since 1980. The government has used rural electrification as a vehicle for

development. A number of successes and challenges have however been

encountered along the way. This sub-section will examine some of these challenges

and analyse how they affect development.

The definition of rural electrification appears simple yet in reality it is actually

complicated. The definition of rural electrification varies with place and time. In

general terms rural electrification refers to the process of bringing grid electrical

power to areas outside urban areas and these are rural and remote areas (Foley,

1995; Munasinghe, 1990; Munasinghe, 1988; Pan, 2004; Zomers, 2001). A number

of scholars (Barnes, 1988; Maillard et al.,1985; Yaron et al., 1994) include off-grid

technologies such as solar home systems and diesel powered generators as part of

rural electrification. This study also adopted the same strategy in its analysis of rural

electrification since a number of people have acquired either grid electrification, or

solar energy or diesel powered generators in their endeavour to have access to a

more modern form of energy than the traditional varieties.

5.6.1. Grid electrification

As already discussed earlier on Chiwundura Communal Area was one rural area

with high levels of electrification in Zimbabwe. The results of a survey conducted in

the study area showed that only 22.8% of the respondents were connected to the

grid. This was even better than the country’s rural connection rate which was at 18%

(Kayo, 2001). Transect walks in the study area showed that grid electrification was

being introduced into the area. This was evidenced by the electrical cables into the

areas that were not connected before. These included Gangarabwe, Gambiza,

Nyabango and Mavodza. In most cases poles and cables had been erected

although there was no connection as yet.

5.6.1.1. The electrification phases in Chiwundura Communal Area

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Generally the manner in which the electrification process progressed in Chiwundura

Communal Area was more or less similar to other parts of Zimbabwe although it had

more areas that were connected to the grid. The process can be divided into three

broad phases as will be discussed below. Data collection on the electrification

process was gathered through a questionnaire survey so as to get a general picture

of the proportion of households that were connected to the grid. Interviews were

also conducted to establish the areas that were connected to the grid as well as

challenges that hindered households from getting connected. Interviews were

conducted with a number of stakeholders who included officials from both Zimbabwe

Electricity Supply Authority (ZESA), Rural Electrification Agency (REA), local chiefs,

headmen, the local Member of Parliament, councillors of the wards and household

representatives. Observations were also conducted to get first hand information on

the connection levels and use of electricity in the study area.

According to information obtained from ZESA and REA the first electrification phase

in the study area was conducted in the early 1980s, as part of a government

programme to develop the rural areas that had lagged behind during the colonial era.

This was dubbed the Expanded Rural Electrification Programme (EREP). The

EREP embarked on the electrification of rural institutions that served entire

communities such as schools, clinics, government extension centres and offices,

community-based and irrigation schemes. In essence these service centres were

supposed to be in close proximity to the already existing grid. Centres that had the

potential to grow into growth point were given top priority for electrification and

service centres such as Muchakata, where local government and rural administrative

offices were located, Mavodza, Gunde and Sundula (Chiwundura) were connected

to the grid in the process. A number of schools and clinics such as Gunde High

School and Gunde Clinic benefitted through the scheme. These were within 5

kilometres of the network. With time the distance was increased to cover projects

within 10 km and this was later increased to 20 kilometres. Such rural institutions

were given a 100% capital subsidy, which meant the beneficiary communities

contributed nothing. During the same period community initiated rural electrification

groups were encouraged to initiate complementary electrification projects.

Individuals with their own financial resources were encouraged to get connected to

the grid. Information obtained from interviews with Rural Electrification Agency

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managers show that it was easier dealing with communities that pooled their

financial resources together than with individuals. According to REA in the early

1980s the government subsidised households that wanted and had resources to get

connected to the grid. From interviews that were conducted with the chairman of

one of the groups it was revealed that in 1984 several households benefitted from

government subsidisation scheme especially those around Gunde service centre

since they were within the proximity to the grid. However the interview respondents

form both ZESA and REA and the chairpersons of the electrification committees did

not have concrete statistics to substantiate their claims. It was therefore difficult to

establish the exact number of households that were electrified during this period. It

was however established that households that got connected during this period were

characteristically different from those that were not connected. Most of them were

working class households with the financial resources to get connected. It was also

observed that they were either civil servants (mainly teachers) or business people.

On the one hand households that were connected during the first phase had prior

exposure to the use of electricity probably in the urban areas; hence they

appreciated its importance. On the other hand households that did not connect to

the grid generally lacked prior exposure to electricity. As a result they failed to take

advantage of this opportunity because of this factor as well as other factors. Firstly,

some households did not join the programme due to lack of knowledge. There was

trepidation and they doubted whether the programme was going to be successful. In

five different interviews with household heads whose homes failed to get connected

during this phase it was clear they regretted their actions. They revealed that they

never gave the programme any chance and at that time it never dawned on them

that it would be successful. The chairperson of one of the groups that were

established to spearhead the rural electrification programme revealed that

households were not willing to join the electrification schemes. They argued that

they previously lost money in similar schemes; hence they were sceptical and

wanted to take their time before committing their hard earned cash to such schemes.

Secondly, other households due to poverty were unable to make contributions

towards electrification even though they really wanted to be connected to the grid.

During interviews respondents expressed that they really wanted to have their

homes connected to the grid but they did not have the resources to do so. At the

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same time most of their houses did not meet the minimum standards expected by

ZESA so that they could get connected. They therefore could not pull down their

structures and build new ones as they were financially incapacitated. Thirdly, some

households in remote places like Gumbure, Jaridhe A and Jaridhe B, Chenhunguru,

Ruware A and Ruware B, Mashungu, Majojo and Mpanzi were located far away from

the grid and it was costly for them to get connected. One of the councillors

expressed that it was difficult to have the above mentioned areas connected to the

grid. She revealed that ZESA has advised her that the power utility could not

connect these areas that were located in areas where the grid infrastructure was

non-existent. This therefore made it practically impossible to connect the areas to

the grid as the country did not have the financial capacity to do so.

Fourthly there was a group that was not concerned about electrification. They

always thought electricity was meant for a certain group of people and not

themselves. They were content with using biomass. They were not ready to

encompass the changes that were associated with the use of electricity which

included paying monthly bills, buying new appliances and the change in lifestyle.

This study observed that the thrust of rural electrification programmes since the early

1980s was on irrigation schemes, schools health centres, business centres,

government offices. Household electrification was incidental. Later on attention was

on chiefs’ homesteads. As a result there was little electrification that took place in

the study area during this phase.

The second phase commenced in the early 2000s and it encouraged households to

pool their resources together by forming electrification groups. This strategy was

meant to cushion them from high costs associated with the electrification

programme. They had to form groups of 100 members in order to qualify for either

the Rural Electrification Guarantee Scheme (REGS) or the Funds Matching Scheme

(FMS). The REGS was designed to help communities who had a connection fee

shortfall. They were supposed to raise 10% deposit of the amount payable by them

under the provisions of the financing scheme. Communities had to further

demonstrate that they could raise money on a regular basis for purposes of paying

off the shortfall plus interest. The rate of interest was pegged at 35% per annum

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which was below the commercial rates. According to the then councillor for

Mutengwa Ward these conditions were unbearable for the communities in

Chiwundura Communal Area even though on paper the charges appear reasonable.

The majority of groups could not raise the 10% deposit. Furthermore they did not

have regular incomes as the majority were subsistence farmers with seasonal

incomes. As a result most groups folded up. The incumbent councillor revealed that

several households that failed to connect to the grid during that period were still not

connected at the time the study was conducted.

On realising the apparent lack of resources to implement the rural electrification

programme, the government then tasked the national utility to share the cost of grid

extension with the potential beneficiaries, who to begin with had to contribute half the

cost of the connection. The funds matching scheme was then introduced. The

potential beneficiaries were required to form groups of about 100 members and they

were asked to pay half of the full cost of electrification work done by ZESA. The

other half was paid for by the Rural Electrification Fund (REF). Later on their

contribution was raised to sixty per cent of the cost. This excluded installation costs

from the ZESA meter point to customer premises. From evidence obtained through

the M.P. of the area, though this scheme appeared attractive on face value it was

insurmountable for the peasant household who depended on seasonal agriculture for

their survival. Individuals pulled out of the groups citing inability to pay the monthly

subscriptions as the main reason. According to the councillor those households that

remained on the programme sacrificed their livestock in order to get connected to the

grid. One respondent informed the researcher that he had to part with more than ten

cattle to augment the money he had. He revealed a number of families did likewise.

Through snowball sampling the researcher was able to identify these families to get

their stories. The conclusion drawn by this study was that very few families parted

with their animals because of a number of reasons. Cattle as already discussed

have a social significance in traditional families. Families are not ready to sacrifice

their cattle to meet costs for electrifying their homes. In some cases even if they

were to do so they still could not raise the desired amounts. Incidentally the

programme was also negatively affected by the rampant inflation that affected

Zimbabwe between 1999 and 2009. The dollarization in 2009 did not help matters

either as its value was only noticed by those who were in employment with a regular

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salary. One headman revealed that although the dollarization had helped to

stabilise prices people in his area did not have the means to raise the money. If

anything some respondents that were interviewed expressed pessimism about the

dollarization and that their dreams to get connected were almost evaporated. They

were not formally employed and had no alternative source to get the money.

ZESA however came up with the end use infrastructure finance programme intended

to assist potential beneficiaries of the rural electrification programme. This

programme was initially designed to assist customers acquire capital equipment that

uses electricity. The objective was to empower rural communities to engage in

productive use of electricity and thereby create sustainable incomes and demand for

electricity. This scheme was supposed to target those consumers in the small and

medium enterprises. In the case of Chiwundura Communal Area this facility was

extended to cater for domestic appliances such as electric stoves, refrigerators

among others. The eligible customers were to be given the capital up-front by the

REF and were afforded the opportunity to pay on terms over three to five years at

the interest rate of 17%. Although this scheme appeared attractive to the

beneficiaries, it was a strain to ZESA since even before embarking on this venture it

was reeling under serious financial constraints. The political and economic

meltdown that prevailed in Zimbabwe during that time did not help matters. The

economic measures imposed on the country by the European Union and United

States of America made it difficult for ZESA to import electrical components and this

also affected the loan scheme. On the other hand the targeted consumers did not

have the capacity to acquire the appliances let alone to get connected. According to

information collected from ZESA only eight households in the study area were able

to utilise this facility. In all cases these households were in the working class which

enabled them to pay the monthly instalments. One of the clients of this scheme

revealed that he was able to remain on the programme because he got assistance

from his sons who were employed in well paying jobs. At the time of the study this

scheme had been suspended because of the challenges that were discussed above.

According to ZESA they were looking at ways of resuscitating the scheme in a way

that would be sustainable to both the utility and consumers.

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It is also critical to mention that during this phase the government also targeted

electrifying chiefs’ homesteads. Although this move was purported to improve the

chiefs’ living conditions political analysts viewed this as a political strategy by the

ruling party to garner the support of chiefs. This move was implemented during the

period when the popularity of the ruling party was waning. Chiefs have the

traditional power and capacity to direct villagers under their jurisdiction to support a

certain political party. It was during this era when Chief Gambiza’s homestead was

connected to the grid. Incidentally it was the only place that was connected to the

grid for more than ten years in Gambiza Ward. According to ZESA individual

households with the financial means could tap electricity from this line to their

homesteads. Up to the time of the study no household had been able to get

connected to this line due to financial limitations.

The third phase commenced after 2002 and it was characterised by ZESA

relinquishing its role of providing part of the costs towards getting prospective

customers getting connected to the grid. The whole burden of getting connected

was therefore left with the consumer and this then created a situation where only

those who could pay for the grid extension could have access to electricity (Munjeri,

2002). This worsened the situation of those intending to get connected to the grid.

The councillor for Mutengwa Ward was one such customer who had toiled for

seventeen years but had not been able to get connected. The main reason was that

she was unable to raise enough money. The amounts kept on going up and at times

ZESA was unable to obtain critical components such as transformers. Transformers

were unaffordable and cost about US$20 000 and they were not always available in

Zimbabwe and had to be imported. In order to cushion themselves against the

exorbitant costs consumers clubbed together to form cooperatives. The

cooperatives were affected by defaulting members because the majority of people

did not have stable financial resources.

5.6.1.2. Challenges faced by grid sector in Chiwundura Communal Area

It is important to always realise that the challenges that were experienced by

Chiwundura Communal Area households can always be best explained in the

context of Zimbabwe. Any developments at national level have significant impacts at

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the provincial, district, ward, village and household levels. Any effort to treat national

energy problems without paying attention to the different levels mentioned above

would be missing the point. Before the introduction of the United States dollar as a

legal tender Zimbabwe and ZESA experienced inadequate foreign currency supplies

for power imports (Batidzirai, 2002). This impacted negatively on the electricity

situation in Chiwundura Communal Area up to the time the study was conducted.

The infrastructure could not be run and maintained due to limited foreign exchange

to buy spare parts and components. The scarcity of foreign currency led to the

introduction of load shedding (Mbowa, 2007). The problem was further

compounded by the fact that the power utility was under-funded due to a number of

factors. One of the main reasons was that ZESA charged uneconomic tariffs. ZESA

was selling electricity well below the cost of supply, effectively giving a subsidy to

almost all consumer categories. This means that even the non-poor enjoy the same

level of subsidy as the poor (Rafemoyo, 2010). Low tariffs also scared away

potential independent power producers (IPP) and this explains why there has been

lack of investments into new power stations for decades. The situation was

exacerbated by consumers who defaulted on their payments. In the study area a

number of people that were interviewed actually admitted that they owed ZESA

some money in some cases as high as US$300. These respondents expressed the

opinion that even if they wanted to pay their bills there were a number of factors that

deflated their enthusiasm to pay. These included unscheduled power cuts, lack of

money and the distance travelled to pay the bills in either Gweru or Kwekwe. As of

2011 ZESA was owed over US$500 million countrywide in unpaid electricity bills

(Moyo, 2011). The figure was expected to rise in the years after 2011 as nothing

significant had been done to correct the situation.

The situation was compounded by the increased operational costs which were

related to payment for import of power in foreign currency and servicing of foreign

debt. The undercapitalised utility was therefore unable to service its equipment,

import spares and even acquire adequate coal supplies for Hwange Power Station

(HPS) and the smaller thermal power stations. This has a spiral effect on the rural

electrification programme. The ambitious electrification programme that was initiated

in the early 1980s in Chiwundura Communal Area was not spared by the lack of

funds. Information provided by both ZESA and REA was that electrification was

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moving at a snail pace in the study area because the power utilities did not have

enough funds for the programme.123 Information obtained from interviews conducted

during some transect walks showed that REA workers had left the area several

months ago. Observations showed poles that had been set in position but with no

cables. The security guard manning one of the sites informed the researcher that

work had stopped for an unforeseeable future.

As was mentioned in Chapter 1, ZESA was only producing an average of 1 200MW

against its potential of 1800MW, while it required 2 200MW (Rafemoyo, 2010). This

meant that the power sector required large-scale investment in electricity generation

of between US$ 1.5 and 2 billion over the next decade in order to meet current and

future demand (ZESA, 2000). In the immediate future the country needed an

additional thermal plant with a capacity of 300MW and that required around US$450

million in investment capital (Deepchand, 2001). Unfortunately ZESA was heavily

indebted especially from importing power (Batidzirai, 2002), and the Government of

Zimbabwe could not afford that level of investment at that moment. The situation is

further compounded by the fact that ZESA was operating at a loss (ZESA, 1999) and

found it difficult to attract any new investment. Such a situation stifled rural

electrification efforts. Managers at ZESA and REA revealed that there was no way

the utilities would fulfil their mandate in full in Chiwundura Communal Area when

they were not producing enough power to meet existing demand. Embarking on

rural electrification was therefore inconceivable and was probably more of a political

gimmick than a realistic objective. On the political front this was seen as a major

achievement but in real terms this was a project that was failing to come to fruition.

The macro-economic crisis that prevailed in Zimbabwe from the late 1990s

characterised by high inflation and the devaluation of the Zimbabwe dollar was one

of the main causes of ZESA’s poor technical and financial performance. Inflation in

1998 averaged over 50 percent per annum (ESMAP, 2000); and by July 2008 it had

reached 2 600 percent per month, which was equivalent to 12 percent daily rate

123 According to Jerry Gotora, the board chairperson of REA, funding from government was inadequate hence its rural electrification projects could not be expeditiously carried out. REA entirely depended on the 6% levy charged on electricity which generated less than US$1 million a month yet it required about US$ 3 million monthly to effectively carry out its projects (The Herald 23 December 2010).

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(Hanke and Kwok, 2009). The Zimbabwe dollar suffered substantial depreciation

against all major currencies during that period. This had a major effect on household

incomes throughout the country and this had a ripple effect on ZESA as it

experienced revenue collection challenges. The situation was even more arduous

for consumers in Chiwundura Communal Area with no regular source of income.

The ultimate result was the inadequate working capital (Rafemoyo, 2010). This

scenario resulted in poor service delivery by the utility as it was difficult to service the

existing system and/or to extend the service to new system. According to the

chairperson of one of the electrification groups and the headman of Mangwende

Village several households had their electricity supplies terminated because of lack

of payment. They lamented the challenges which were mainly associated with lack

of financial resources as most people were concerned with what to put on the table

for their families. The inflation left so many households in Chiwundura Communal

Area exposed and vulnerable. Focus was therefore on the survival of the family and

electrification was regarded as a luxury. Households that had once experienced the

advantages of electricity slid down the energy ladder to use fuelwood. During FGDs

some respondents revealed that they had failed to recover after the 1999-2009

economic crunch as they were bedevilled with huge debts to ZESA. They had since

accepted their fate and were content with reverting to the use of fuelwood.

ZESA transmission equipment has suffered from serious vandalism over the years

(Rafemoyo, 2010).124 Electricity utilities in Chiwundura Communal Area have been

vandalised in the past and communities have spent several days without electricity

as a result of vandalism. According to ZESA and REA managers thieves target

transformer oil, overhead and underground cables, bolts, nuts, guy grips and

washers. It is believed they sell cables to scrap metal dealers while transmission

equipment is said to have ready markets in neighbouring countries such as South

Africa, Mozambique and Botswana (Matambanadzo and Tembo, 2011; The

Zimbabwean, 2011). Theft of equipment results in power cuts and extra cost to

ZESA. As already observed it is very expensive to replace a transformer. It also

slows down the rate of new connections to the national electricity grid as the

124 Igbinovia and Orukpe (2007) also observe that government facilities such as electricity utilities are vandalised in rural parts of Nigeria such as in the State of Edo and end users end up without electricity in their homes.

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available equipment is subsequently used for replacement purposes instead of

network expansion (Bwititi, 2011). ZESA and REA managers actually confirmed that

thefts of transmission had affected the supply of electricity to Chiwundura Communal

Area. Thefts were rampant as thieves often stole cables when there was load

shedding. To mitigate these challenges ZESA had resorted to the use of aluminium

instead of copper cables.

One of the stumbling blocks in the dissemination of electricity to households in the

communal area was the preponderance of old and obsolete infrastructure within

ZESA. Information solicited from ZESA managers showed that there were

numerous breakdowns associated with the old equipment. That did not encourage

the extensions and expansions such as rural electrification. REA and ZESA

managers revealed that old and obsolete equipment remained a real obstacle in the

rural electrification quest and Chiwundura Communal Area was no exception. The

power utility however could not procure new equipment for the refurbishment and

recapitalisation of the infrastructure as it was experiencing liquidity crunch. For

instance the utility was battling to raise $125 million needed to repair the outdated

HPS generators (Zvauya and Kadirire, 2011). The Zimbabwe Electricity

Transmission and Distribution Company (ZETDC), a subsidiary of ZESA, recently

revealed Zimbabwe would continue to have serious load-shedding and power

outages until 2014 (Zvauya and Kadirire, 2011). The utility’s woes have been

worsened by serious brain drain (Rafemoyo, 2010). During the years of economic

meltdown ZESA experienced serious human capital flight and this negatively

affected its programmes. The problems discussed above though national in

perspective had a direct influence on rural electrification in Chiwundura Communal

Area and had slowed down the process and in some cases had resulted in a

complete work stoppage.

Although it was apparent that most of the households in the study area indicated that

they desired to use electricity as the energy of choice in their homesteads, empirical

evidence showed that there was a slow energy uptake by targeted communities.

This was due to their unstable incomes that were too low to allow them to afford the

electricity. Results from the survey conducted in the study area showed that their

incomes which were derived from agriculture were erratic and were generally low

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and averaged US$400 per annum. These incomes were therefore not adequate for

the installation of electricity in several households and let alone payment of monthly

electricity bills.125 During interviews with some households in the study area it was

clear that they were intimidated by the regular and higher charges of electricity of

USc 5.8/kWh on average and would instead prefer paying daily for small quantities

of substitutes like paraffin, firewood and candles. Dube (2001) made a similar

observation in study conducted on rural electrification in Zimbabwe but argued that

communities do not realise that paraffin, batteries, firewood and candles were in

reality more expensive than the cost of grid power. When this assertion was brought

to the attention of some of the people without electrified homes, they countered it

arguing that energy forms such as paraffin and candles could be procured when

money was available in quantities that suited their pockets. As already mentioned in

the earlier chapters and earlier sections of this chapter it was evident that the

majority of households who were peasant farmers did not have the financial

resources to electrify their homes. A discussion held with one retired civil servant in

the Gunde area showed that lack of money had stalled the electrification programme

his household had embarked on. Several households were also caught up in this

poverty web and as was discussed earlier on pulled out of the cooperative groups.

The councillor for Mutengwa Ward acknowledged that she had gone for more than

seventeen years putting up together the necessary resources but was still unable to

electrify her home. It must however be noted that extending an electric grid to just a

few households in rural areas can cost up to seven times the amount as in urban

areas.126

Another significant challenge that was spelt out by ZESA managers was that a

number of buildings in Chiwundura Communal Area did not meet the minimum

requirements for electrification. Dube (2001) posits that rural dwellings that are

made of materials that are not suitable are an inhibiting factor in the electrification

process. Most huts were constructed of pole and dagga and were grass thatched. It

was imperative for households making the energy transition to either build new

structures that were compliant to electrical codes or refurbish their old structures

125 Mangwengwende (2005) and Dube (2001) made similar observations that rural electrification programmes in many parts of Zimbabwe were hampered by low and erratic incomes. 126 It is interesting that although scholars such as McCawley (1978) observed that rural electrification was not profitable, governments continue to commit themselves to such a programme in the 2000s.

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before they were connected to the grid.127 This coupled with other expenses such as

hiring an electrician for wiring the building, purchasing electrical equipment such as

circuit breakers, fuses, outlets and wiring made the electrification process

unaffordable to many households in the study area. In the finally analysis it can be

concluded that households were connected to the grid on the basis of affordability.

The electrification programme in Chiwundura Communal Area was also affected by

the scattered nature of homesteads in the communal area. This is a familiar problem

that has deterred electrification in other rural areas of Zimbabwe where the average

distance to the nearest grid is 60 km (Dube, 2001). Places such as Chikutubwe,

Sunduza and Chigwana in Nyabango Ward which were located almost 20 kilometres

from the nearest grid lines are typical examples. It is therefore beyond the technical

and financial capability of the utility and the Government to extend electricity to serve

these isolated areas. It does not make economic sense for the government through

the power utility to connect such places which also have subdued returns. The

government’s endeavour was purely from a social welfare perspective. If anything

this only results in increased production costs for the power utility. The government

has attempted to overcome the problem of scattered homesteads by focusing rural

electrification on rural business or government administration centres (growth points)

(Mangwengwende, 2002). It is therefore assumed that three quarters of the

population is enjoying the benefits of grid electrification because they fall into the

category of people who are not connected but have a direct and indirect benefit by

living within 10 to 20 kilometres of an electrified centre (Mangwengwende, 2002).

This explains why all business centres in the study area (Mavodza, Muchakata,

Chiwundura, Gambiza, Savannah, Game Park, Gangarabwe and Gunde) except

Masvori were all electrified yet the villages surrounding them were not connected to

the grid. According to Mangwengwende (2002) the assumption is that communities

that do not have electricity in their homes benefit from the availability of electric

grinding mills that have replaced the diesel ones, and rural health and educational

institutions that offer improved services as they are able to retain qualified staff.

127 Murphy (2001) made similar observations in East Africa where the use of grid power required that households ideally live in a permanent structure designed and built according to electrical codes. Therefore households making the energy transition either had to build a new home or pay for the necessary changes to an old one.

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These are considered as some of the benefits of rural electrification. This is a very

tricky assertion as in real terms only 22.8% of the households enjoy direct benefits of

rural electrification. Otherwise the rest enjoy indirect benefits.

A number of new clients expressed dismay by the way the electrification programme

was conducted. There was a lot of red tape in the way business was conducted.

There was also too much fragmentation which resulted from the unbundling of ESC

as was mentioned in Chapter 1, and this tended to discourage potential clients. For

example, three utilities were involved in the rural electrification process. REA was

involved in installing the infrastructure in the communal area. ZESA was then

supposed to connect the house from the main line. ZEDTC was then responsible for

testing and certifying that the wiring done by the electricians on the house was safe

for connection. New clients had to approach each of those offices which were

located in different areas for a number of times. These offices could have been

located within the same area. Furthermore there was apparent lack of coordination

between the offices and this delayed the electrification process. One headmaster

complained that after all the processes had been completed, he had gone for four

months but ZEDTC had not come to test and certify that the houses were safe to

switch on the electricity. Such kind of developments tended to put off potential

customers who could not bear going through all these difficult stages.

The above discussion portrays a gloomy picture on the electrification programme in

the study area. Although the programme is meant to improve the lives of people in

Chiwundura Communal Area this objective may be difficult to achieve. Energy

poverty therefore remains a reality as generally households are not able to make any

energy transition. From the discussions it was clear the concept of the energy ladder

is not possible as the prevailing situations entailed that households remained at the

lower rungs of the ladder. There was no leapfrogging from the use of fuelwood to

the use of electricity because of a plethora of problems mentioned in the discussion

above128. As such the adoption of electricity by the majority of households in the

study area remains a pipedream.

128 Damm and Triebel (2008) contend that the difficulties associated with installing electricity in rural areas mean that rural communities continue to rely on fuelwood as the dorminant source of domestic energy.

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5.6.2. Solar

Solar energy systems which are often regarded as a type of pre-electrification

remain the only option available for communities in Chiwundura Communal Area

where only 22.8% of households have access to electricity. As already discussed in

earlier sections of this chapter, some remote areas such as Mabhungu, Masvori and

Nyabango remain without electricity. Solar energy which has the ability to fulfil some

of the functions which are usually associated with grid electricity could help kick start

livelihoods of marginalised households in these places. Observations however show

that solar energy remains conspicuous by its absence in many parts of Chiwundura

Communal Area. This situation is not unique to Chiwundura Communal Area as

Gogo (2000) reports that rural communities in Zimbabwe have not yet fully embraced

solar energy as part of their energy mix.129 This is despite the fact that Zimbabwe

enjoys approximately 300 days of full sunshine with an abundance of sunlight per

year (The Sunday Mail, 6 October, 2013). This part of the study will give the

background of solar energy in the communal area, and discuss the challenges that

inhibit the uptake of the energy service despite its purported advantages.

5.6.2.1. The incidence of solar energy use in Chiwundura Communal Area

The study utilised various study methods to gather data on solar energy adoption

and usage in the communal area. In the first place a number of transect walks were

conducted in the communal area to identify households with panels fixed on the

roofs or positioned somewhere in the home. This was to give the researcher an

indication of the households who could be using solar energy. The study also

adopted interviews with household heads that were either using the solar energy

technology or had used the technology at some stage in their lives. The study also

employed observations to establish the households that used SHS and the purposes

they used the SHS for. The questionnaires were used later to identify households

that owned solar household systems.

129 Kayo (2002) also observes that solar photovoltaic have not played a significant role in Zimbabwe’s energy balance in terms of total energy. This was despite the promise that was shown after the World Solar Summit which was held in Zimbabwe in 1992 which was characterised by increased participation and solar installations in many rural areas.

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The findings in this study established that the use of solar energy was waning

instead of increasing especially given that the communal area enjoyed several hours

of sunshine. Only 6.8% of the respondents in the survey used SHS for domestic

purposes. This figure was so low given that solar energy was the most feasible

source of energy in remote and isolated rural communities that have no immediate

hope of being linked to the national electricity grid. However, the information

obtained from the interviews conducted in the area showed that a number of

households bought solar home systems in the 1980s and 1990s. During that period

there was hype on the acquisition of solar home systems that gripped most rural

communities in Zimbabwe. International donor organisations actively supported the

solar projects in the country (Mapako, 2004). These included the Global

Environmental Facility (GEF), the Japan International Cooperation Agency (JICA)

and the Chinese. GEF ran from 1993 to 1998 and disseminated 12 000 units, while

in 1997 JICA disseminated 100 units in 100 households and in 1999 the Chinese

donated 110 SHSs with TVs and one communal water pump (Afrane-Okese and

Mapako, 2003; Mulugetta et al., 2000). During that period a total of 72 000 SHSs

private purchases were made in the country (Afrane-Okese and Mapako, 2003). It is

important to note that households in Chiwundura Communal Area did not benefit

from these programmes. According to the councillor for Mutengwa Ward households

instead bought SHSs through their own initiatives and resources. These were

mostly small modules, 20-40Wp crystalline Si and 12Wp amorphous modules and

their uses were limited to lighting, radio, black and white televisions and charging

mobile phone and second hand car batteries.130 This was because rural

communities such as Chiwundura Communal Area have limited financial resources

to purchase big systems ranging from 500 to 2000 W which could power appliances

such as stoves and submersible pumps and also had the ability to light the whole

village.

Although it was difficult to make a physical count of all solar home systems in the

study area it was noted that at least for every thirty households one had a solar

home system. Most of the SHS were used for charging mobile phone batteries and

130 A similar observation was made by Nkwetta, Driesen, Smyth, Thong and Belmans (2010) who postulate that most PV installations for individual dwellings in developing countries are small in size, ranging from 200 to 500 W. this stems from the fact that they cannot afford large PV systems which have a range of functions.

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for entertainment purposes. Very few SHS were used for lighting purposes. During

fieldwork in the area it was observed that those households with solar home systems

had at least one member who was employed either within the communal area or in

one of the urban areas in Zimbabwe or even in South Africa. Those employed in

Chiwundura Communal Area were in the civil service where they operated mainly as

teachers. It was observed that most of the systems were procured in the 1980s and

1990s. These belonged mainly to people in the working class and were mostly

bought in either South Africa or Botswana, and were observed to be genuine

products which were able to last for more than 20 years. It was also realised that the

majority of households who got their solar home systems in the 1980s and 1990s

were now using grid electricity. During field work the researcher observed that there

were a number of households who had recently acquired solar home systems.

These got their systems from the flea markets which had mushroomed in Kwekwe

and Gweru. From observations made most of the SHS sold at flea markets were

imitations of original labels. These were low quality products which did not last long

and several were no longer operational despite the fact that they had been recently

acquired.

Fieldwork observations showed that there was a general upsurge in the use of solar

lanterns as shown in Figure 5.18. The panels were put in direct sunlight during the

day and when fully charged could last for eight hours. They operated the same way

as ordinary solar panels.

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Figure 5.18: A student using a solar lantern (Research data, 2012)

These were popular with school children although they were often used for lighting

by the rest of the family. The school children usually had the opportunity to use them

after the family had retired to bed. The lantern cost between US$20 and US$35.

Since it could be used by the family for lighting and the school children it was viewed

as a useful appliance.

5.6.2.2. Challenges associated with solar house systems

The study on solar house systems in Chiwundura Communal Area concluded that

there were some inherent challenges which curtailed their continued use and

possible adoption in the communal area. Data gathered through interviews, focus

group discussions and observations showed that instead of registering an increase

in the number of SHS in the study area since the early 1980s there was a steady

decline in the use of solar energy. The challenges affecting the use and adoption of

solar energy systems were grouped into four categories, namely financial, social,

economic and political barriers, and these were considered in greater detail in the

ensuing sections.

a. Financial barriers

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The adoption of solar energy in Chiwundura Communal Area suffered from several

income-related challenges. Although it was apparent that solar energy was going to

solve some of the energy problems that were faced in the study area, the generality

of the communal area were unable to own these systems. While their operational

costs were almost zero the upfront costs of solar home systems were very high.

Given that the majority of the residents in the study area were subsistence farmers

with depressed incomes they could not afford to buy even the simplest and smallest

solar home system. This scenario was not only peculiar to Chiwundura Communal

Area as some rural areas in the developing world also experienced this. Practical

Action (2010) asserts that in India for instance poor households are not able to

purchase solar home systems because the upfront costs are beyond their reach.

Studies conducted by Karekezi and Kithyoma (2002) in Kenya and Namibia, confirm

that most poor rural households cannot afford even the low-end 18 Wp PV solar

systems. Poverty was singled out as the main barrier to the adoption of SHS. In a

survey conducted in the city of Gweru to determine the prices of SHS it was

observed that the cost of SHS in flea markets ranged between US$60 and US$300

depending on the size and quality of the system. Table 5.17 shows the cost of

modules found at the flea markets.

Table 5.17: The cost of solar module at a flea market in Gweru City

Brand name Size (in watts) Cost in US$

Omega 10 10

Superstar 10 35

Superstar 15 45

Vivatel 15 45

Vivatel 30 85

ICCO 38 125

ICCO 55 180

Source: Research data, 2011.

Basically these were some of the cheap varieties. There were also a number of

modules that did not bear any trademark. This was a clear testimony that they were

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fake items with a very short life span. The genuine brands were found in the better

known retail and furniture shops. Their price ranges were quite high and were not

affordable to the majority of the households in the study area. They cost about

US$625 on average. This amount was beyond the reach of ordinary peasant

farmers and even some households in paid employment could not easily afford such

a system. The exorbitant prices of SHS left ordinary peasants with no options but to

purchase counterfeit systems from flea markets. In a nutshell the cost of SHS had

an impact on the ownership of the system as those without a reliable source of

income ended up with poor systems and in most cases without any at all.

Observations made during fieldwork showed that a number of households with SHS

did not operate with a full set of the system. They could not afford to buy the

complete SHS systems which comprised a panel, a battery, an inverter, a regulator

that controls the charging and discharging of the battery, as well as a set of light

points because of limited financial resources. In a survey conducted at the flea

markets in the City of Gweru the genuine regulators cost US$60 while imitations cost

an average of US$15. Solar batteries on average cost US$75. This was untenable

for some households hence most of them tended to buy the set as individual

components which more often than not were acquired from different suppliers at

different times. This step-wise approach was done so as to spread the costs over a

period of time. It was not surprising therefore to come across components that were

not complementary. It was also observed that as a way of reducing costs most

households left out some components they thought were not necessary. In most

cases they left out the regulator, which incidentally was an important component

which protected the battery from overcharging or deep discharge. As a result most

SHS became dysfunctional because their batteries had been overcharged. Some of

the SHS users could not afford to buy solar batteries. They therefore opted for the

more affordable second hand car and motor cycle batteries which cost between

US$2 and US$5. These were not compatible with the solar systems and they

shortened the lifespan of the solar systems. However, it is critical to note that

whatever the case, use of inferior products compromised the lifespan of most SHS in

Chiwundura Communal Area while at the same time causing the systems to provide

poor quality service.

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The high rate of import duties that were being charged on solar equipment had

serious ripple effects on the adoption and use of SHS. Although this duty was

charged on the traders who imported the SHS technology from South Africa and

Botswana it had spill-over effects on the buyers like Chiwundura Communal Area

households. The traders passed on the expenses onto the consumer who ultimately

could not afford the price. In order to beat the system the traders imported

counterfeit SHS which attracted lesser duty. These had flooded the flea markets and

were a major deterrent to the acquisition of SHS. Batteries in particular which were

imported mainly from South Africa attracted high import charges. Traders ended up

buying cheap and in most cases fake batteries. Interviews with households using

solar home systems showed that they had been exposed to those batteries which

were providing poor quality service. Some of the respondents revealed that it was

better to use paraffin and candles as SHSs were presenting a number of challenges

associated with components of poor quality. In a way this had negatively affected

the desire by households to own SHSs. Households said that for the time being they

had no option but had to be content with using kerosene or wood to meet their

lighting and cooking needs.

The absence of genuine high quality backup spares contributed to the reduced

number of SHSs that were functional. The deep cycle batteries that do not easily

wear out were not easily accessible. This was due to a number of factors which

included high import duties and the lack of local industries that produced these

batteries. This led to the substitution with any available equivalents such as motor

vehicle and motor cycle batteries. Incandescent lights were also used as a

replacement for solar lights which were difficult to get.

b. Technical barriers

Some of the findings showed that the dissemination of SHS technology was

hampered by technical challenges. Three main technical barriers were identified in

Chiwundura Communal Area. These were the limited availability of high quality SHS

systems, transport problems and lack of training in maintenance. Through

observations this study found that there was a dearth of high quality panels and

limited availability of inverters, batteries, and controllers. As a result some of the

SHS in the area were counterfeit. These lacked labels to signify where they were

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made. Observations were that the SHS in the communal area had different origins.

The majority of them had been imported from neighbouring South Africa and

Botswana. Individual households had either procured them on their own or they got

them from middlemen who operated as solar energy suppliers. Most of these

systems did not have back up spare parts. Households who had used some of

these SHS before explained that most of the systems were of low quality and did not

last beyond three years. One retired agricultural extension worker lamented that he

bought a SHS that did not last two years. He said the weakest elements in the

system were the battery and the inverter. In actual fact he did not buy the system as

a unit but bought different components from different suppliers. He revealed that

some locals who purported to be solar technicians failed to fix the problem. He

complained that they were unable to pin point the actual problem but instead used

trial and error method. At the time of the study the SHS was only suitable for

charging cell phones.

The situation was compounded by the emergence of Chinese-made SHS products

on the market in the recent past. Some households explained that they went for

these products as they were affordable but they later on experienced a number of

problems such as inefficiency and lack of durability. As a result households were

saddled with redundant SHS which they found hard to dispose of. This researcher

observed that in one village with about fifty six households there were seventeen

households with defunct SHS which looked new. Information obtained from some of

these household showed that it cost more to have them repaired than to buy new

SHS. This state of affairs discouraged prospective owners of these gadgets from

buying SHS as they did not want to experience those hurdles.

The procurement of SHSs was done on an individual basis, hence households had

to organise ways of transporting their modules to Chiwundura Communal Area.

Generally this was a technical challenge as households relied on public transport

such as buses. This exposed the modules to the possibility of breaking. The

modules were not insured and if they got broken on the public transport there was no

compensation. Individual owners usually carried the modules on their laps from the

nearest towns of Gweru and Kwekwe, or at times from as far afield as South Africa.

Solar panels were liable to breaking or falling apart and this acted as a deterrent to

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would be owners. Panels are fragile and require utmost care during their

transportation. Two respondents explained that their panels got broken soon after

they were bought as they transported them home on public transport. They were not

compensated.

The absence of qualified technicians with the expertise to install or repair SHS was a

critical technical barrier in the dissemination of the technology in the study area. All

the respondents informed the researcher that their systems were installed by local

technicians who were self-taught and had acquired their skills from continuous

practice. This indirectly negatively impacted on the dissemination of the systems as

potential users of the SHS looked at the systems with disdain instead of looking at

the incompetent technicians. During a focus group discussion the sentiments by

some villagers were that SHSs were not reliable as they broke down easily. No one

ever mentioned that the technicians were responsible for these problems. This study

was able to get the views of one self-taught technician. He revealed that he got his

experience when he worked as an assistant to another self taught technician. He

had never been trade tested and he further mentioned that this was a hobby that he

pursued on a part-time basis. The study concluded that these so-called technicians

put the SHSs at risk because they were delicate and could be destroyed if there was

any short circuit.

Furthermore, of all households that procured SHS not even a single one had the

ability to repair them. It was observed that households cared only about having light

and music in their homes but did not even know the basics of caring for their SHS.

The situation was made worse by the fact that the middle men who acted as

suppliers of panels did not know much about the SHS as well. This explains why

there were several dysfunctional systems in a number of homes in the study area.

The general lack of knowledge on handling the SHS was definitely a major handicap

in the dissemination of SHS as some households were quick to express their

displeasure of having a technology that could not be repaired once it developed

problems.

It was also noticed that a number of households could not fix their SHS in one

permanent position as the sun tended to change its position on a daily and monthly

basis. The users preferred to shift the module so as to maximise on the amount of

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the energy they captured. This was a bit cumbersome as at times they forgot to

change the modules or even watch them against domestic animals such as dogs,

goats, cattle and donkeys, which led to their breakages. This aspect defeated the

adage that PVs were “maintenance free power from the sun”. Once they got broken

the users soon realised that they could not have them repaired easily as the

technology was unfamiliar to them. Even minor problems were as challenging as the

communal households lacked the expertise to deal with them. A number of SHSs

were redundant because they could not be repaired. As such this led to customer

dissatisfaction and potential users were discouraged from purchasing the SHS.

c. Social barriers

The study established that there were a number of social barriers which led to low

acceptance of the solar energy system. It was observed that Chiwundura

Communal Area residents had unrealistic expectations about what a SHS could do.

They thought that the acquisition of the SHS was going to signifiantly improve their

lives. They had anticipated that the SHS would provide enough electricity for all

household end uses such as cooking, lighting and space heating. In reality SHS had

limited uses and Wamukonya (2007) and GTZ (2000) remarked that the assertion

that PV electrification contributed to poverty alleviation was illusory or, at least,

extremely limited. The realization that the power capacity of SHS rendered them

unable to contribute significantly to most productive activities led to the frustration of

most villagers. Those who had not yet acquired the system became unenthusiastic

and had to defer buying it. One elderly respondent commented that he wanted to

acquire the SHS especially when there was euphoria of these SHS in the late 1980s

and early 1990s, but had to abandon his plans when he was informed that they could

not use it for cooking. He argued that cooking was the most critical energy end use

in communal areas and any technology which was going to tackle this area would be

readily embraced especially if it was coming cheap.

Another big social challenge associated with SHS was the theft of panels. There

was an outcry of SHS related thefts. Thieves from the local communities would go

up the roof to remove the panels as these had a lucrative market in the rural areas.

Obviously they sold them at give away prices in the neighbouring villages.

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Households had to devise ways of safeguarding their panels. Instead of fixing them

on the roof some households simply placed them on a strategic position during the

day as shown in Figure 5.19, and then take them into the house for safe keeping at

night. This however exposed them to breakage as goats, donkeys, cattle and dogs

could trip or knock them down. In the study area there were reports of households

that lost their SHS as a result of knock downs from animals.

Figure 5.19: Solar panel placed against a drum as a safety precaution

(Research data, 2011).

It emerged during interviews with households that most cases of vandalism and

thefts were largely due to jealousy and sabotage by neighbours or other villagers.

Theft and vandalism destroyed the enthusiasm to acquire SHS. Instead the affected

families reverted to the use of fuelwood. One villager remarked that it was risky to

install a SHS at one’s homestead as it could be stolen or the household could be

victims of witchcraft. Traditional beliefs such as witchcraft have foothold in the study

area and these have stifled development in a significant way as many people still

believe they can be harmed through witchcraft. One respondent said owning an

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SHS was an indication of being well off and this could attract all sorts of hatred from

the community. As such some individuals who could afford SHS kept a low profile

for fear of being victimized. Social factors seem insignificant but play an important

role in the adoption and use of SHSs.

d. Political barriers

Evidence gathered from the local community showed that the lack of dissemination

of solar technology was to some extent due to lack of political will. Even though the

new energy policy that was unveiled by the government in 2012 highlights the

importance of renewable energy particularly solar, not much has been done on the

ground to demonstrate this. Councillors and village headmen in the study area said

that no one from the national government had ever visited their areas to collect

energy consumption data from the demand side. Members of the community felt it

was important for the government to be involved in the dissemination of solar energy

systems given that it could be used in remote areas where it was difficult to introduce

grid electricity. Information obtained from two retired civil servants (agricultural

extension worker and headmaster) showed that they wanted the government and

development agencies to introduce systems that could generate enough power to

light up the whole village as well as drive irrigation systems. They felt it was critical

for these arms of development to consult with the local communities on their

requirements. They further revealed that instead the government and non-

governmental organizations wanted to dictate the kind of energy rural communities

should be given. This explains why there was excitement when it was revealed that

rural grid electrification was being introduced in Chiwundura Communal Area,

because it had political implications. Politicians ride on such programmes to garner

support from the unsuspecting rural communities. Some headmen complained that

the Rural Electrification Agency and NGOs only visited to inform the communities of

the different energy types they had on offer. There was no community involvement

in decision making. They argued that if solar energy had the same political support

as grid rural electrification the dissemination of the technology was going to be more

meaningful and would cover several areas.

The dissemination of solar energy in Chiwundura Communal Area was not very

significant as observed in the above discussion. The technology is actually on the

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decline and revelations by respondents in the study area showed that the technology

did not solve their main need that is cooking. As a result households were not

prepared to commit their hard earned cash on such a technology. Households

would rather wait for the introduction of grid electrification in their areas.

5.6.3. Diesel powered generators (gensets)

Observations made in the study area showed that there was a gradual increase in

the number of people that were using diesel powered generators (gensets). During

the evenings one would hear isolated sounds of a diesel powered generators.

Information gathered from interviews showed that a number of households acquired

gensets from around 2008 onwards. Initially they were bought by households which

were already connected to the grid and were used as backup when there was load

shedding or a blackout. In actual fact they were bought as a response to the

problem of electricity shortage which was rampant in the whole country. It was

apparent that this problem did not have an immediate solution as the situation was

deteriorating instead of improving. As a result there was a sudden interest in the use

of gensets as households wanted to augment the shortfall of electricity supply.

Initially it was the urban households who responded quickly to this development but

later on it also filtered to the rural areas and Chiwundura Communal Area was not

left out. This created an influx of diesel and petrol powered generators in the market

whose origin was mainly China, South Africa and United States of America. They

were available in electrical shops as well as the flea markets. There was a mixture of

genuine and counterfeit products. Households which had always wanted to be

connected to the grid but could not because of one reason or another also took this

opportunity to buy their own gensets.

5.6.3.1. The use of gensets

Results of a questionnaire survey showed that only 3% of the respondents owned

gensets. Transect walks actually revealed that a number of households had gensets

which were in different states of working conditions. During interviews it was

established that several gensets were idle and reasons for this will be discussed

shortly. All the generators that were observed were small with capacity capable of

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providing lighting, powering entertainment and communication gargets, refrigeration,

and charging mobile phone and second hand car batteries. They were not capable

of powering stoves; hence they were not used for cooking purposes. Most of the

generators were used in the evenings usually for periods that did not extend beyond

two hours. In most cases they were operated for between thirty minutes and one

hour. This was due to limited financial resources to buy fuel. As already discussed

in earlier Chapter 1, there were no fuel stations in the communal area and fuel was

only available in either Gweru or Kwekwe which were more than 40 kilometres away.

This was the major limiting factor in the use of generators in the study area.

5.6.3.2. Challenges associated with the use of generators

One major observation made during field work was that most of the genset users

had limited knowledge on the operations of the technology. It was apparent that

most of those with the gensets simply bought them because they appeared

affordable and they seemed to be the solution to years of lack of electricity. In

discussions held with some self-taught technicians it was realised that they lacked

some critical information that users needed to know. For example they did not know

the real reason why it was necessary to have generator outdoors when in operation.

Some said the generator needed to “breath”. The interpretation was that the genset

required oxygen in its operation. This was unfortunate because “technicians” were

supposed to be more informed than ordinary people on the use and operations of the

system. It was important to keep the machine outdoors because it produced a

combination of noxious gases which affected indoor air quality, which could lead to

suffocation and death of users. It was also observed that although most users kept

their generators outside when they were in operation, they tended to keep them

close to buildings. In most cases they were found within a distance of two metres

from the buildings. Some revealed that this was because of the prevalence of thefts

in the study area. It was also evident that some of the users were ignorant of the

impacts of pollution caused by the generators. Although most of the pollutants were

formed outdoors they tended to make their way into the houses through doors and

windows. Generators are associated with carbon monoxide (CO), sulphur dioxide

(SO2) and nitrogen oxide (NOx) which are harmful to human health. CO which is a

colourless, odourless, tasteless, non-irritating and toxic gas produced primarily

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during the incomplete combustion of carbonaceous fuels and substances is

responsible for the death of more than 50% of the fatal poisonings reported in many

countries (Eberhardt et al., 2006; Min et al., 2009). In Nigeria reports show that

more than 60 people suffocated to death in 2008 as result of exposure to high

concentration of carbon monoxide produced by the diesel powered generator

(Adefeso, Sonibare, Akeredolu and Rabiu, 2012). At the world scale fumes from the

generators contributed to the poor indoor air quality which was reported to have

claimed over 1.6 million lives and has left 38.5 million disabled the world over in

2000 (Smith et al., 2003). Furthermore poor indoor air quality is associated with

acute lower respiratory infections (ALRI) in children aged below 5 years, chronic

obstructive pulmonary disease (COPD), lung cancer, asthma, tuberculosis, heart

disease, irritation of the eyes, nose and throat, headaches, dizziness and fatigue

(Smith et al., 2003). Although the diesel generators were few in the study area, and

their impact was not immediately noticeable, it is important to realise that they posed

a threat to the environment and human health as residents and passersby could

inhale gases they emitted. In some interviews conducted in parts of Gunde and

Gangarabwe both users and non users complained that there were times they

experienced headaches and dizziness after inhaling fumes produced by the

generators.

Besides the problem of air pollution the adoption of gensets was spoiled by a

number of challenges associated with them. They produced a lot of noise which

offended neighbours especially if they did not have generators of their own. In one

way or another, generators showed the social disparities between households in the

study area. In general those who owned generators were of a better social standing

compared to those without generators. The noise produced by generators was a

constant reminder to the poor of their social status. Some households revealed that

certain households with generators wanted to show off that they had these

generators. This caused some unnecessary friction between households.

Interviews conducted with households that owned gensets showed that owning such

a gadget in the midst of poverty stricken households did not augur well in their

communities. A former educationist said his household was not comfortable using

their genset as he was afraid of the backlash from the community for using the

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generator. He even feared that witchcraft could be practised on his family. He

confided that several baseless complaints such as noise and air pollution had been

raised by his neighbours to the extent that he was no longer at liberty to use it.

Social conflicts in this case stifled opportunities for energy transitions for certain

households.

The use of gensets in Chiwundura Communal Area was associated with several

expenses that were beyond the reach of ordinary peasants. As already discussed

earlier on, most households had very limited sources of income and the majority of

them depended on seasonal agriculture. Generally the cost of genuine and big

gensets was exorbitant. The cost of a three phase generator that could be utilised

for cooking was around US$1 500. This was obviously out of reach for the ordinary

household. The majority of gensets in Chiwundura Communal Area were small

varieties which were basically single phase counterfeit products which cost between

US$75 and US$300. They were used for lighting, entertainment and communication.

They could not be utilised for cooking which was the most important use. The

gensets also required the use of fuel which was difficult to access by most users.

Observations showed that most households did not factor this aspect when they

acquired their gadgets. Fuel is one element that has negatively impacted on the use

of generators in the study area. As was mentioned earlier on, there was no single

fuel station in the whole of Chiwundura Communal Area. Genset users depended on

Kwekwe and Gweru for their fuel supplies. The problem was further compounded

by the fact that most users depended on public transport as they did not have cars of

their own. Public transporters were not comfortable carrying fuel on their vehicles.

In the end gensets users had to make arrangements with private transporters who

charged them US$20 per 20 litre container. This militated against regular use of

gensets in the area. A peasant farmer who owned one such gensets acknowledged

that his household was not able to use their genset as regularly as they desired

because there were difficulties in procuring fuel as well as the inability to afford the

fuel whenever they needed it. As a result the genset was idle most of the time

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because it did not have fuel to run it. This was the general trend in the study area

where gensets had become redundant and were mere status symbols.131

Furthermore the gensets required regular servicing. In the study area there were no

skilled technicians to service the gensets. However they could not carry these to

Gweru or Kwekwe because of limited transport service. Households ended up

relying on the local self-trained technicians to service their gensets but because of

lack of skills they ended up damaging the gadgets. The costs associated with the

use of gensets were a major deterrent in the upward movement of households to

better energy sources. In the end households could not move to the next energy

rung on the energy ladder or even leapfrog to better energy forms. Gensets were

ultimately reserved for lighting, entertainment and communication whilst households

resorted to fuelwood for cooking. This situation therefore only helped to make

households multiple fuels users.

5.7. Summary and conclusions

This chapter discussed the different energy portfolios available in Chiwundura

Communal Area. It was clear from the presentation that the majority of households

continued to depend on fuelwood because they felt it was “cheaper” than any other

form of energy while at the same time it was more easily available than other forms.

The dissemination of modern energy was progressing at a slow rate although it was

evident that grid electrification was better compared to solar and diesel powered

generators. Income was the main deterrent in the adoption of the three different

electricity forms. Households who are subsistence farmers do not have disposable

income to purchase the different energy forms. The situation that obtained in the

communal area is that those households that acquired solar energy and diesel

powered generators used them for space lighting, entertainment and charging

batteries. Some households that were connected to the grid did not use it for

cooking. Instead they used it for lighting and other end uses such as entertainment.

This therefore meant to some extent indeed there was energy transition in the study

area. However, households continuously moved up and down the energy ladder as

131 The World Bank (2009) also observes that generators in remote parts of Africa are difficult to

operate because of the high cost of fuel.

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was dictated by the economic situation. Even though it was apparent that some

households had leapfrogged from biomass fuel to electricity they never remained

there for so long. In essence those households that adopted energy forms could

best be described as multiple fuel users. The discussions in this chapter also

showed that energy has an inextricable linkage with development. All facets of

development ranging from education, health, communication and entertainment and

environment depend on energy. It has been observed that continued utilisation of

traditional energy stifles development whilst at the same time exposing particularly

women and children to acute indoor pollution which in turn could cause serious

diseases such bronchitis. Lack of modern energy also meant school children could

not progress effectively with their studies. They experienced sore eyes among many

other problems. There has been limited energy transition in the area; hence

communities remain under the yoke of energy poverty. The adoption of modern

energy could witness an improvement in the welfare of households.

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CHAPTER 6

SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS AND RECOMMENDATIONS

6.1. Introduction

The purpose of this chapter is to present a summary of the study, conclusions and

recommendations for the study on energy use as a strategy of development in

Chiwundura Communal Area. The chapter also looks at the areas that need further

study as well. The summary is a synopsis of the aims and objectives of the study,

the methods that were used for the study as well as the findings. The conclusions

are also looked at.

6.2. Summary

The current study was concerned with assessing energy use as a strategy for

development in Chiwundura Communal Area in Zimbabwe. In order to get an in-

depth understanding of the prevailing energy situation in the communal area, it was

necessary to identify the different household energy options available in the study

area. It was also important to make an assessment of their impacts on livelihoods

and gender issues in Chiwundura Communal Area. The study also explored the

different determinants of household energy choices and looked at how household

decision making and the fuel transition models influenced household fuel choices in

Chiwundura Communal Area.

The study was guided by the following research questions:

1. Why is the transition from traditional biomass energy forms to modern energy

services slow in Chiwundura Communal Area?

2. How are household fuel choices influenced by the socio-economic, cultural and

environmental factors?

3. In what ways have the traditional biomass energy forms impacted upon poor rural

households’ livelihoods and sustainable development with special reference to

women and children?

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4. To what extent can modern energy services be utilised to reduce poor people’s

vulnerability and increase their empowerment?

In the end there was need to establish the extent to which modern energy services

could be utilised to reduce poor people’s vulnerability and increase their

empowerment in Chiwundura Communal Area. The study used a variety of research

methods in its quest to answer the above mentioned questions and in the process

made a number of findings that were fundamental in the use of energy as a

development strategy. The study used the case study research design and

triangulated the following instruments; questionnaires, observations, interviews,

focus group discussions and transect walks. These provided first hand information

on energy poverty as well as trends in energy use in the area. The study also

made use of content analysis where relevant newspaper articles and documents

from various organisations such as ZESA and REA were also analysed. The study

looked at the different theories that could be applied to analyse the use and adoption

of different energy services in the study area. Generally it was observed that

households in the study area were multiple fuel users; hence multiple fuel use

(stacking) theory was applicable in the study area. The energy ladder model and the

leapfrogging model were observed in a few instances but were not as widespread as

the multiple fuels model. In actual fact the households that moved up the energy

ladder always went down the ladder whenever the situation demanded. At times

electrified households went even below fuelwood to agricultural residues since there

were times they did not have both electricity and fuelwood. Movements along the

ladder were neither unidirectional nor linear.

6.3. Conclusions

The main conclusion was that biomass energy remained as the dominant source of

energy in the study area. A few households had moved up the energy ladder

although they also continued to rely on fuelwood as well. This situation therefore

meant that a number of households were multiple fuel users.

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6.3.1. General observations

Most households in Chiwundura Communal Area continue to depend on the

traditional biomass energy specifically fuelwood which is very scarce in the former

tribal trust land and which is to some extent abundant in the resettlement area.

Unlike in most rural areas where women are responsible for collecting fuelwood,

both men and boys in the study area were mainly responsible for this chore. This

was determined by the scarcity of the fuelwood; hence men had to exchange roles

and were actively involved in fetching fuelwood making use of animal drawn carts.

Women from poor families without carts were therefore exposed as men from such

families were reluctant to carry wood on their heads. Women therefore had to go out

to fetch the fuelwood.

The rate of electrification in the study area was at 22. 8% and most of the electrified

homes used the electricity mainly for lighting and entertainment. Most of the cooking

in the area was done using fuelwood because of the costs involved. Other factors

such as household size, education and age of household were critical in the

selection of energy forms that households chose. Cultural factors were also very

important in determining energy choices. It was also observed that generally most of

the households retained the traditional kitchen even after they were electrified. The

kitchen was significant from a traditional point of view while at the same time they

continued to use fuelwood in the kitchen. The lack of reliable incomes was also a

major challenge for most households, who relied on agriculture for their survival.

Limited incomes meant they could not adopt electricity which required high initial

costs. They could not meet the monthly costs associated with the use of electricity.

Although the government of Zimbabwe now has an energy policy in place, it is too

early to really comment on its implementation as it is fairly new;it was only launched

in 2012. It touches on critical areas such as making modern energy accessible in

the rural areas which were previously disadvantaged, and being sensitive to gender

concerns. It is however important to realise that lack of money debilitates efforts by

government to expand and extend the infrastructure in the rural areas. Furthermore,

the government of Zimbabwe lacks the capacity when compared to South Africa

which has prioritised the dissemination of renewable energy forms in areas where

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grid electricity cannot reach. This explains why LPG and paraffin have a significant

presence in the rural areas of South Africa yet in Zimbabwe’s rural areas they are

conspicuous by their absence.

There is also lack of political will as the government has not put much effort to

improve the availability of modern energy in the country. This has negatively

impacted on energy access in Chiwundura Communal Area. For instance the

dissemination of solar energy was expected to take off soon after the World Solar

Summit in 1996, but up to 2013 nothing had come to fruition. This was a typical

reflection of bureaucracy and redtape, coupled with lack of commitment on the part

of government.

6.3.2. Confirmation of theories

The study concluded that the multiple fuel use theory was the most relevant theory

that could be applied in the rural energy use dynamics in Chiwundura Communal

Area. It was observed energy choice at household level was a complex matter

which involved decision-making, which ranged from unitary decision-making to

cooperative bargaining and negotiation between husband and wife. It is however

important to state that this study established that there were negotiations that went

on in the home regarding the type of energy that a home utilised. It was observed

that it could not be generalised that men were dictators as postulated in many

studies on energy. Social structures compelled them to negotiate with their wives

who in turn used their bargaining skills to get what they wanted. This explains why it

would appear men were responsible for selecting SHS technology and gensets yet

the push came from their wives who were in constant competition with their friends

and neighbours. The study therefore established that households ended up as

multiple fuels consumers because of what the leisure class theory describes as

conspicuous consumption. Some households adopted some fuel types for example

gensets, to show off their status whilst others simply wanted to emulate other

households. It was also concluded that families became multiple fuels users so as to

get advantages from all the different energy forms. It was concluded that almost all

energy forms were important in their own right. Traditional fuels as was observed

were found to be useful in the preparation of traditional dishes. At the same time

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they were important in preserving food stuffs. Although households might have

wanted to utilise electricity this was not possible as the country’s political and

economic problems and attendant power and liquid fuels shortages since the late

1990s forced households to regress to the use of fuelwood. Fuelwood was therefore

a fall-back fuel in adverse circumstances for households that had moved to modern

energy services. The economic hardships also made it impossible for households to

switch to modern fuels hence they had to continue depending on biomass fuel. The

energy ladder and leapfrogging theories fail to fit into the situation of households in

Chiwundura Communal Area as they give the impression that once a household

moves up the energy ladder it drops the lower energy forms.

6.3.3. Energy transition

Energy transition is progressing slowly in Chiwundura Communal Area. The

transition has been slowed down by high costs of modern fuels. The majority of the

households in the study area will not be connected to the grid because of the

technical and socio-economic barriers. It was concluded that most households in

Chiwundura Communal Area could not afford connecting to the grid and in some

cases paying monthly bills for electricity. It was also concluded that the lack of an

effective supply network in Chiwundura Communal Area slackened the energy

transition process. Several households were located in dispersed settlements

making it difficult to connect them to the grid. Roads were in a very bad state

making the supply of kerosene, LPG and solar panels very difficult. Fuelwood

continues to remain the energy of choice among the poor majority for many years to

come because it does not have a monetary price attached to it. This is despite the

fact that the traditional supply sources of fuelwood are dwindling. Households that

are unable to buy the commodity collect it from the nearby forest or walk to the

resettlement areas. It was also concluded that in the study area fuelwood could not

be replaced completely even in households with electricity because it is an essential

fuel used in the preparation of traditional foods, it also continues to be important as it

is used for cultural reasons as well as traditional ceremonies. Furthermore, fuelwood

has advantages that go beyond price.

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It was established that fuel switching that occurred in Chiwundura Communal Area

was neither linear nor unidirectional. However, households used multiple fuels

(stacking) for household purposes. Fuelwood was used mainly for cooking by poor

households. Some better off households used electricity for this purpose, and

fuelwood when need arose. Kerosene and candles were used for lighting by poor

and unconnected families, while electricity was used by well to do families and those

that were connected. Multiple fuel use was a key feature of energy use in

Chiwundura Communal Area and households often did this to cushion themselves

against energy insecurity. Electrified households which generally relied on electricity

for cooking were on numerous occasions forced to go down the energy ladder as

they experienced unplanned load shedding. Households had piles of fuelwood they

used as contingency as blackouts were more frequent than in the previous years.

6.3.4. Increased scarcity of biomass

Empirical evidence showed that biomass energy remained the main source of

energy and for some it was the only source of energy. This was likely to be the case

for the unforeseeable future. It was clear therefore that biomass fuels and

particularly fuelwood was becoming increasingly scarce. Households had to rely on

animal drawn carts to collect fuelwood from the resettlement areas that were located

an average of five kilometres where fuelwood was still in abundance. It was also

realised that families that did not have carts depended on fuelwood that they bought

from fuelwood vendors. Fuelwood had become a monetised commodity and this

however negatively affected the poorest and disadvantaged households who did not

have the capacity to buy fuelwood. They were exploited by unscrupulous vendors

and those who could not raise the money ended up walking to the resettlement

areas. As was already mentioned in Chapter 5 this exposed women as men were

reluctant to carry wood on their heads since this was regarded as a chore associated

with women. The monetisation also led to unprecedented exploitation of forests as

some unscrupulous individuals capitalised on the shortage of fuelwood to make

money. This was not sustainable as eventually it will lead to deforestation while at

the same time it is not affordable for poor families who were made to forgo some

meals due to fuelwood shortages.

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Off-grid options such as solar energy and LPG were not popular with the poor

households in the study area because they were beyond their means. Women felt

the SHS technology was more of a consumer good that provided lighting in the home

but in essence it did not reduce their burden, whereas LPG was stigmatised as a

dangerous form of energy. Traditionally rural households in Zimbabwe do not use

paraffin for cooking, but for lighting. Its poor supply also constrained its supply in the

study area.

6.3.5. Lack of awareness

There has been failure of adoption of energy services such as LPG and SHS due to

limited information and knowledge. When the new renewable energy technologies

were introduced to Chiwundura Communal Area households there was lack of social

marketing. The technologies were introduced without paying special attention to the

needs of the rural consumers. For instance rural electrification was accompanied by

the introduction of hot plate stoves which necessitated a change in the cooking

posture in women. There was no research conducted to establish whether they

were comfortable or not. It can be concluded that there was no publicity for the

awareness of potential users. Most households did not want to use LPG because

they associated it with explosions and fires. This definitely affected energy transition

in the area.

The study also established that most households were unaware of the harmful

effects of indoor air pollution to their health and particularly infant children. It was

observed that IAP is a buzz word for academics and development planners which is

yet to reach to the poor rural communities as those in Chiwundura Communal Area.

A lot has been written on the subject but no interventions have been observed in the

rural communities where households are oblivious of the negative consequences of

smoke. Households continued to build poorly ventilated kitchens which was a clear

indication that they were not aware of the dangers posed by smoke to their health.

Most households did not realise that the management of fuelwood played a critical

role in the reduction of the amount of smoke that was produced. They left the

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fuelwood unprotected from the effects of rain and weevils thereby compromising the

quality of the fuelwood.

6.3.6. Limited use of renewable energy technology

Some of the renewable energy technology had limited applications and households

in Chiwundura Communal Area could not adopt them as they failed to displace

fuelwood which could be used for multi-purposes. Fuelwood was used mainly for

cooking but it also provided space heating and it was believed that it contributed to

the reduction of insects and pests in the room while at the same time drying and

preserving the thatched roofs concomitantly. The households continued to depend

on fuelwood because of its perceived advantages over other energy forms. The

mere fact that it had no monetary cost attached to it made households feel that it

was cheaper, affordable and available compared to all other energy forms that

households could utilise. As a result fuelwood appears the energy of choice despite

its negative externalities such as indoor air pollution, the drudgery associated with its

collection and deforestation. SHS technology has not been fully embraced because

its introduction did not solve the most important purpose; that of cooking. As long as

any technology is not used for cooking then it fails to appeal to rural communities

and households in Chiwundura Communal Area felt it solved peripheral issues which

were not central to the their day to day livelihoods. The introduction of electricity was

met with mixed challenges. Firstly, it had very high upfront costs which were beyond

the reach of the ordinary rural peasants. It was therefore discrimatory in nature.

Only the well-to-do were able to electrify their homes. Even though not all those who

got connected to the grid enjoyed the full use of electricity such as cooking. The

study revealed that quite a large number continued to use fuelwood for cooking

instead of electricity as it was expensive to buy the necessary gadgets that utilised

electricity. A number defaulted on payments because bills were too high. Electricity

could not meet the space heating component due to their perceived high costs. In

this regard households have tended to hold on to the use of fuelwood.

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6.4. Recommendations

Although the rural electrification process is underway the reality is that several

households will never have access to electricity as well as other modern energy

sources as has been already elucidated in Chapter 5. It is therefore important to

consider other alternative sources as these present a more realistic option for the

poor as well as those in areas that are in inaccessible areas and may take some

time before they get connected to the grid.

6.4.1. Education and awareness

There is need to educate and make the households in Chiwundura Communal Area

aware of a number of issues. Firstly, it is important to educate them on the dangers

posed by IAP, particularly to women and children. There should therefore be a

deliberate effort to devise education that focuses on women so that they become

aware of options and technologies that could alleviate their plight. This will increase

their abilities to contribute their efforts towards obtaining energy solutions since they

will have been empowered. It is imperative therefore to devise campaign strategies

to inform the households about the health hazards of exposure to indoor smoke.

Stakeholders such as the central government and non-governmental organisations

should make use of the existing health systems such as rural community health

centres to disseminate this information as well as educate households. It is also

important to have outreach programmes on combating IAP. These have been

successful in combating diseases such as malaria and cholera in the past in

Zimbabwe. Responsible authorities could make use of the radio, which has 80%

listenership in rural areas in Zimbabwe, to have public information campaigns

(Muchawaya, 2006).

Energy issues and IAP could be addressed through fora such as churches and also

input them in school curricula. Rural households must be educated on the types,

uses and benefits of different modern and renewable energy resources they are not

familiar with in the rural setup of Chiwundura Communal Area. Some of them had

never heard of LPG, solar cookers and improved stoves. Some individuals were

afraid of using the LPG as they claimed it was dangerous and prone to fire. They

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should be informed that LPG is quite safe and they should also abandon a mindset

that LPG is an energy form for the rich. It is also very important, especially at the

household level, to inform members about the opportunities, limitations, obligations

and payments of their energy services. Many households have been disappointed

because their expectations did not match the service they got from even well

intentioned energy projects. IAP requires the kind of campaign that matches that

given to hunger, HIV/AIDS, dirty water, poor sanitation and malaria because it has

devastating effects that are even worse than some of the mentioned problems

(Warwick and Doig, 2004).

6.4.2. Community involvement and participation

Communities always want to be part of the project and they enjoy the sense of

ownership. Some renewable energy programmes have not been successful in

Chiwundura Communal Area because communities felt they were left out at the

inception phase. Rural electrification though very useful and set to benefit rural

development has been looked at with derision in some parts of Chiwundura

Communal Area because the government, ZESA and REA did not involve the

generality of the people especially at the inception of the programmes. ZESA

infrastructure is often vandalised while cables and transmission oil are stolen and the

utilities get very little cooperation from members of the public because they feel they

are not part of and have nothing to do with the rural electrification process. They do

not have a sense of ownership and some of them even harbour some of the

criminals who steal cables and transmission oil.

There is need to apply a gender lens to energy policy and programmes that the

government develops. The government should take cognisance of the fact that

women and men have different perceptions about energy. Women made up the

majority of single headed families in the study area yet they were worst affected by

energy problems. It is imperative that authorities incorporate the differences

between men and women and develop energy policies that are gender friendly. In

the same vein it is important to appreciate that cooking is a deeply cultural and

domestic task; hence communities, particularly women, should be directly involved in

crafting solutions that suit their conditions. Development practitioners must take a

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cue from the ITDG Smoke Project that was launched in Kenya in 1998. The

participatory approach was adopted with the aim of reducing exposure to indoor air

pollution. This was achieved because the development practitioners were willing to

listen to the needs of the households rather than to impose specific interventions

(Warwick and Doig, 2004).

6.4.3. Government policy

There is need for the Government of Zimbabwe to pursue policies to develop

sustainable systems to meet rural energy needs. The fuel policies must promote

access to modern fuels by the poor by making sure their unrealistic supply and high

equipment costs have been addressed. This could be achieved by crafting a policy

that deliberately combines household energy development with other development

themes. In other words sustainable development can be brought about through

efforts that look at the generation of a synergistic and cost efficient approach to

energy crises. The government with the assistance of non-governmental

organisation should have a deliberate effort to promote the introduction and use of

alternative energy sources such as ethanol gel, liquid petroleum gas, improved wood

and briquette stoves and low cost electrification options.

For instance Jatropha plantations could be developed with the ultimate aim of

supplying locals with biofuel. Places such as Chiwundura Communal Area which

have marginal conditions are best suited for biofuel plantations. This is a good way

of contributing towards the attainment of Millennium Development Goals of poverty

alleviation by creating employment on the plantations. There is also the creation of

local industries which also employ local manpower. The use of Jatropha oil also

improves the health of the women as there will be reduced exposure to carbon

dioxide from smoke when cooking. The use of Jatropha oil also ensures

environmental sustainability as there is a reduction in the emission of greenhouse

gases while at the same time there will be reduced deforestation as households will

use Jatropha oil in place of fuelwood for household energy end uses.

The government should also through policy encourage local design, manufacture

and dissemination of appropriate energy technology and equipment. Legislation

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should be put in place so as to attract private capital into cleaner renewable energy

technologies. This will save foreign currency which is in short supply in the country

while at the same time cutting down on the inconveniences that are associated with

imported equipment and spare parts. For instance the imposition of sanctions on the

Zimbabwean government and state companies has affected the supply of electricity

as ZESA cannot import new parts hence it continues to depend on the obsolete

equipment. Currently almost all key components that are used in SHS are imported.

The high import duties of batteries and inverters have resulted in these parts being

avoided hence the system will be operating with missing components and this affects

the quality of service delivery. If most of the components were locally manufactured

they would be cheaper and readily available while at the same time creating

employment for the local population. The government should move with speed in its

quest to manufacture ethanol gel. This will improve the availability of renewable

energy on the market.

It is pertinent to have a desirable energy policy that takes into cognisance price

subsidies on energy forms such as kerosene, LPG and electricity as a way of

encouraging their uptake and also making them accessible to the low income and

poor households in the rural areas such as Chiwundura Communal Area. The

government should realise that it is not practical to have grid electrification in all parts

of the country; hence it is imperative for the state to put in place strategies to make

LPG and paraffin available to those areas that cannot have grid electrification. There

is need to ensure that solar energy has a foothold in areas such as Chiwundura

Communal Area. It is therefore necessary for the country to learn from South African

government which has a policy to cater for remote areas which have been afforded

the opportunity to access LPG and paraffin.

ZESA should relax its electrification regulations which are quite stringent and tend to

exclude the poorest households from getting connected to the grid. The houses

belonging to low-income households in rural areas, often fail to meet the minimum

construction standards set by ZESA. Most houses are grass thatched and do not

have watertight roofs as often specified by ZESA, and as a result thatched roofs

often have to be replaced with corrugated iron sheets. Some households failed to

connect to the grid because they could not afford to have all the required

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components such as poles in place. Poles are very expensive and they cost

US$150 each and this was beyond the means of most of Chiwundura Communal

Area households. There is need to consider using cheaper utility poles in place of

the prescribed poles. The high costs of installation and wiring which tend to inhibit

rural households could be lowered by simplifying wiring codes and using load limiters

(circuit breakers) to encourage lower levels of consumption (Barnes et al., 1997).

Load limiters work by limiting the current supplied to the consumer to a prescribed

value. If the current exceeds this value the device automatically disconnects the

supply. According to information from ZESA most rural consumers require from 0.2

kilowatts to 0.5 kilowatts and load limit have to be within these ranges.

There is need to apply a gender lens to energy policies and programmes that are

being developed in the rural areas of Zimbabwe and in particular Chiwundura

Communal Area. As already mentioned in Chapter 5 the reality is that men and

women are affected in different ways by energy policy and programmes. In

Chiwundura Communal Area women made up the majority of single headed

households and serious attempts should therefore be made to incorporate those

differences and develop appropriate gender friendly policies and programmes.

It was also quite clear from the findings that the problems of IAP were not being

taken seriously. This was because there was no policy at national level that

addressed IAP problems; hence households at household levels were affected by

this problem. It could be concluded that the language of IAP was still circulating

among researchers and academics. It was still to reach the households in

Chiwundura Communal Area who should be the beneficiaries. It is sad that they

continue to be exposed to IAP and to be unaware of the dangers it poses. Policy

that empowers people at the household level to know about the dangers of IAP and

how to deal with it should be crafted. Households in Chiwundura Communal Area

lack knowledge on the dangers of IAP; hence they will not act to improve their

condition. There is need to move with the times.

The government has in the past crafted excellent policies and blueprints but most of

them have never been implemented because of red tape. For example in 1996

Zimbabwe hosted the World Solar Summit and at that summit several resolutions

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were made many of which were supposed to make Zimbabwe a solar powerhouse

by now. It is surprising that despite all the favourable conditions that could make

Zimbabwe a leading solar manufacturer the country still imports solar components.

It is imperative therefore for the country to be serious with the implementation of

policies that help in the alleviation of energy poverty. The country needs to partner

with other countries to develop renewable energy industries so as to improve the

livelihoods of its people.

6.4.4. Creation of woodlots

Although efforts to promote access to modern fuel services for the poor must

continue it is necessary to remember the reality that most households in Chiwundura

Communal Area will continue to rely on fuelwood for the unforeseeable future. It is

therefore critical that communities need to be educated on sustainable consumption

of available fuelwood. It is important to inculcate the proper ways of harvesting

fuelwood. It is only through such practices that fuelwood can be regarded as

renewable energy. To continue on the current path means that Chiwundura

Communal Area will suffer from environmental degradation and access to energy for

the poor will be undermined, meaning that the position of the poor will even be worse

off (Shackleton et al., 2007). It was evident that the scarcity of fuelwood was

impacting negatively on poor households and especially on women and children,

who had to walk an average of six kilometres on a weekly basis. Furthermore,

biomass harvesting without sustainable agro-forestry management has led to land

degradation, including soil and water resources, and vegetative cover. It is

imperative for communities in Chiwundura Communal Area to establish localized

woodlots which supply fuelwood to the villagers. At the same time the wood lots also

help to reduce soil erosion while at the same time reducing the amount of water

pollution in rivers.

6.4.5. End use finance mechanisms

The modern and renewable energy systems are often very expensive and beyond

the reach of most rural communities yet these communities require these systems to

improve their lives. It is necessary therefore for the government as the main driver of

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these programmes to consider the possibility of having end-use finance

mechanisms. These could be provided through the normal credit channels that are

tailor made to enable very poor households to purchase solar cookers, LPG and

SHS. Without credit most rural households who need these energy systems are not

able to acquire them. Credit could also be provided for connection and house-

wiring costs as an incentive for encouraging low income households to obtain an

electricity connection. A number of households may struggle to raise large sums of

money at once but from discussions with households in Chiwundura Communal Area

it was observed they were able to pay over a period of time. However, credit options

should only be given to households that show the ability to meet their repayments so

as not to immerse households into debt that they cannot afford to repay.

It is not enough to avail financial assistance without making sure that the energy

systems are able to reach the rural destinations. It is therefore necessary that

transport and distribution of the energy systems are improved. The rural

communities in Chiwundura have always been unable to transport their energy

appliances from cities such Gweru and Kwekwe. There is need to improve road

networks while at the same time ensuring that the distribution of LPG, kerosene and

even PV systems has been improved especially in the rural areas. This will

encourage households to procure their own systems.

6.4.6. Removal of duty on imported panels

It was observed that some households in Chiwundura mentioned that they could not

access SHS because they were unaffordable. The cost had gone up because of the

exorbitant import duties charged on SHS components such as the inverters and the

batteries. This encouraged the proliferation of fake SHS gadgets on the market as

they were smuggled into the country. It was also realised that in the end households

had to use incompatible components such as car and motor cycle batteries and this

affected the durability of the SHS. The Government of Zimbabwe should therefore

remove tariffs, duties and taxes on the importation and sale of PV panels, cells,

modules, and regulators to open up the markets to competition. This would further

promote the industry and help accelerate PV solar penetration in isolated areas. In

Kenya the government reduced duties on photovoltaic modules to 5 percent and

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removed the value added tax, lowering photovoltaic system prices to consumers by

15-20 percent and this environment encouraged international photovoltaic suppliers

to establish local bases in Kenya to serve the East African market (Hankins, 2000).

Modules come from Australia, Croatia, France, India, Japan, Russia, Spain, UK and

USA. Such a scenario means there are more producers in the market and

consequently the prices of the PV go down enabling even the poor to access them.

The government should move a step further to subsidise solar energy on a

temporary basis as this will enable the poor to opt for this technology to meet basic

needs such as space lighting and powering entertainment and information gadgets.

This will also encourage the usage, sustainability and contribute to increased access

to electricity in off grid areas such as Masvori, Gumbure and Gangare.

6.4.7. Relevancy of projects

Over the years many energy programmes and projects that were introduced to rural

communities were a flop. They apparently lacked relevancy to the local

communities. For example attempts to disseminate renewables such as PV

technology failed because PV did not address the major problems faced by the rural

population. Most rural communities depend on agriculture as their main economic

activity. It is critical therefore that if a new renewable energy is to have an impact on

the lives of such communities, it should be seen to improve the agricultural activities

of those communities. PV technology or rural electrification should contribute

towards the alleviation of the communities’ agricultural challenges besides providing

energy for domestic use. For example it could be introduced for irrigation purposes

and this would ensure food security. Wind vanes could also be adopted to pump

water for domestic animals. The supply of modern energy services should be

accompanied by some level of community education which is meant to inform people

on how to use energy so that it adds value to their lives. They should develop a

sense of ownership so that they do not vandalise the technology.

It is important to have a deliberate effort to invest in research in technologies that are

suitable for rural environments. Such technologies include biogas, cook stoves and

solar water heaters. With fiscal support biogas technology could play a critical role in

the provision of energy in the study area where numerous latrines were simply

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covered with soil once they were full. With a bit of education to make households

accept that human excreta could be used for energy purposes most of these

decommissioned latrines could be utilized in the generation of domestic energy.

The technologies should make rural communities self reliant as they reduce

dependency on firewood and this is pivotal in reducing deforestation.

6.4.8. Housing intervention

It is important to keep in mind the fact that the vast majority of people in Chiwundura

Communal Area are too poor to switch to cleaner fuels such as electricity or even

have access to cleaner and modern fuels. It is clear therefore that they will continue

to depend on biomass fuels; hence it is imperative to reduce exposure to the indoor

air pollution that results from the biomass energy forms. This cannot be done by

destroying the existing traditional kitchens as this is not economical in any way.

Instead households should be encouraged to incorporate issues to do with improved

levels of ventilation whenever they construct new kitchens. In place of a small

triangle they should have a bigger window that allows smoke to move out of the

room. This will ensure that even if households continue to depend on fuelwood the

amount of IAP would be reduced. This requires awareness and education

campaigns targeting new couples. At the same time the modern houses make it

easier for electrification to be done as they would be compliant unlike traditional huts.

6.4.9. Encourage outdoor cooking

There is need to encourage households to move away from the conservative

traditional customs that encourage cooking to be indoors. There is need to borrow a

leaf from the seghotlo design in parts of South Africa (Barnes et al., 2006). This is a

structure that has a wall that is about a metre high and the space between the wall

and the roof is left open. This allows for ventilation whilst at the same time it is

suitable for use even during the summer season when temperatures are very high.

The structure allows for some privacy as passersby will not be able to see activities

taking place inside the structure. The households in Chiwundura Communal Area

should realize that the intervention is intended to bring them health benefits and that

the change in behavior will in a way replace their cultural and traditional customs.

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6.4.10. Management of fuelwood

Households that are dependent on fuelwood should manage their fuelwood in such a

way that they add value to it. They should not allow it to depreciate through rainfall

and high temperature and weevils as this will cause them to produce thick smoke.

Instead they need to keep the fuelwood in the shed and they should always inspect

for the presence of weevils.

6.4.11. Improved stoves

The observations made were that there was no use of improved stoves in the area

except for the metal dover stoves that were once in use but only by the well to do

families. Improved stoves if properly disseminated could go a long way in

ameliorating energy challenges in Chiwundura Communal Area. It is important to

ensure that the introduction of the improved stoves should not depart from the

traditional stoves. Improved stoves should have important qualities that benefit

households in Chiwundura Communal Area which include ability to remove smoke

out of the kitchen, retention of heat in the room, allowing for the use of a variety of

fuels on them and the removal of ash. Durable improved stoves should have metal

casings. They should also allow for multi pot system so that they maximise the use

of heat generated. The simultaneous use of several pots serves on time. It is

however important for any agencies that might want to introduce these stoves in

Chiwundura Communal Area to involve users so as to understand and appreciate

their needs and requirements. Improved stoves should not be simply for heating

food as it has become in Western society, but should act as a social focus, as well

as a means of lighting and space heating. The tar that is produced from the smoke

should continue to protect the thatched roof whilst the smoke continues to keep out

the insects and pests. The improved stove should be multi-purpose just as was

observed with the traditional fire in Chapter 5. The most critical aspect is that the

costs of building the improved stoves should remain low so as to include the majority

of low income groups within the study area. It should also not change the cooking

habits and lifestyles of the users.

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6.5. Areas for further study

6.5.1. Multiple cooking fuels

Research on multiple cooking fuels needs to be further strengthened while the whole

entire process of fuel switching needs to be re-examined. Rural areas such as

Chiwundura Communal Area have households, who have uncertain incomes, and

they are exposed to fluctuating prices of cooking energy and they also utilise non-

Western cooking habits and it is against this backdrop that there is need to research

more on the importance of multiple cooking fuels. This is the practice that is

prevalent in rural areas of developing countries but governments and non-

governmental organisations are keen on imposing modern energy forms negating

the development of traditional energy forms which have relevancy to rural

communities.

6.5.2. Fuel biographies

It is apparent that tradition, culture, sociability, taste and preferences play an

important role in determining the choices made on energy in many rural areas of the

developing world and yet very little research has been done in the area. It is

important to find out more on the extent of their impact and the findings could be

utilised to inform policy. Observations show that several energy services such as the

improved stoves, solar cookers and LPG have not been readily accepted as they did

not incorporate the cultural needs of the local communities in which they were

introduced. It is therefore necessary that any innovations should take into

cognisance the cultural and traditional concerns of the receiving communities. There

is need to conduct social marketing of the renewable energy technologies such as

LPG, improved stoves, SHS and solar cookers. Social marketing focuses on issues

that are responsible for effecting behavioural change in the community. It is

important to research on how the use of renewable energy technologies impact on

factors such as cooking comfort, convenience and safety.

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6.5.3. Solar cookers

More research in the utilisation of solar cooking technology needs to be done. It is

apparent that since there was not much uptake of SHS technology in the country due

to a number of problems which include lack of relevant technical support for clients

and maintenance not much has been done on the solar stove. Although it will not

provide solutions to all the energy problems in rural communities such as

Chiwundura Communal Area, solar stoves will go a long way in alleviating the

energy problems faced especially in cooking. Therefore, more research on the

relevancy of the technology needs to be done in Zimbabwe so that the benefits could

trickle down to rural communities such as Chiwundura Communal Area. It is critical

to research fully on the potential positive environmental impacts of solar cookers as

the results could be useful since alternatives of energy forms that do not increase

global warming are being sought.

6.5.4. Gelfuel

There is need to finalise studies on the feasibility of gelfuel also known as ethanol

gel. This is a substance that is produced from sugar cane extracts and has been

shown to be a safe alternative to paraffin use as it is non-toxic, non-explosive and

renewable. Currently the gel stoves have a few problems, such as lack of efficiency

and speed of cooking. Distribution networks are still constrained and there maybe

need to subsidise the commodity. More work is yet to be done and Zimbabwe being

a large producer of ethanol there is a need to finalise on the studies that maybe in

progress.

6.5.5. Biomass gasification

There is need to carry out the feasibility of biomass gasification in rural areas such

as Chiwundura Communal Area. Gasification projects have been established in

rural Eastern Cape in South Africa in areas that are either located too far from the

electricity grid or cannot afford alternatives such as paraffin or liquefied petroleum

gas (Mamphweli and Meyer, 2008). Most of these rural populations are endowed

with renewable biomass resources that they can utilise to supplement their energy

needs. Gasification projects have been established in some parts of Zimbabwe but

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generally with limited success. It is necessary however to research further so as to

find where these projects have gone wrong because in other countries with more or

less similar conditions they have been a success. Biogas gasification has the added

advantage in that it is a renewable energy technology which does not harm the

environment and on top of that it leads to employment creation in the area where it is

located. Further it can use a variety of feedstock which normally would be regarded

as waste. Zimbabwe’s economy is based on agriculture and therefore large

quantities of biomass residues from agricultural activities, which are currently

disposed through different inefficient energy conversion ways (Mshandete and

Parawira, 2009) could be channeled towards gasification. In the case of Zimbabwe

gasification could also go a long way in dealing with the under-utilization of human

waste that is in abundance in several homesteads in rural areas. Each home owns a

pit latrine which is popularly known as Blair toilet. The usual practice is that once

this toilet is full it is simply covered with soil yet the waste could be utilized to

produce energy that could be used in the home. In China they have developed a

“Three-in-One” eco agricultural model which is a combination of a biogas digester, a

pig sty and a toilet (Chen, Yang, Sweeney and Feng, 2010). This is a utility model

that solves the energy problem in the home while at the same time improving the

household hygiene. The biogas that is produced is used for cooking and lighting

while the residue is used as fertilizer for growing fruit trees, vegetables and grain as

well as pest control agent. The adoption of biogas is associated with numerous

challenges which call for further research to be conducted to establish its feasibility

in areas such as Chiwundura Communal Area. The technology requires a high initial

cost and this generally inhibits potential users from accessing it (Bond and

Templeton 2011). According to Limmeechokchai and Chawana (2007) high initial

investment cost for the technology acted as a barrier for the poorer strata of rural

populations towards adopting biogas stoves and household biogas digesters. It is

sad that this barrier remains in force even though the biogas systems have proven

that they are a necessity in the rural areas of the developing world (UN- APCAEM,

2007). It is imperative to find ways which enable rural communities such as those in

Chiwundura Communal Area to have access to this technology. Biogas digesters

also use human waste as part of their feedstock. Social and cultural convictions are

potential barriers in the dissemination of biogas technology. It is important to

establish the feasibility and safety of using the human waste as manure.

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Furthermore, households need to overcome the stigmatisation associated with the

use of human excreta in digester as well as fertiliser when it has been digested

(Arthur et al, 2011). One of the feedstocks for biogas digesters is dung which has a

competitive use as fertilizer. Since the cost of fertiliser has been escalating villagers

would rather reserve dung for their fields than use it in digesters. Potential users

need to be advised on the possibility of using the sludge from biogas as an

alternative (Guta, 2012).

Furthermore, the mesophilic anaerobic digestion used in biogas digesters does not

by itself produce sludge of suitable hygienic quality for use as fertiliser. It is

important to carry out post treatment in order to meet the WHO guidelines for reuse

of human excreta in agriculture (WHO, 2006). Naturally some people are reluctant

to use products that are surrounded with uncertainties; hence this is a potential

barrier to digestion of sewage and animal excreta. There is need therefore to

conduct further studies to find ways which make African governments including

authorities in Chiwundura Communal Area develop interest in disseminating

strategies which make people own the idea of biogas digesters (Bensah and Brew-

Hammond, 2010)

6.6. Summary

Observations made in this chapter show that energy transition has been very slow

and this was caused by several factors among them household income and cultural

and behavioural factors. Impediments still exist and these deter households from

acquiring modern energy forms. More research as has already been discussed still

needs to be carried out in order to make modern energy available and accessible to

the poor rural communities in Chiwundura Communal Area. Otherwise biomass

remains the main form of energy for these households.

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Zindoga, T. and Sachiti, R. (2010). Petroleum Gas Worthy Panacea to Power Cuts. The Herald (Zimbabwe) 23 April 2010

Zohrul-Kabir, A.B.M and Shihan, S.M.A (2003). Selection of renewable energy sources using analytic hierarchy process. ISAHP 2003, Bali, Indonesia, August 7-9, 2003.

Zomers, A. (2003). The challenge of rural electrification. Energy for Sustainable

Development. VII(1,) 69-76. Zvauya, C. and Kadirire, H. (2011). “Disband ZESA”, Daily News Zimbabwe, 09 July 2011 http://www.daily news.co.zw/index.php/news/53-top-story/3183-disband- zesa.html.

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List of Appendices Appendix 1: Research letter

Appendix 2

382

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Appendix 3:

CONSENT FORM

You are being kindly asked to participate in a study on the exploration of energy

poverty and transition in Chiwundura Communal Area. I am interested in examining

the factors affecting household energy choices and energy transitions. I also want to

explore the linkages that exist between energy services and human development as

well as examine the linkages between energy poverty and gender. Finally I want to

analyse critically the rural electrification programme in Chiwundura Communal Area.

it is hoped that the results of this study can be useful in appreciating the challenges

faced many rural communities in their endeavour to move up the energy ladder. If

you agree to participate you will either be involved in responding to interviews or

focus group discussions.

Your participation is purely voluntary. If at any given time you wish to withdraw your

participation from the exercise you are free to do so without any prejudice. If you

have any questions that you may want addresses before taking part in the exercise

please feel free to contact me (+27772810978).

Authorization: I have read the above and understood the nature of the study. I

understand that by agreeing to participate in this study I have not waived any legal or

human right and that I may contact the researchers (+263772810978) at any time. I

agree to participate in this study. I understand that I may refuse to participate or I

may withdraw from the study at any time without prejudice. I grant permission to the

researchers to interview me on energy poverty and transition in Chiwundura

Communal Area.

Participant’s Name………………………Signature…………………..Date……………

Researcher’ Name………………………..Signature………………….Date …………..

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Appendix 4

Questionnaire on energy use

My name is Mangizvo Remigios V. I am a Doctor of Social Sciences student at

University of Fort Hare. I am conducting a fieldwork for my thesis and my topic is

entitled “Exploring rural energy transitions: the case of Gweru Rural District in the

Midlands Province, Zimbabwe”. My study intends to investigate household energy

transition in Gweru Rural District in Zimbabwe by specifically identifying the different

household energy options available and assessing their actual and/or potential

impacts on livelihoods and gender issues; exploring the relative importance of the

relevant variables in explaining household fuel choice; as well as evaluating the

usefulness of fuel transition as a tool to explain fuel choice in rural households. You

kindly asked to help in the completion of this questionnaire. The data collected will

be used strictly for academic purposes and will be treated with confidence. Your

cooperation is greatly appreciated.

SECTION A: SOCIO-ECONOMIC DATA

1. Gender 1 Male

2 Female

2. Age (in years) 1 Below 20

2 20 to less than 30

3 30 to less than 40

4 40 to less than 50

5 50 to less than 60

6 60 and above

3. Gender of household head

1 Male

2 Female

4. Age of household head (in years)

1 Below 30

2 30 to less than 40

3 40 to less than 50

4 50 to less than 60

5 60 to less than 70

6 70 to less than 80

7 80 and more

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Appliances Own Used regularly

Rarely used

Never used

1.Electric stove with oven

2.Hot plate (1 or 2 plate)

3. Microwave oven

4. Gas stove (1 or 2 plate)

5. Gas stove with oven

6. Paraffin wick stove

7. Paraffin lamp

8. Electric

5. Educational level of household head

1 None 2 Primary 3 Secondary 4 Tertiary

6. Source of income

1. Agriculture

2. Formal employment 3. Self- employment

4. Other (specify)

7. Income group (amount in United States dollars per year)

1 Below US$100

2 100 to less than 300

3 300 to less than 500

4 500 to less than 700

5 700 to less than 900

6 US$1000 and more

8. Number of People in the household

1 Adults

2 Children

3 Total

9. Type of kitchen

1 Round hut

2 Brick

10. Is the house connected to electricity?

1. Yes 2.No 11. Which of the following energy using appliances do you own and use their

approximate age and current market values;

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pressing iron

9. charcoal pressing iron

10.Electric kettle

11.Refrigerator

12.Firewood brazier

12. Do you have access to radio

1. 2. Yes No

13. Do you have access to a television?

1. 2. Yes No

SECTION B: FUEL/ENERGY CONSUMPTION 1. Type of fuel used for cooking

1.Fuelwo od

2.Electrici ty

3.Kerose ne

4.Liquifie d Petroleu m Gas

5.Dung 6. Agricultural residues

7. Other (specify)

2. What is the fuel type used for space lighting (give 2 types)

1.Fuelwood 2.Electricity 3.Kerosene 4.Solar 5. candles

3. What is the fuel used for heating water?

1.Fuelwood 2.Electricity 3.Kerosene 4.Other(specify)

4. What is used for space heating?

1.Fuelwood 2.Electricity 3.Kerosene 4.Other(specify)

5. How do you acquire your firewood?

1.Fetch from the forest

2. Buy 3. Other(specify)………………………..

6. How many times do you collect firewood per week

1. Once 2.Twice 3. Thrice 4. Daily

7. How long do you normally walk to the nearest source of firewood and back?

1.Less than 1 km

2. 1 to less than 3km

3. 3 to less than 5km

4. 5 to less than 7km

5. 7km and above

8. How many hours do you take collecting firewood?

1.Less than 2. 1 to less than 3. 3 to less 4. 5 to less 5. 7hrs and

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1hr 3hrs than 5hrs than 7hrs more

9. What methods do you use to harvest firewood?

1.Cut fresh trees

2.Use dead wood recovered from road creation, agricultural extension

3. Other (specify)

10. How do you transport the wood?

1.carry on the head 2. wheel burrow

3.Ox- cart

4. bicycle 5. Other (specify)

11. How many loads do you collect each time you fetch fuelwood?

1.one 2.two 3. three

4.four 5.five 6. six and more

12. What is the approximate amount of firewood that you consume per week

(kg)?

1.Less than 10kg

2. 10 to less than 20kg

3. 20 to less than 30kg

4. 30 to less than 40kg

5.40 to less than 50kg

6. 50kg and more

13. What are the three reasons for using firewood?

Rank Reason

1

2

3

Choose any three: 1. Easily available 2. Affordable 3.Fast and efficient 4.Versatile 5. Cooks traditional foods

14. In your opinion does the use of fuelwood cause environmental problems?

1. Yes

2.N o

15. Are you willing to use other sources of energy in place of firewood in light of

the above mentioned problems?

1.Yes 2.No

16. If no why are you not willing to use other sources? Give 2 reasons.

Rank Reason

1

2

Reasons: 1. No alternatives; 2. Alternatives are expensive; 3. No appliances to use alternatives; 4. Cultural constraints

17. Type of stove normally used

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1 Three stone stove

2 Improved stove

3 Paraffin stove

4 Gas stove

5 Electric stove

18. Usual cooking place (indicate 2 places)

1.Traditional kitchen 2.Outside 3.Modern kitchen

19. Who usually cooks

1.Mother 2.girls in the household

3. boys in the household

4. father 5.Anyone

20. How many hours do you spend in meal preparation close to the fire?

1.Less than 1hr

2. 1 to less than 2hrs

3. 2 to less than 3hrs

4. 3hrs and more

21. Number of meals per day

1. one 2. two 3. three

22. Indicate whether family members have suffered from any of the following

problems

Problems In the last 6 months

1 year ago 2 years ago

Male Female Male Female Male Female

Sore eyes

Cataracts

Chest pains

Burns/scalds

Paraffin

ingestion

Back ache

SECTION C: ENERGY SWITCHING 1. List the sources of energy in the order of your preference for them, starting with

the most preferred

Preference rank

Fuel Reason for preference

1.Most preferred

2.

3.

4.

5.

6.Least preferred

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Fuel types:1. Electricity; 2.Firewood; 3.Paraffin; 4.LPG; 5. Solar Reason for preferences: 1. Low cost;2. clean; 3.fast and efficient; 4. Easily available; 5. Other (specify)............

2. What is the dominant energy source for this household?

Choose from: 1. Electricity; 2. Firewood; 3. Paraffin; 4. LPG; 5. Solar

3. How easy is it to get each of these fuels?

Fuel type Ease of availability

1. Electricity

2. Fuelwood

3. Paraffin

4. Charcoal

5. Liquefied petroleum gas

6. Solar

7. Coal

Options: 1. Easily available; 2. Available; 3. Difficult to find; 4. Unavailable

4. Who decides on which fuel to use in the household?

1.Father 2.Mother 3.Those who collect it 4. no one

5. Does your household have a modern kitchen?

1.Yes 2.No

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1. What type of energy do you normally use for cooking?

1. Firewood

2. Paraffin

3.Gas 4. Electricity

5.None

2. What type of energy do you normally use for boiling water for drinking?

1. Firewood

2. Paraffin

3.Gas 4. Electricity

5. None

3. What type of energy do you normally use for boiling water for bathing?

1. Firewood

2. Paraffin

3.Gas 4. Electricity

5. None

4. Where do you get your domestic water?

1.Protected well

2. Borehole

3. river 4. Tape water

5. Dam

5. Do you always boil water before drinking if you collect it from an unprotected source?

1.At times 2. always

3. Never

6. Do you ever face sore eyes when reading because of poor light?

1.At times 2. always

3. Never

7. Do you ever face sore eyes when cooking because of smoke?

1.At times 2. always

3. Never

8. How many hours do you spend reading in the evening?

1. Less than 1hr

2. 1-2hrs 3. 2-3hrs 4. More than 3hrs

5. None

9. Is your reading time restricted because of poor light?

1.Yes 2. No

10. Where do you do your studying in the evening?

1.Kitchen 2. Sitting room

3. bedroom

4. outside

11. What do you use for reading? 1.Firewood 2. Candle

3. paraffin lamp

4.Solar 5.Electricity

12. Would you want a better place for reading?

1.Yes 2. No

13. Who normally cooks in your family? 1.Mother 2. Father 3. Girls 4. Boys 5. anyone

14. How many hours do you spend on preparing breakfast?

1. Less than 1hr

2. 1-2hrs 3. 2-3hrs 4. More than 3hrs

5. None

14. How many hours do you spend on preparing lunch?

1. Less than 1hr

2. 1-2hrs 3. 2-3hrs 4. More than 3hrs

5. None

15. How many hours do you spend on preparing supper?

1. Less than 1hr

2. 1-2hrs 3. 2-3hrs 4. More than 3hrs

5. None

16. How many hours do you walk to collect firewood?

1. Less than 1hr

2. 1-2hrs 3. 2-3hrs 4. More than 3hrs

5. None

17. How many kilometres do walk to collect firewood?

1. Less 1 km

2. 1-2 km

3. 2-3km 3-4km 5. more than 5km

18. Do you at times miss classes because 1.Yes 2.No

Appendix 5: Questionnaire on energy use by school children

My name is Mangizvo R.V. I am researching on the nexus between energy and millennium Development Goals in Chiwundura Communal area. My focus is on the impacts of energy on secondary school pupils.

Please tick your response in the respective section

of firewood collection?

19. Do you at times come to school late because of firewood collection?

20. Who usually collects firewood in your family?

1. Mother 2. Father 3. Girls 4. boys 5. We buy

21. Do you at times eat late because of energy problems?

1.Yes 2.No

22. Do you prepare meals after school? 1.Yes 2.No

2. 1-2 km

2. 1-2hrs

23. How long do you walk to school? 1. Less 1 km

3. 2-3km 3-4km 5. more than 5km

24. How many hours do you walk to school?

1. Less than 1hr

3. 2-3hrs 4. More than 3hrs

5. None

25. Are there some traditional foods you no longer cook because of fuelwood problems?

1. Yes 2.No

26. Do you at time experience chest pains, neck pains and back ache from carrying firewood?

1. Yes 2.No

391

392392392

Appendix 6: Interview Guide

Interview Guide My name is Mangizvo Remigios. I am a PhD student at the University of Fort Hare in South Africa in the Fort Hare Institute of Social and Economic Research. As part of my study I am carrying out a study on energy poverty and transition in households in Chiwundura Communal Area. As stated in the consent form you are free to participate or free to withdraw if you feel you cannot continue in the study.

A. Personal details of the respondent

1. Gender of the respondent. 2. Age of the respondent (Mune makore mangani ekuzvarwa?) 3. Size of the household (Mhuri yenyu yakakura zvakadii?) 4. Sex of household head (Mukuru wemhuri ndibaba kana mai?) 5. Highest educational level attained by the father (Baba vakadzidza kusvika

padanho ripi?) 6. Highest educational level attained by the mother (Amai vakadzidza kusvika

padanho ripi?) 7. Who has an earned income in the family? (Anoshanda mumhuri ndiani?) 8. Is the household income above US$150 per month? (Mhuri inowana mari

inosvika US$150 pamwedzi here?)

B. Questions for households that use fuelwood 1. Who is responsible for collecting fuelwood in the household? And why?

(Ndiani ane jana rekutsvaka huni mumhuri? Mungapa zvikonzero). 2. Where do you collect your fuelwood and how far way is the place? (Huni

dzenyu munodziwanepi, uye kure zvakadii?). 3. What are the main challenges that you face in collecting fuelwood? (Ndeapi

matambudziko amunosangana nawo mukutsvaka huni?) 4. What do you use to transport fuelwood from the collection point?

(Munoshandisei mukutakura huni?). 5. For female-headed households what are the specific problems encountered in

the collection of fuelwood? (Mumhuri dzinotungamirirwa nanamai ndeapi matambudziko akanangana nemhuri idzi pakutsvaga huni?).

6. Do households cut live trees for fuelwood? if so why? Are there any restrictions in doing so? (Vanhu vanopota vachitema miti minyoro here? Nemhaka yei uye pane zviga here zvinorambidza kutema huni?)

7. Do you at times buy fuelwood? And from whom? At what cost and what are the challenges of doing so? (Munombotenga huni here? Ndeapi matambudziko amunosangana nawo mukuita izvi?)

8. Who makes the decision to purchase woodfuel? (Ndiaani anopa pfungwa dzokuti huni dzinotengwa sei?)

9. Who is responsible for the management of fuelwood in the home? (Ndiani anoona nezvemashandisirwe ehuni mumusha?)

10. How often do you purchase fuelwood? (Munotenga huni kakanawanda zvakadii?)

393393393

11. Who normally cooks in the home? How long do you spend next tp the fire place? (Ndiani anowanzobika pamba? Munotora nguva yakareba zvakadii muri pachoto muchibika?

12. What type of stove do you normally use in the home? Explain why you use that type of stove more often than any other stove. (Munonyanyoshandisa mhando ipi yechitofu uye nemhaka yei?).

13. Do you have a modern kitchen and do you often use it for cooking? (Mune kitchen yamazuva ano here uye munoishandisa nguva dzose here?)

14. What are the functions of the traditional kitchen besides cooking? (Ndeapi mamwe mabasa ekitchen yechivanhu?)

15. If you have shortages of fuelwood what do use in its place? Explain the problems associated with fuelwood shortages. i. Types of biomass fuels used as substitutes ii. Change in number of meals iii. Pollution levels iv. Amount of time spent on cooking v. Any other challenges

16. Do you experience any indoor pollution in the kitchen? (Munombosangana ne

dambudziko reutsi pamba penyu here?). 17. Are you aware that smoke has negative effects on your health? (munozviziva

here kuti hutsi hunokonzera zvirwere zvinouraya?) 18. Do you usually cook outdoors? If no, what are the cultural associations with

indoor cooking? (Munombobikira panze here? Sei muchinyanya kubikira mumba?)

19. Do you at times sleep in the kitchen? (Munomborara mukicheni here?) 20. Briefly explain some of the uses of fuelwood in the household.

C. Questions for households that use paraffin

1. Briefly explain on the availability and accessibility issues of paraffin. 2. What do you use paraffin for in your household? Explain the main uses for

paraffin in the home. 3. Do you ever associate ailments such headache, sore eyes and chest pains

with the use of paraffin? 4. Is the use of paraffin associated in any way with accidents in the home such

as ingestion by infant children, or fires? 5. What are the other challenges associated with the use of paraffin? 6. Who is responsible for purchasing paraffin in the home? Who makes

decisions on such purchases? 7. Do you feel paraffin is a gender biased form of fuel? 8. How do you acquire the paraffin that you use? 9. Where do you normally store the paraffin? 10. How often do you buy paraffin? And in what quantities? 11. What would you want the government to do to ease the availability of the

commodity?

D. Questions for households that use LPG 1. For how long have you been using LPG technology? 2. What do you use LPG for in your home? 3. Where do you refill the LPG canister?

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4. What are the challenges associated with the use of LPG stoves? 5. Explain why the majority of people phobic about using LPG? 6. When do you usually use the stove? 7. Who normally uses the stove? 8. Whose decision was it to buy the stove?

E. Questions for households that use diesel generators

1. Why has there been a sudden increase in the ownership of petrol/diesel

generators in the area? 2. What do you use the generators for? 3. Explain the challenges associated with the use of generators. 4. Explain the notion that generators are merely status symbols. 5. Whose decision was it to buy the generator? 6. Who installed the generator at your household? 7. Do you normally take your generator for servicing? 8. What are the competence levels of the technicians in the area?

F. Solar 1. When did you acquire your solar household system? 2. Where did you buy it? 3. Who made the decision to buy the system? 4. What were the main reasons behind the procurement of the system? 5. What do you use the system for? 6. Would you say the system benefits men more than women? 7. Explain some of the challenges associated with the system? 8. Why have some households abandoned their systems? 9. Who installed your system? 10. What improvements would you want done in the use of SHSs in rural areas in

general?

G. Questions for households that use electricity 1. When was your household connected to the grid? 2. Briefly explain how you undertook the process. 3. What were some of the challenges involved in the electrification process? 4. What do you use electricity for? 5. Do you sometimes use fuelwood for cooking? Explain why? 6. What are the advantages associated with using electricity? 7. What are the challenges facing those wishing to be connected? 8. What should the government and other stakeholders do to support these

people?

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Appendix 7 Focus Group Discussion

1. Generally what type of energy is used in Chiwundura Communal Area? 2. What are the main challenges faced in using specific types? 3. Who decides on which energy form to use in a household? 4. Which is the preferred energy type? 5. Is energy gender biased? 6. Is energy choice linked to level of education? 7. Is energy leapfrogging a reality?

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Appendix 8

Observation and transect walks schedule

1. Energy used in the area

2. How it is acquired

3. Where it is acquired

4. The people involved in the acquisition

5. Challenges associated with the use

6. The uses of the energy form

7. Where the energy form is kept/stored

8. Who does most of the cooking

9. Where the cooking is often conducted

10. Where the family spends most of the time in the evenings

11. Where the children do their reading/studying

12. Is there any adult education

13. Type of kitchens in the area and which type is used often

14. Problems associated with traditional kitchens

397397397

Appendix 9: Chi-square test to establish relationship between energy used for cooking and decision making

Who decides on type of fuel to be used

Observed N

Expected N

Residual

Father

17

53.5

-36.5

Mother

193

53.5

139.5

those who collect

2

53.5

-51.5

no one

2

53.5

-51.5

Total

214

Type of fuel used for cooking

Observed N

Expected N

Residual

fuelwood

178

71.7

106.3

electricity

36

71.7

-35.7

LPG

1

71.7

-70.7

Total

215

Test Statistics

Who decides on

type of fuel to be

used

Type of fuel

used for cooking

Chi-Square

487.794a

245.200b

Df

3

2

Asymp. Sig.

.000

.000

Analysis H₀: There is no relationship

H₁: There is an association

If p is greater than 0.05 reject the null hypothesis

If p is less than 0.05 then accept the H₀

In this case p = 0.000 therefore is no association.

398398398

Appendix 10: Chi-square to establish the relationship between coming to school late and gender of person collecting fuelwood

Schoollate

Observed N

Expected N

Residual

yes

26

26.5

-.5

no

78

26.5

51.5

3

1

26.5

-25.5

5

1

26.5

-25.5

Total

106

Whocollects

Observed N

Expected N

Residual

mother

7

21.0

-14.0

father

9

21.0

-12.0

girl

13

21.0

-8.0

boys

52

21.0

31.0

we buy

24

21.0

3.0

Total

105

Test Statistics

schoollate

whocollects

Chi-Square

149.170a

65.429b

df

3

4

Asymp. Sig.

.000

.000

Analysis H₀: There is no relationship

H₁: There is an association

If p is greater than 0.05 reject the null hypothesis

If p is less than 0.05 then accept the H₀

In this case p = 0.000 therefore is no association.

399399399

hrsread readlight

Chi-

Square

a

a

df 4 4

Asymp.

Sig.

.000

.000

Appendix 11: Chi-square to establish association between energy used for reading and hours spent on reading

Hours spend on reading

Observed

N

Expected

N

Residual

less than 1hr 19 21.0 -2.0

1-2hrs 56 21.0 35.0

2-3hrs 22 21.0 1.0

more than

3hrs

5

21.0

-16.0

None 3 21.0 -18.0

Total 105

Reading light

Observed

N

Expected

N

Residual

Firewood 2 21.0 -19.0

Candle 42 21.0 21.0

paraffin

lamp

21

21.0

.0

Solar 9 21.0 -12.0

Electricy 31 21.0 10.0

Total 105

Test Statistics

86.190 49.810

Analysis

H₀: There is no relationship

H₁: There is an association

If p is greater than 0.05 reject the null hypothesis

If p is less than 0.05 then accept the H₀

400400400

In this case p =0.00 Therefore there is no association