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Jallianwala Bagh Massacre Narrow passage to Jallianwala Bagh Garden through which the shooting was conducted. Location of Amritsar in India Location Amritsar, British India Coordinates 31.62053°N 74.88031°E Date 13 April 1919 17:30 (UTC+5:30) Target Hindu, Muslim and Sikh religious and political gathering Attack type massacre Weapon(s) Lee-Enfield rifles Deaths 370-1,000 Injured (non-fatal) several thousands Perpetrators British Indian Army unit under the command of Brigadier Reginald Dyer Number of participants 50 Jallianwala Bagh massacre From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (Redirected from Amritsar Massacre) The Jallianwala Bagh massacre, also known as the Amritsar massacre, was a seminal event in the British rule of India. On 13 April 1919, a crowd of non-violent protesters, along with Baishakhi pilgrims, had gathered in the Jallianwala Bagh garden in Amritsar, Punjab to protest the arrest of two leaders despite a curfew which had been recently declared. [1] On the orders of Brigadier-General Reginald Dyer, the army fired on the crowd for ten minutes, directing their bullets largely towards the few open gates through which people were trying to run out. The dead numbered between 370 and 1,000, or possibly more. The "brutality stunned the entire nation", [2] resulting in a "wrenching loss of faith" of the general public in the intentions of Britain. [3] The ineffective inquiry and the initial accolades for Dyer by the House of Lords fueled widespread anger, leading to the Non-cooperation movement of 1920–22. [4] On Sunday, 13 April 1919, Dyer was convinced of a major insurrection and he banned all meetings, however this notice was not widely disseminated. [5] That was the day of Baisakhi, the main Sikh festival, and many villagers had gathered in the Bagh. On hearing that a meeting had assembled at Jallianwala Bagh, Dyer went with fifty Gurkha riflemen to a raised bank and ordered them to shoot at the crowd. Dyer continued the firing for about ten minutes, until the ammunition supply was almost exhausted; Dyer stated that 1,650 rounds had been fired, a number which seems to have been derived by counting empty cartridge cases picked up by the troops. [6] Official British Indian sources gave a figure of 379 identified dead, [6] with approximately 1,100 wounded. The casualty number estimated by the Indian National Congress was more than 1,500, with approximately 1,000 dead. [7] Dyer was initially lauded by conservative forces in the empire, but in July 1920 he was censured and forced to retire by the House of Commons. [8] He became a celebrated hero in Britain among most of the people connected to the British Raj, [9] for example, the House of Lords, [10] but unpopular in the House of Commons, that voted against Dyer twice. [11] The massacre caused a re-evaluation of the army's role, in which the new policy became "minimum force", and the army was retrained and developed suitable tactics for crowd control. [12] Some Coordinates: 31.62053°N 74.88031°E Jallianwala Bagh massacre - Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amritsar_Massacre 1 of 13 2/3/2014 11:18 AM

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Jallianwala Bagh Massacre

Narrow passage to Jallianwala Bagh Garden throughwhich the shooting was conducted.

Locationof

Amritsarin India

Location Amritsar, British India

Coordinates 31.62053°N 74.88031°E

Date 13 April 191917:30 (UTC+5:30)

Target Hindu, Muslim and Sikh religiousand political gathering

Attack type massacre

Weapon(s) Lee-Enfield rifles

Deaths 370-1,000

Injured(non-fatal)

several thousands

Perpetrators British Indian Army unit under thecommand of Brigadier ReginaldDyer

Number ofparticipants

50

Jallianwala Bagh massacreFrom Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia (Redirected from Amritsar Massacre)

The Jallianwala Bagh massacre, also known as theAmritsar massacre, was a seminal event in the British ruleof India. On 13 April 1919, a crowd of non-violentprotesters, along with Baishakhi pilgrims, had gathered inthe Jallianwala Bagh garden in Amritsar, Punjab to protestthe arrest of two leaders despite a curfew which had beenrecently declared.[1] On the orders of Brigadier-GeneralReginald Dyer, the army fired on the crowd for tenminutes, directing their bullets largely towards the fewopen gates through which people were trying to run out.The dead numbered between 370 and 1,000, or possiblymore. The "brutality stunned the entire nation",[2]

resulting in a "wrenching loss of faith" of the generalpublic in the intentions of Britain.[3] The ineffectiveinquiry and the initial accolades for Dyer by the House ofLords fueled widespread anger, leading to theNon-cooperation movement of 1920–22.[4]

On Sunday, 13 April 1919, Dyer was convinced of amajor insurrection and he banned all meetings, howeverthis notice was not widely disseminated.[5] That was theday of Baisakhi, the main Sikh festival, and manyvillagers had gathered in the Bagh. On hearing that ameeting had assembled at Jallianwala Bagh, Dyer wentwith fifty Gurkha riflemen to a raised bank and orderedthem to shoot at the crowd. Dyer continued the firing forabout ten minutes, until the ammunition supply wasalmost exhausted; Dyer stated that 1,650 rounds had beenfired, a number which seems to have been derived bycounting empty cartridge cases picked up by the troops.[6]

Official British Indian sources gave a figure of 379identified dead,[6] with approximately 1,100 wounded.The casualty number estimated by the Indian NationalCongress was more than 1,500, with approximately 1,000dead.[7]

Dyer was initially lauded by conservative forces in theempire, but in July 1920 he was censured and forced toretire by the House of Commons.[8] He became acelebrated hero in Britain among most of the peopleconnected to the British Raj,[9] for example, the House ofLords,[10] but unpopular in the House of Commons, thatvoted against Dyer twice.[11] The massacre caused are-evaluation of the army's role, in which the new policybecame "minimum force", and the army was retrained anddeveloped suitable tactics for crowd control.[12] Some

Coordinates: 31.62053°N 74.88031°E

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historians consider the episode as a decisive step towards the end of British rule in India,[13] although othersbelieve that greater self-government was inevitable as a result of India's involvement in World WarI.[citation needed]

Contents

1 Background1.1 India during World War I1.2 After the war

2 Prelude to the massacre3 The massacre4 Aftermath

4.1 Reaction4.2 The Hunter Commission4.3 Demonstration at Gujranwala4.4 Assassination of Michael O'Dwyer

5 Monument and legacy5.1 Formation of the Shiromani Gurudwara Prabandhak Committee5.2 Regret5.3 Artistic portrayals

6 See also7 References8 Further reading9 External links

Background

India during World War I

Main article: Ghadar Mutiny

During World War I, British India contributed to the British war effort by providing men and resources.About 1.25 million Indian soldiers and labourers served in Europe, Africa, and the Middle East, while boththe Indian administration and the princes sent large supplies of food, money, and ammunition. However,Bengal and Punjab remained sources of anticolonial activities. Revolutionary attacks in Bengal, associatedincreasingly with disturbances in Punjab, were significant enough to nearly paralyse the regionaladministration.[14][15]

A pan-Indian mutiny in the British Indian Army, planned for February 1915, was the most prominent planamongst a number of plots of the much larger Hindu–German Mutiny, formulated between 1914 and 1917 toinitiate a Pan-Indian rebellion against the British Raj during World War I. The revolutionaries included theIndian nationalists in India, the United States and Germany, along with help from the Irish republicans andthe German Foreign Office. The plot originated on the onset of the World War, between the Ghadar Party inthe United States, the Berlin Committee in Germany, the Indian revolutionary underground in British Indiaand the German Foreign Office through the consulate in San Francisco. The planned February mutiny wasultimately thwarted when British intelligence infiltrated the Ghadarite movement, arresting key figures.Mutinies in smaller units and garrisons within India were also crushed.

After the war

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The Jallianwalla Bagh in 1919, monthsafter the massacre.

In the aftermath of World War I, high casualty rates, increasing inflation compounded by heavy taxation, thedeadly 1918 flu pandemic, and the disruption of trade during the war escalated human suffering in India. Thecosts of the protracted war in both money and manpower were great. In India, long the "jewel in the crown"of the British Empire, Indians were restless for independence. More than 43,000 Indian soldiers had diedfighting for Britain.

Indian soldiers smuggled arms into India to fight British rule. The pre-war Indian nationalist sentiment,revived as moderate and extremist groups of the Indian National Congress, ended their differences in orderto unify. In 1916, the Congress succeeded in establishing the Lucknow Pact, a temporary alliance with theAll-India Muslim League.

Prelude to the massacre

Ever since the Rebellion of 1857 British officials in India lived in fearof native conspiracies and revolts; they warned each other that thenatives were most suspicious when they seemed superficiallyinnocent.[16] Investigators at the time and historians since have foundno conspiratorial links whatever to the events in Amritsar, but theBritish fears animated their responses—General Dyer believed aviolent thrashing would dampen conspiracies—and afterwards hewas hailed in Britain for having preempted a terrorist attack. Theevents that ensued from the passage of the Rowlatt Act in 1919 werealso influenced by activities associated with the Ghadar conspiracy.British Indian Army troops were returning from Europe andMesopotamia to an economic depression in India.[17]

The attempts at mutiny during 1915 and the Lahore conspiracy trials were still causing fear among theBritish. Rumours of young Mohajirs who fought on behalf of the Turkish Caliphate, and later, in the ranks ofthe Red Army during the Russian Civil War, were circulated in army circles. The Russian Revolution hadalso begun to influence Indians.[18] Ominously for the British, in 1919, the Third Anglo-Afghan War beganand in India, Gandhi's call for protest against the Rowlatt Act achieved an unprecedented response of furiousunrest and protests. The situation especially in Punjab was deteriorating rapidly, with disruptions of rail,telegraph and communication systems.

Many army officers believed revolt was possible, and they prepared for the worst. In Amritsar, more than15,000 people gathered at Jallianwala Bagh. The British Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab, Michael O'Dwyer,is said to have believed that these were the early and ill-concealed signs of a conspiracy for a coordinatedrevolt around May, at a time when British troops would have withdrawn to the hills for the summer. TheAmritsar massacre, as well as responses preceding and succeeding it, contrary to being an isolated incident,was the end result of a concerted plan of response from the Punjab administration to suppress such aconspiracy.[19] James Houssemayne Du Boulay is said to have ascribed a direct relationship between thefear of a Ghadarite uprising in the midst of an increasingly tense situation in Punjab, and the British responsethat ended in the massacre.[20]

On 10 April 1919, there was a protest at the residence of the Deputy Commissioner of Amritsar, a city inPunjab, a large province in the northwestern part of India. The demonstration was to demand the release oftwo popular leaders of the Indian Independence Movement, Satya Pal and Saifuddin Kitchlew, who hadbeen earlier arrested by the government and moved to a secret location. Both were proponents of theSatyagraha movement led by Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi. A military picket shot at the crowd, killingseveral protesters and setting off a series of violent events. Later the same day, several banks and othergovernment buildings, including the Town Hall and the railway station, were attacked and set afire. Theviolence continued to escalate, culminating in the deaths of at least five Europeans, including government

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"The Martyrs' Well" at JallianwalaBagh.

employees and civilians. There was retaliatory shooting at crowds from the military several times during theday, and between eight and twenty people were killed.

On 11 April, Miss Marcella Sherwood, an English missionary, fearing for the safety of her pupils, was on herway to shut the schools and send the roughly 600 Indian children home.[10][21] While cycling through anarrow street called the Kucha Kurrichhan, she was caught by a mob, pulled to the ground by her hair,beaten, kicked, and left for dead. She was rescued by some local Indians, including the father of one of herpupils, who hid her from the mob and then smuggled her to the safety of Gobindgarh fort.[21][22] Aftervisiting Sherwood on 19 April, the Raj's local commander, General Dyer, issued an order requiring everyIndian man using that street to crawl its length on his hands and knees.[10][23] General Dyer later explainedto a British inspector: "Some Indians crawl face downwards in front of their gods. I wanted them to knowthat a British woman is as sacred as a Hindu god and therefore they have to crawl in front of her, too."[24]

He also authorised the indiscriminate, public whipping of locals who came within lathi length of Britishpolicemen. Miss Marcella Sherwood later defended General Dyer, describing him "as the 'saviour' of thePunjab".[23]

For the next two days, the city of Amritsar was quiet, but violence continued in other parts of the Punjab.Railway lines were cut, telegraph posts destroyed, government buildings burnt, and three Europeansmurdered. By 13 April, the British government had decided to put most of the Punjab under martial law. Thelegislation restricted a number of civil liberties, including freedom of assembly; gatherings of more than fourpeople were banned.[25]

The massacre

On 13 April, the traditional festival of Baisakhi, thousands of Sikhs,Muslims and Hindus gathered in the Jallianwala Bagh (garden) nearthe Harmandir Sahib in Amritsar.

An hour after the meeting began as scheduled at 16:30, Dyer arrivedwith a group of sixty-five Gurkha and twenty-five Baluchi soldiersinto the Bagh. Fifty of them were armed with .303 Lee-Enfieldbolt-action rifles. Dyer had also brought two armoured cars armedwith machine guns; however, the vehicles were left outside, as theywere unable to enter the Bagh through the narrow entrance. TheJallianwala Bagh was surrounded on all sides by houses and buildingsand had few narrow entrances. Most of them were kept permanentlylocked. The main entrance was relatively wide, but was guardedheavily by the troops backed by the armoured vehicles.

Dyer—without warning the crowd to disperse—blocked the mainexits. He explained later that this act "was not to disperse the meetingbut to punish the Indians for disobedience."[26] Dyer ordered histroops to begin shooting toward the densest sections of the crowd.Firing continued for approximately ten minutes. Cease-fire wasordered only when ammunition supplies were almost exhausted, after approximately 1,650 rounds werespent.[6]

Many people died in stampedes at the narrow gates or by jumping into the solitary well on the compound toescape the shooting. A plaque in the monument at the site, set up after independence, says that 120 bodieswere pulled out of the well. The wounded could not be moved from where they had fallen, as a curfew wasdeclared, and many more died during the night.

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The number of deaths caused by the shooting is disputed. While the official figure given by the Britishinquiry into the massacre is 379 deaths, the method used by the inquiry has been subject to criticism. In July1919, three months after the massacre, officials were tasked with finding who had been killed by invitinginhabitants of the city to volunteer information about those who had died.[27] This information wasincomplete due to fear that those who participated would be identified as having been present at the meeting,and some of the dead may not have had close relations in the area.[28] When interviewed by the members ofthe committee, a senior civil servant in the Punjab admitted that the actual figure could be higher.[29]

Since the official figures were probably flawed regarding the size of the crowd (15,000–20,000), the numberof rounds shot and the period of shooting, the Indian National Congress instituted a separate inquiry of itsown, with conclusions that differed considerably from the Government's inquiry. The casualty numberquoted by the Congress was more than 1,500, with approximately 1,000 being killed.[30] The Governmenttried to suppress information of the massacre, but news spread in India and widespread outrage ensued. Yet,the details of the massacre did not become known in Britain until December 1919.

Aftermath

Reaction

After General Dyer reported to his superiors that he had been "confronted by a revolutionary army",Lieutenant-Governor Michael O'Dwyer wrote in a telegram sent to Dyer: "Your action is correct and theLieutenant Governor approves."[31] O'Dwyer requested that martial law should be imposed upon Amritsarand other areas, and this was granted by Viceroy Lord Chelmsford.[32][33]

Both Secretary of State for War Winston Churchill and former Prime Minister H. H. Asquith however,openly condemned the attack. Churchill referring to it as "monstrous", while Asquith called it "one of theworst outrages in the whole of our history".[34] Winston Churchill, in the House of Commons debate of 8July 1920, said, "The crowd was unarmed, except with bludgeons. It was not attacking anybody oranything… When fire had been opened upon it to disperse it, it tried to run away. Pinned up in a narrowplace considerably smaller than Trafalgar Square, with hardly any exits, and packed together so that onebullet would drive through three or four bodies, the people ran madly this way and the other. When the firewas directed upon the centre, they ran to the sides. The fire was then directed to the sides. Many threwthemselves down on the ground, the fire was then directed down on the ground. This was continued to 8 to10 minutes, and it stopped only when the ammunition had reached the point of exhaustion."[35] AfterChurchill's speech in the House of Commons debate, MPs voted 247 to 37 against Dyer and in support of theGovernment.[36]

Rabindranath Tagore received the news of the massacre by 22 May 1919. He tried to arrange a protestmeeting in Calcutta and finally decided to renounce his knighthood as "a symbolic act of protest".[37] In therepudiation letter, dated 30 May 1919 and addressed to the Viceroy, Lord Chelmsford, he wrote "I ... wish tostand, shorn, of all special distinctions, by the side of those of my countrymen who, for their so calledinsignificance, are liable to suffer degradation not fit for human beings"[38]

Gupta describes the letter written by Tagore as "historic". He writes that Tagore "renounced his knighthoodin protest against the inhuman cruelty of the British Government to the people of Punjab", and he quotesTagore's letter to the Viceroy "The enormity of the measures taken by the Government in the Punjab forquelling some local disturbances has, with a rude shock, revealed to our minds the helplessness of ourposition as British subjects in India ... [T]he very least that I can do for my country is to take allconsequences upon myself in giving voice to the protest of the millions of my countrymen, surprised into adumb anguish of terror. The time has come when badges of honour make our shame glaring in theincongruous context of humiliation..."[39] English Writings Of Rabindranath Tagore Miscellaneous Writings

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Vol# 8 carries a facsimile of this hand written letter.[40]

Cloake reports that despite the official rebuke, many Britons "thought him a hero for saving the rule ofBritish law in India."[41]

The Hunter Commission

On 14 October 1919, after orders issued by the Secretary of State for India, Edwin Montagu, theGovernment of India announced the formation of a committee of inquiry into the events in Punjab. Referredto as the Disorders Inquiry Committee, it was later more widely known as the Hunter Commission. It wasnamed after the name of chairman, Lord William Hunter, former Solicitor-General for Scotland and Senatorof the College of Justice in Scotland. The stated purpose of the commission was to "investigate the recentdisturbances in Bombay, Delhi and Punjab, about their causes, and the measures taken to cope withthem".[42] The members of the commission were:

Lord Hunter, Chairman of the CommissionMr. Justice George C. Rankin of CalcuttaSir Chimanlal Harilal Setalvad, Vice-Chancellor of Bombay University and advocate of the BombayHigh CourtMr W.F. Rice, member of the Home DepartmentMajor-General Sir George Barrow, KCB, KCMG, GOC Peshawar DivisionPandit Jagat Narayan, lawyer and Member of the Legislative Council of the United ProvincesMr. Thomas Smith, Member of the Legislative Council of the United ProvincesSardar Sahibzada Sultan Ahmad Khan, lawyer from Gwalior StateMr H.C. Stokes, Secretary of the Commission and member of the Home Department

[42]

After meeting in New Delhi on 29 October, the Commission took statements from witnesses over thefollowing weeks. Witnesses were called in Delhi, Ahmedabad, Bombay and Lahore. Although theCommission as such was not a formally constituted court of law, meaning witnesses were not subject toquestioning under oath, its members managed to elicit detailed accounts and statements from witnesses byrigorous cross-questioning. In general, it was felt the Commission had been very thorough in its enquiries.[42]

After reaching Lahore in November, the Commission wound up its initial inquiries by examining theprincipal witnesses to the events in Amritsar.

On 19 November, Dyer was called to appear before the Commission. Although his military superiors hadsuggested he be represented by legal counsel at the inquiry, Dyer refused this suggestion and appearedalone.[42] Initially questioned by Lord Hunter, Dyer stated he had come to know about the meeting at theJallianwala Bagh at 12:40 hours that day but did not attempt to prevent it. He stated that he had gone to theBagh with the deliberate intention of opening fire if he found a crowd assembled there. Patterson says Dyerexplained his sense of honour to the Hunter Commission by saying, "I think it quite possible that I couldhave dispersed the crowd without firing but they would have come back again and laughed, and I wouldhave made, what I consider, a fool of myself."[43] Dyer further reiterated his belief that the crowd in theBagh was one of "rebels who were trying to isolate my forces and cut me off from other supplies. Therefore,I considered it my duty to fire on them and to fire well".[42]

After Mr. Justice Rankin had questioned Dyer, Sir Chimanlal Setalvad followed, asking Dyer if

"supposing the passage was sufficient to allow the armoured cars to go in, would you have opened fire withthe machine guns?"

"I think probably, yes."

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"In that case, the casualties would have been much higher?"

"Yes." [42]

Dyer further stated that his intentions had been to strike terror throughout the Punjab and in doing so, reducethe moral stature of the "rebels". He said he did not stop the shooting when the crowd began to dispersebecause he thought it was his duty to keep shooting until the crowd dispersed, and that a little shootingwould not do any good. In fact he continued the shooting until the ammunition was almost exhausted.[44] Hestated that he did not make any effort to tend to the wounded after the shooting: "Certainly not. It was notmy job. Hospitals were open and they could have gone there."[45]

Exhausted from the rigorous cross-examination questioning and ill, Dyer was then released. Over the nextseveral months, while the Commission wrote its final report, the British press, as well as many MPs, turnedhostile towards Dyer as the extent of the massacre and his statements at the inquiry became widelyknown.[42] Lord Chelmsford refused to comment until the Commission had been wound up. In themeanwhile, Dyer, seriously ill with jaundice and arteriosclerosis, was hospitalised.[42]

Although the members of the Commission had been divided by racial tensions following Dyer's statement,and though the Indian members had written a separate, minority report, the final report, comprising sixvolumes of evidence and released on 8 March 1920, unanimously condemned Dyer's actions.[42] In"continuing firing as long as he did, it appears to us that General Dyer committed a grave error."[46]

Dissenting members argued that the martial law regime's use of force was wholly unjustified. "General Dyerthought he had crushed the rebellion and Sir Michael O'Dwyer was of the same view," they wrote, "(but)there was no rebellion which required to be crushed." The report concluded that:

Lack of notice to disperse from the Bagh in the beginning was an errorThe length of firing showed a grave errorDyer's motive of producing a sufficient moral effect was to be condemnedDyer had overstepped the bounds of his authorityThere had not been any conspiracy to overthrow British rule in the Punjab

The minority report of the Indian members further added that:

Proclamations banning public meetings were insufficiently distributedThere were innocent people in the crowd, and there had not been any violence in the Bagh beforehandDyer should have either ordered his troops to help the wounded or instructed the civil authorities to dosoDyer's actions had been "inhuman and un-British" and had greatly injured the image of British rule inIndia.

The Hunter Commission did not impose any penal or disciplinary action because Dyer's actions werecondoned by various superiors (later upheld by the Army Council).[47] The Legal and Home Members onthe Viceroy's Council ultimately decided that, though Dyer had acted in a callous and brutal way, military orlegal prosecution would not be possible due to political reasons. However, he was finally found guilty of amistaken notion of duty and relieved of his command on 23 March. He had been recommended for a CBE asa result of his service in the Third Afghan War; this recommendation was cancelled on 29 March 1920.

Demonstration at Gujranwala

Two days later, on 15 April, demonstrations occurred in Gujranwala protesting the killings at Amritsar. Policeand aircraft were used against the demonstrators, resulting in 12 deaths and 27 injuries. The OfficerCommanding the Royal Air Force in India, Brigadier General N D K MacEwen stated later that:

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Michael O'Dwyer ca. 1912

“I think we can fairly claim to have been of great use in the late riots, particularly atGujranwala, where the crowd when looking at its nastiest was absolutely dispersed by amachine using bombs and Lewis guns. ”

[48]

Assassination of Michael O'Dwyer

See also: Udham Singh

On 13 March 1940, at Caxton Hall in London, Udham Singh, anIndian independence activist from Sunam who had witnessed theevents in Amritsar and was himself wounded, shot and killed MichaelO'Dwyer, the British Lieutenant-Governor of Punjab at the time ofthe massacre, who had approved Dyer's action and was believed tobe the main planner. Dyer himself had died in 1927.

The action by Singh was condemned generally, but some, such as thenationalist newspaper Amrita Bazar Patrika, also made positivestatements. The common people and revolutionaries glorified theaction of Udham Singh. Much of the press worldwide recalled thestory of Jallianwala Bagh and alleged Michael O'Dwyer to have beenresponsible for the massacre. Singh was termed a "fighter forfreedom" and his action was referred to in The Times newspaper as"an expression of the pent-up fury of the down-trodden IndianPeople".[49] In Fascist countries, the incident was used for anti-British propaganda: Bergeret, published inlarge scale from Rome at that time, while commenting upon the Caxton Hall assassination, ascribed thegreatest significance to the circumstance and praised the action of Udham Singh as courageous.[50] TheBerliner Börsen Zeitung termed the event "The torch of Indian freedom". German radio reportedlybroadcast: "The cry of tormented people spoke with shots."

At a public meeting in Kanpur, a spokesman had stated that "at last an insult and humiliation of the nationhad been avenged". Similar sentiments were expressed in numerous other places across the country.[51]

Fortnightly reports of the political situation in Bihar mentioned: "It is true that we had no love lost for SirMichael. The indignities he heaped upon our countrymen in Punjab have not been forgotten." In its 18March 1940 issue Amrita Bazar Patrika wrote: "O'Dwyer's name is connected with Punjab incidents whichIndia will never forget." The New Statesman observed: "British conservativism has not discovered how todeal with Ireland after two centuries of rule. Similar comment may be made on British rule in India. Will thehistorians of the future have to record that it was not the Nazis but the British ruling class which destroyedthe British Empire?" Singh had told the court at his trial:

“I did it because I had a grudge against him. He deserved it. He was the real culprit. Hewanted to crush the spirit of my people, so I have crushed him. For full 21 years, I have beentrying to wreak vengeance. I am happy that I have done the job. I am not scared of death. Iam dying for my country. I have seen my people starving in India under the British rule. Ihave protested against this, it was my duty. What a greater honour could be bestowed on methan death for the sake of my motherland? ”

[52]

Singh was hanged for the murder on 31 July 1940. At that time, many, including Jawaharlal Nehru andMahatma Gandhi, condemned the action of Udham as senseless but courageous. In 1952, Nehru (by thenPrime Minister) honoured Udham Singh with the following statement which had appeared in the daily

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Wide view of Jallianwala Baghmemorial

Entrance to the present-day JallianwalaBagh.

Bullet marks, visible on preservedwalls, at present-day JallianwalaBagh

Partap:

“I salute Shaheed-i-Azam Udham Singh with reverence whohad kissed the noose so that we may be free. ”

Soon after this recognition by the Prime Minister, Udham Singh receivedthe title of Shaheed, a name given to someone who has attained martyrdomor done something heroic on behalf of their country or religion.[citation needed]

Monument and legacy

A trust was founded in 1920 tobuild a memorial at the site aftera resolution was passed by theIndian National Congress. In1923, the trust purchased landfor the project. A memorial,designed by American architectBenjamin Polk, was built on thesite and inaugurated byPresident of India RajendraPrasad on 13 April 1961, in thepresence of Jawaharlal Nehruand other leaders. A flame waslater added to the site.

The bullet marks remain on the walls and adjoining buildings to this day.The well into which many people jumped and drowned attempting tosave themselves from the bullets is also a protected monument insidethe park.

Formation of the Shiromani Gurudwara PrabandhakCommittee

Shortly following the massacre, the official Sikh clergy of the GoldenTemple conferred upon General Dyer the Saropa (the mark of distinguished service to the Sikh faith or, ingeneral, humanity), sending shock waves among the Sikh community.[53] On 12 October 1920, students andfaculty of the Amritsar Khalsa College called a meeting to demand the immediate removal of theGurudwaras from the control of Mahants. The result was the formation of the Shiromani GurudwaraPrabhandak Committee on 15 November 1920 to manage and to implement reforms in Sikh shrines.[54]

Regret

Although Queen Elizabeth II had not made any comments on the incident during her state visits in 1961 and1983, she spoke about the events at a state banquet in India on 13 October 1997:[55]

“It is no secret that there have been some difficult episodes in our past – Jallianwala Bagh,which I shall visit tomorrow, is a distressing example. But history cannot be rewritten,however much we might sometimes wish otherwise. It has its moments of sadness, as well as ”

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Jallianwala Bagh memorial

gladness. We must learn from the sadness and build on the gladness.[55]

On 14 October 1997 Queen Elizabeth II visited Jallianwala Bagh and paid her respects with a 30‑secondmoment of silence. During the visit, she wore a dress of a colour described as pink apricot or saffron, whichwas of religious significance to Hindus and Sikhs.[55] She removed her shoes while visiting the monumentand laid a wreath at the monument.[55]

While some Indians welcomed the expression of regret and sadness in the Queen's statement, otherscriticised it for being less than an apology.[55] Prime Minister of India Inder Kumar Gujral defended theQueen, saying that the Queen herself had not even been born at the time of the events and should not berequired to apologise.[55]

Winston Churchill, on the 8th July 1920, urged the House of Commons to punish General Dyer.[35] Churchillsucceeded in persuading the House to forcibly retire General Dyer, but Churchill would have preferred tosee the general disciplined.[36]

In February 2013 David Cameron became the first serving British Prime Minister to visit the site,[56] laid awreath at the memorial, and described the Amritsar massacre as "a deeply shameful event in British history,one that Winston Churchill rightly described at that time as monstrous. We must never forget what happenedhere and we must ensure that the UK stands up for the right of peaceful protests". Cameron did not deliveran official apology.[57]

Artistic portrayals

1981: Salman Rushdie's novel Midnight's Children portrays themassacre from the perspective of a doctor in the crowd, savedfrom the gunfire by a well-timed sneeze.1982: The massacre is depicted in Richard Attenborough's filmGandhi with the role of General Dyer played by Edward Fox.The film depicts most of the details of the massacre as well asthe subsequent inquiry by the Montague commission.1984: The story of the massacre also occurs in the 7th episodeof Granada TV's 1984 series The Jewel in the Crown,recounted by the fictional widow of a British officer who ishaunted by the inhumanity of it and who tells how she came tobe reviled because she defied the honours to Dyer and insteaddonated money to the Indian victims.2002: In the Hindi movie The Legend of Bhagat Singh directedby Rajkumar Santoshi, the massacre is reconstructed with thechild Bhagat Singh as a witness, eventually inspiring him tobecome a revolutionary in the Indian independence movement.2006: Portions of the Hindi movie Rang De Basanti nonlinearly depict the massacre and the influenceit had on the freedom fighters.2009: Bali Rai's novel, City of Ghosts, is partly set around the massacre, blending fact with fiction andmagical realism. Dyer, Udham Singh and other real historical figures feature in the story.

See also

VidurashwathaBritish RajMassacre of Chumik ShenkoIndian independence movement

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List of massacres in India

References^ Dalrymple, William (23 February 2013)."Apologising for Amritsar is pointless. Betterredress is to never forget"(http://www.theguardian.com/commentisfree/2013/feb/23/apologising-amritsar-teach-british-empire). The Guardian. Retrieved 13 December2013.

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^ Brian Lapping, End of Empire, p. 38, 19857.^ Manchester, William. The Last Lion: Winston SChurchill, Visions of Glory (1874-1932). Little,Brown. p. 694.

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^ a b c Jaswant Singh (13 April 2002). "Bloodbathon the Baisakhi" (http://www.tribuneindia.com/2002/20020413/windows/main1.htm). TheTribune. Retrieved 16 March 2013.

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^ a b Banerjee, Sikata (2012). MuscularNationalism: Gender, Violence, and Empire. p. 24.

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^ Townshend, Britains Civil Wars. p13725.^ Collett, The Butcher of Amritsar: GeneralReginald Dyer p 255-58

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^ Hunter Report, p11729.^ "Amritsar Massacre – ninemsn Encarta"(http://www.webcitation.org/5kwriIrvt). Archivedfrom the original (http://au.encarta.msn.com/encyclopedia_761579959/amritsar_massacre.html)on 31 October 2009.

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^ Derek Sayer, "British Reaction to the AmritsarMassacre 1919-1920," Past & Present, May 1991,Issue 131, p.131

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^ a b "Hansard (House of Commons Archives)".Hansard: 1719–1733. 8 July 1920.

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^ a b Manchester, William (1988). The Last Lion:Winston Spencer Churchill, Visions of Glory(1874-1932). Little, Brown. p. 694.

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^ Rabindranath Tagore; Sisir Kumar Das (January1996). A miscellany (http://books.google.com/books?id=EZOu04e1bNQC&pg=PA982). SahityaAkademi. pp. 982–. ISBN 978-81-260-0094-4.Retrieved 17 February 2012.

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^ "Tagore renounced his Knighthood in protest forJalianwalla Bagh mass killing"(http://articles.timesofindia.indiatimes.com/2011-04-13/india/29413338_1_knighthood-protest-honour). The Times of India (Mumbai:Bennett, Coleman & Co. Ltd.). 13 April 2011.Retrieved 17 February 2012.

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^ Kalyan Sen Gupta (2005). The philosophy ofRabindranath Tagore (http://books.google.com/books?id=B15fqPp2BSwC&pg=PA3). AshgatePublishing, Ltd. pp. 3–. ISBN 978-0-7546-3036-4.Retrieved 17 February 2012.

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^ Rabindranath Tagore; Introduction By Mohit K.Ray (1 January 2007). English Writings OfRabindranath TagoreMiscellaneous Writings Vol#8 (http://books.google.com/books?id=KmurjO7AQ1sC&pg=PA1021).Atlantic Publishers & Dist. pp. 1021–.ISBN 978-81-269-0761-8. Retrieved 17 February2012.

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^ Steven Patterson, The cult of imperial honor inBritish India (2009) P. 67

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^ Nick Lloyd, The Amritsar Massacre: The UntoldStory of One Fateful Day (2011) p. 157

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^ Winston Churchill (8 July 1920), WinstonChurchill's speech in the House of Commons(http://lachlan.bluehaze.com.au/churchill/amritsar.htm) Retrieved on 14 Sep 2010.

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^ Royal Air Force Power Review(http://www.raf.mod.uk/rafcms/mediafiles/BC18F893_1143_EC82_2E16AC19F19FE2D2.pdf), 1 (1), spring 2008, retrieved 24 October 2010.Unknown parameter |unused_data= ignored (help)

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^ The Times, London, 16 March 194049.^ Public and Judicial Department, File No L/P +J/7/3822, Caxton Hall outrage, India Office Libraryand Records, London, pp 13–14

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^ Government of India, Home Department,Political File No 18/3/1940, National Archives ofIndia, New Delhi, p40

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^ CRIM 1/1177, Public Record Office, London, p64

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^ Ajit Singh Sarhadi, "Punjabi Suba: The Story ofthe Struggle", Kapur Printing Press, Delhi, 1970, p.19

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^ Indian critiques of Gandhi – Google Books(http://books.google.com/?id=GGGudMuE4PIC&pg=PA173&dq=sgpc+saropa+general+dyer#v=onepage&q=sgpc%20saropa%20general%20dyer&f=false),Books.google.com, 2003,ISBN 978-0-7914-5910-2, retrieved 1 February2011

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^ a b c d e f "In India, Queen Bows Her Head Overa Massacre in 1919" (http://www.nytimes.com/1997/10/15/world/in-india-queen-bows-her-head-over-a-massacre-in-1919.html?smid=pl-share). New York Times. 15 October 1997.Retrieved 12 February 2013.

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^ http://timesofindia.indiatimes.com/india/Jallianwala-Bagh-massacre-British-PM-defends-decision-for-not-saying-sorry/articleshow/18594322.cms

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^ "David Cameron marks British 1919 Amritsarmassacre" (http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/uk-politics-21515360). News. BBC. 20 February 2013.Retrieved 20 February 2013. "Not our finest hour:David Cameron to visit Amritsar massacre site butwon't make official apology"(http://www.mirror.co.uk/news/world-news/david-cameron-visit-amritsar-massacre-1719343). News.Daily Mirror. 20 February 2013. Retrieved 20February 2013. "Jallianwala Bagh killingsshameful, says David Cameron"(http://www.dnaindia.com/india/report_jallianwala-bagh-killings-shameful-says-david-cameron_1802074). News. Daily News andAnalysis. 20 February 2013. Retrieved 20February 2013.

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Further reading

Brown, Emily (1973), (in Book Reviews; South Asia). The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 32, No. 3.(May, 1973), pp. 522–523, Pacific Affairs, University of British Columbia, ISSN 0030-851X(//www.worldcat.org/issn/0030-851X).Cell, John W (2002), Hailey: A Study in British Imperialism, 1872–1969, Cambridge University Press,ISBN 0-521-52117-3.Collett, Nigel. The Butcher of Amritsar: General Reginald Dyer (2006)Draper, Alfred. The Amritsar Massacre: Twilight of the Raj (1985)Gupta, Amit K (1997), Defying Death: Nationalist Revolutionism in India, 1897–1938.SocialScientist, Vol. 25, No. 9/10. (Sep. – Oct., 1997), pp. 3–27, Social Scientist, ISSN 0970-0293(//www.worldcat.org/issn/0970-0293).Hopkirk, Peter (1997), Like Hidden Fire: The Plot to Bring Down the British Empire, Kodansha

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Globe, ISBN 1-56836-127-0.Judd, Dennis. "The Amritsar Massacre of 1919: Gandhi, the Raj and the Growth of IndianNationalism, 1915-39," in Judd, Empire: The British Imperial Experience from 1765 to the Present(Basic Books, 1996) pp 258– 72 online edition (http://www.questia.com/PM.qst?a=o&d=6969240)Lloyd, Nick. The Amritsar Massacre: The Untold Story of One Fateful Day (2011)Narain, Savita. The historiography of the Jallianwala Bagh massacre, 1919 (New Delhi, Spantechand Lancer, 1998) 76pp ISBN 1-897829-36-1Popplewell, Richard J (1995), Intelligence and Imperial Defence: British Intelligence and theDefence of the Indian Empire 1904–1924 (http://www.routledge.com/shopping_cart/products/product_detail.asp?sku=&isbn=071464580X&parent_id=&pc=), Routledge, ISBN 0-7146-4580-X.Sarkar, B.K. (1921), Political Science Quarterly, Vol. 36, No. 1. (Mar., 1921), pp. 136–138, TheAcedemy of Political Science, ISSN 0032-3195 (//www.worldcat.org/issn/0032-3195).Sarkar, Sumit (1983), Modern India, 1885–1947, Delhi:Macmillan, ISBN 978-0-333-90425-1.Swinson, Arthur. Six Minutes to Sunset: The Story of General Dyer and the Amritsar Affair (London:Peter Davies, 1964)Tinker, Hugh (1968), India in the First World War and after. Journal of Contemporary History, Vol.3, No. 4, 1918–19: From War to Peace. (Oct., 1968), pp. 89–107, Sage Publications, ISSN 0022-0094(//www.worldcat.org/issn/0022-0094).

External links

An NPR interview (http://www.npr.org/templates/story/story.php?storyId=6687085) with BapuShingara Singh – the last known surviving witness.Churchill's speech (http://lachlan.bluehaze.com.au/churchill/amritsar.htm) after the incident.Amritsar Massacre at Jallianwala Bagh (http://www.amritsar.com/Jallian%20Wala%20Bagh.shtml)Listen to the Shaheed song of the Amritsar Massacre at Jallian Wala Bagh.Amritsar Massacre as a turning point in the British Raj (http://www.britishempirehistory.com/pages/7.html) – Description and analysis of the Jallianwala Bagh Massacre.

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