American Tewish - AJAamericanjewisharchives.org/journal/PDF/1959_11_02_00.pdf · American Tewish ARCHIVES Devoted to th preservation and study of American Jewish historical records

American Tewish ARCHIVES Devoted to t h preservation and study of American Jewish historical records

DIRECTOR: JACOB RADER MARCUS, PH. D.

Adolph S. Ochs Professor of American Jewish History

Published by THE A M E R I C A N JEWISH ARCHIVES, CINCINNATI 20, OHIO

on the Cincinnuti campus of the HEBREW UNION COLLEGE-JEWISH INSTITUTE OF RELIGION

VOL. XI OCTOBER, 1959 NO. 2

In This Issue

This issue of the American Jewish Archives is devoted for the most part to a discussion of some aspects of American Jewish literary life during the present century.

ON NOVEL READING. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ISAAC FRANKS I

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS .OF BECOMING. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . STANLEY F. CHYET I z 5

Probably no one individual has contributed more to American Jewish letters than the late Ludwig Lewisohn. Yet Lewisohn, who became a fervent spokesman for traditional Judaism and for Zionism, began as -and until well into middle age remained - a Jew in name only, spiritually and intellectually alienated from Jewish life. In this study, the writer deals with those years preceding Lewisohn's affirmation of the Jewish loyalties for which he is best remembered.

THE JEW AS PORTRAYED IN AMERICAN JEWISH NOVELS OF- THE 1930's. . . . . . . . . . . . . . .STANLEY YEDWAB 148 The concerns and struggles which agitated the American Jewish literary scene during the crucial decade of the 193o's, the image of the Jew that American Jewish novelists projected during those chaotic years, are explored and discussed in this essay, which ranges from the sympathetic Ludwig Lewisohn to the unsympathetic Aben Kandel.

"0 WORKERS' REVOLUTION ... THE TRUE MESSIAH". . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . WALTER B. RIDEOUT 157

American Radicalism has never been without its Jewish protagonists, and the radical novel, too, has involved the creative energies of Jewish writers. Professor Rideout, in this essay, subjects the work of the Jewish radical novelists in America to a penetrating, authoritative analysis. Among the writers discussed are Isaac Kahn Friedman, Abraham Cahan, Samuel Ornitz, Michael Gold, Meyer Levin, Waldo Frank, Norman Mailer, and Howard Fast.

ON THE RELIGIOUS PROSCRIPTION OF CATHOLICS. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .PHILIP PHILLIPS In spite of its tremendous political influence, the nativist anti-foreign and anti-Catholic movement of the 1850's - known as the "Know-Nothing" agitation - aroused much opposition. Not the least among its critics was a Jewish Congressman from Alabama, Philip Phillips, who, in a letter to the Register of Mobile, Alabama, on July 4, 1855, declared his faith in "the principle of religious equality and freedom."

BERTHOLD AUERBACH AND THE HILTON-SELIGMAN AFFAIR - 1877

In a letter to Friedrich Kapp, distinguished German-American, Berthold Auerbach, the German writer, comments on Judge Henry Hilton's action in excluding a Jew from an American resort hotel.

REVIEWS OF BOOKS Kohn, S. Joshua, The Jewish Community of Utica, New York - 1847-1948.

Reviewed by Albert I. Gordon. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Roth, Cecil, The Standard Jewish Encyclopedia.

Reviewed by Jacob R. Marcus. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Uchill, Ida Libert, Pioneers, Peddlers, and Tsadikim. Rosenthal, Frank, T h e Jews of Des Moines -The First Century.

Reviewed by Joshua Trachtenberg . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Brief Notices. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . BROTHERLY LOVE - 1854.

BOOK REVIEWERS FOR VOLUME XI OF . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES.

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . INDEX TO VOLUME XI.

ILLUSTRATIONS The young Ludwig Lewisohn, page 137; A residential street in Charleston, page 138; T h e lower East Side (New York) in its heyday, page 155; A hot day on the lower East Side in New York, page 173; Abraham Cahan, page 174; Berthold Auerbach, page 191.

Patrons for 1959

T H E NEUMANN MEMORIAL PUBLICATION FUND

AND

ARTHUR FRIEDMAN LEO FRIEDMAN j " ~ BERNARD STARKOFF

Published by THE AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES on the Cincinnaii campus of the HEBREW UNION COLLEGE- JEWISH INSTITUTE OF RELIGION

NELSON GLUECK President

On Novel Reading*

A large part of the current issue of the American Jewish Archives is devoted to American Jewish literary endeavor during the twentieth century. Even during the eighteenth century, however, there were American Jews who were neither strangers to the world of letters nor unresponsive to the values and pleasures of literature. New York-born Isaac Franks (1759-~822)~ who was related to the famous and wealthy Franks clan of Colonial New York and Philadelphia and was a veteran of America's war for independence, apparently cultivated an interest in the best and most characteristic fiction of his day. His views are re- jlected in a brief, hand-written, feuilleton-like statement - "On Novel Reading'' -found among his papers. "On Novel Reading" dates probably from about 1800. Whether Franks copied its sentiments from another source, or whether - as is perhaps more likely - he was himself their author, they suggest a sympathetic acquaintance on his part with the art of the novel, still a relatively avant-garde literary form during the late eighteenth century and as such a subject of some contro- versy among fanciers of literature. Franks, who seems to have been familiar with "the works of Homer, of Virgil, and . . . of the immortal Milton," saw fit, nonetheless, to champion the works of still famous writers like the Spanish novelist Miguel de Cervantes Saavedra and the English novelists Henry Fielding, Samuel Richardson, and Tobias George Smollett as well as those of lesser figures like the popular Irish novelist Regina Maria Roche and the English novelist Frances Burney.

The practice of reading novels has been condemned by many persons of distinction. Novels are represented by them as ruinous to young persons. I beg leave, however, to dissent from an opinion so confidently urged. It is with diffidence I differ from high and respectable authoritys. Yet freedom of opinion is a blessing which

* From a copy in the Library of the American Jewish Historical Society.

124 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, I959

I value very highly and should be loath to relinquish. I shall, therefore, offer a few sentiments on the subject.

Amusements are necessary for youth. Now what amusement can be more innocent and, I might add, more improving, than reading well selected novels? What can be better calculated gently to assuage the pangs of distress, to soothe the afflicted mind, than novels? T o follow an Amanda, an Evelina, or a Cecilia through their distresses, to participate in their anguish and in their trans- ports, is to be capable of every finer feeling. Lost to sensibility and taste must be that heart which is insensible to the charms of a well written novel. But they are all fictions, say the enemies of novels. So are the most celebrated compositions. The works of Homer, of Virgil, and even of the immortal Milton are of this description. But, if the writer be true to nature, i t is the universal language of truth. Those who exclaim so loudly against novels, I cannot help thinking, are either dissemblers or entirely deficient in taste or sentiment. Does the name change the essence of any object? Would not a rose smell as sweet by any other name? When I hear a young lady or gentlemen declaiming against novels, I always suspect that she has no taste for reading; and what is the consequence? An utter poverty of intellect, a tastless, vapid, triffling mind, a mind employed in dress, tittle-tattle, and scandal. If the plot be well imagined and the characters well supported, the ideas and language forcible, chaste, and correct, the name by which it is called is of very little importance.

Ignorance and malignity may decry this species of writing; but in my opinion, the names of Cervantes, Fielding, Richardson, Smollett, Roche, and Burney will and ought ever to command the admiration of those who possess feeling, discernment, and taste. Away, then, with the hypocritical cant which condems this de- lighthl entertainment! And shame upon those who gormandize novels indiscriminately in private and in public revile them! The time devoted by females to this entertaining pursuit would be past [passed] in improper employment, or with still greater impropriety, thrown away in luxurious ease and listless indolence.

I. FRANKS

Ludwig Lewisohn: The Years of Becoming

Werde der du bist - Become what you essentially are!

- Nietzsche

The characteristic modes of thought and feeling of the North German and those of the Jew who h q discarded his archaic Orientalism are profoundly alike. Both have the same earnestness in the conduct of life, the same strong family sense, the hard,. practical intelligence - the capacity, too, of producing now and then indivlduals of the finest artistic sensitiveness and power . . .' What Ludwig Lewisohn wrote as a professor of German at Ohio State University in I 9 I 6 would have found a response in the hearts of any number of Jews in the Germany of the I 88oYs, and, as he wrote, he may very well have had in mind his own family in Berlin.

T o Jacques Lewisohn and to his first cousin, Minna Eloesser, living in the capital of the newly formed Kaiserreich in the 1880's~ Judaism was and remained little more indeed than an "archaic Orientalism" which they were at pains to discard - this despite the fact that Minna's father, Isidore Leonard Eloesser, had "per- formed rabbinical functions to scattered congregations in East Prussia," whence after her father's death she had come to Berlin at the age of twelve. Jacques and Minna felt, as apparently did all

Rabbi Stanley F. Chyet is the Harrison Jules Louis Frank and Leon Harrison Frank Research Fellow in American Jewish History at the Hebrew Union College- Jewish Institute of Religion in Cincinnati.

This essay, lacking a few recent revisions, took first prize in the annual Jewish Book Month contest sponsored by the New Haven (Conn.) Jewish Community Center Library in November, 1957.

All references to Up Stream in the essay are to the Modern Library edition, published in 1926. For rnany of the details in this account, the writer is indebted to Ludwig Lewisohn's widow, Mrs. Louise Wolk Lewisohn, of Cambridge, Mass., and to Lewi- sohn's cousin, Cora H. (Mrs. J. H.) Evans, of Atlanta, Ga.

Georg Hirschfeld, The Mothers, translated and with an introduction by Ludwig Lewi- sohn (Garden City, N. Y., 19 16), p. xiii.

I 2 6 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

the Lewisohns, that "they were Germans first and Jews after- wards." It was a sentiment shared by a large proportion of the Jewry of the Kaiserreich, and Jacques and Minna transmitted the feeling to their son and only child Ludwig, born to them in Berlin on the 30th of May, 1883.'

It was never hidden from Ludwig that he was a Jew, but his exposure to Judaism went scarcely further. In later years, he was to recall that a Christmas tree "was native and familiar to the heart of the child that [he] was," while Yom Kippur, on the one occasion that he was witness to it, seemed "wonderful and solemn," but evoked in him no sense of participation, no feeling of identity with the worshippers or the worship. It was, and for him it would for forty years remain, "a little weird and terrifying and alien."

If, however, in those early years in Berlin, Ludwig's Jewish education was neglected, such was not the case with regard to his general education. For the Lewisohns, as indeed for the entire society within which they lived, "it was an absolutely foregone con- clusion that a liberal education was the necessary foundation of right and noble living," and at the age of six Ludwig was admitted to the Vorschule of a Gymnasium. Even before his entrance into the Vorschule, however, Ludwig had discovered the world of letters. Grandmother Doris Eloesser had taught him to read at the age of four, and thus, as he would observe in later years, his "real life began."3

Those appear to have been happy years for the child Ludwig. His mother, never capable of easy adjustment to the rigid middle- class mores of her environment and sustaining in her marriage to Jacques more than her share of frustrations, poured "into the channel of her maternal love . . . all her passionate ideality, all her deep yearning, all her half-articulate ambitions, all the splendor of her frustrate hopes." It was she who inspired in Ludwig the passion for

a Ludwig Lewisohn, Up Stream: An American Chronicle (New York: Modern Library, 1926), pp. 8, I I; Lewisohn's widow believes that Isidore Eloesser "was the first Reform rabbi in Konigsberg . . . and so emancipated that he did not cover his head!" (Louise [Mrs. Ludwig] Lewisohn, Cambridge, Mass., to Stanley F. Chyet, Cincinnati, August 11, 1958).

3 Lewisohn, Up Stream, pp. 12-1 3, 2 I, 24.

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING I 27

learning that was never to depart from him. It was from her that he first learned the scholarly discipline which characterized his work in later years, and from her that he first heard the German Lieder which he came to love so we11.4

Jacques's father had been something of a ne'er-do-well, and Jacques's own attempts at business were singularly ill-fated. He, too, like Minna, was frustrated in the uncongenial middle-class atmosphere of a Berlin which was as much the "peculiar Prussian city" as it was "the great art-centre and imperial capital." Of all this, however, spellbound by his own Maerchenwald and insulated by Minna7s maternalism, Ludwig was unaware. I t must have come as a rude shock to the child when, in 1889, Jacques dissipated his inheritance in a foolish business venture and fell into a depression that seemed beyond relief. A letter from Siegfried Eloesser, Minna7s youngest brother who had emigrated to South Carolina some years earlier and "was said to have prospered moderately there," set the Lewisohns to thinking of America, and in the fall of I 890 they took ship for the United States. The ''moderate'' extent to which Siegfried had prospered became immediately and bitterly apparent on their arrival in St. Matthews, the "squalid village" in the South Carolina interior that was Siegfried Eloesser7s home. These fastidious and "enlightened" Berliners seem to have objected particularly to Siegfried's wife, Fannie Redlich Eloesser, formerly of Charleston. In later years, influenced probably by the disdain with which his parents had looked upon her, Ludwig Lewisohn described his aunt unsympathetically as "a Jewess of the Eastern tradition, narrow- minded, given over to the clattering ritual of pots and pans - 'meaty' and 'milky' - and very ignorant."$

4 Ibid., pp. 18-19.

5 Hirschfeld, p. xii; Lewisohn, Up Stream, pp. 29, 36,41. Lewisohn's cousin, a daughter of Siegfried and Fannie Eloesser, has written to me that "his [Lewisohn's] description . . . [in Up Stream] of his arrival [in St. Matthews, S. C.] was all wrong, and my father resented [it] and wrote Ludwig of his feelings. Ludwig never replied. I personally feel it was Uncle Jacques's mind at work as Ludwig was too young to recall all of this''

128 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

It was a new and rude world, this Southland into which the Lewisohns had ventured. T o Minna, in particular, the contrast between the lordly, triumphant Berlin of 1890 and the South of 1890, its shame of Appomattox and the Reconstruction days still very much in living, painful memory, must have been dispiriting, for in any intellectual or cultural terms, as the Lewisohns were soon to discover, the South in I 890 was a virtual cul de sac. All this was by no means to be blamed on the Civil War and the subsequent Recon- struction period, in the course of which, in fact, South Carolina first acq&ed a modern free school system. The old, ante-bellum South had not been notably stronger in intellectual culture, but, as the late Wilbur Joseph Cash, himself a native South Carolinian, wrote, "the intellectual and aesthetic culture of the Old South was a superficial and jejune thing, borrowed from without and worn as a political armor and a badge of rank; and hence . . . not a true culture at all." But lack of intellectual culture was not all that the Lewisohns - and especially Ludwig - would have to contend against in this South in which Jews "were usually thought of as aliens even when their fathers had fought in the Confederate armies ."

Neither Ludwig nor Jacques, however, was much troubled by the Southern demonology, less apparent in St. Matthews than elsewhere, or by the lack of intellectual culture which Minna undertook in her own right to remedy for her son. She herself resumed Ludwig's education which had been interrupted in Germany. Jacques, for his part, rapidly revived in the leisurely and, as it seemed to him, democratic atmosphere of St. Matthews. During the two years that they remained in the village, however, Ludwig's Jewish identity grew steadily weaker, largely through the efforts of his own parents, who are reported to have "discouraged any form or discussion of [the] Jewish Religion." He was permitted to attend a local Methodist Sunday school, and it was not long before

(Cora H. Evans, Atlanta, Ga., to Stanley F. Chyet, Cincinnati, June, 1958). Jacques Lewisohn, Mrs. Evans writes, "resented Judaism and that my mother kept up the traditions, lighting Friday night candles, Passover, High Holidays, etc." (Cora H. Evans to Stanley F. Chyet, August 3, 1958).

6 Wilbur Joseph Cash, The Mind of the South (Garden City, N. Y., 1954), pp. 105, 300.

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING 129

he came to accept "the Gospel story and the obvious implications of Pauline Christianity without question." Nor did his parents object when he withdrew - "insensibly almost7' - from the other Jewish children in St.';Matthews and found his chief playmates among Gentile children.'

It was regretfully that, in 1892, the Lewisohns took their leave of St. Matthews after Jacques had again squandered their resources in an unwise business scheme. They moved to Charleston, where finally they were confronted with the mores of the South in their most hurtful and haunting terms. The fact that Charleston was so evidently "a city of very rigid social groups,".generally denomina- tional in character and insular in quality, such that the Lewisohns could hope to make few social contacts among them, could not prevail on Jacques and Minna to seek Jewish or German friends in the city. As in Berlin, so in Charleston, they refrained from "associ- ating with North German peasants turned grocers" or "with rather ignorant, semi-orthodox Jews from Posen." The result was that they were committed to "a state of solitariness which would have broken stronger and better-balanced natures." Most of all, of course, Ludwig would suffer, and the succeeding years in Charleston deepened in him the strain of melancholy which was in any case, as he has written, "the badge of all our tribe." Little wonder that, in later years, he would dwell on the "element of pathos" which distinguished a Charleston whose aristocratic airs were falling into decay. Little wonder that, already at the age of ten, Ludwig could sustain "a sense, shadowy and inarticulate, but deep enough, of our homelessness in the universe, of our terrible helplessness before it.'18

Ludwig's "real life" continued in Charleston, as it had begun in Berlin, to consist of books, but no longer of the German fairy tales

7Lewisohn, Up Stream, pp. 53-54; Cora H. Evans to Stanley F. Chyet, June, 1958. In the same letter, Mrs. Evans writes of Jacques and Minna Lewisohn that "they had no Jewish contacts and scorned at the Jewish religion, and on all occasions as Passover, New Year, etc., they would not join our family. W e kids naturally didn't understand, and my parents would make one excuse after another." Mrs. Evans also reports that his parents "immediately put Ludwig in [the] Methodist Sunday School."

Lewisohn, Up Stream, pp. I I, 61-63, 68, and The Broken Snare (New York, 1908), p. 140.

I3O AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

of his early childhood. I t was Addison and Byron, Dickens and Scott, that he read now, and during the four years - I 893 to I 897 - that he spent at the high school of Charleston he laid "the foundations of a sound and permanent knowledge of Latin and French" as well as of "the poetry of the English tongue" - this last becoming "the one thing in the world [he] cared for supremely." I t was at the high school, too, that Ludwig had a taste of Southern xenophobia, when he "was taunted with being a foreigner and a Jew." Yet, far from appealing to his discarded Jewish identity, the prejudices which he encountered served only to strengthen his resolve to "forget his Jewish and his German past." H e came to disdain all things German, "abandoned the German books of [his] childhood," and "stopped speaking German even at home." By his last year at the high school, his "Americanization was complete," and he felt himself "an American, a Southerner, and a Christian." H e paid for all this, to be sure, with the "wretched conviction of sin" which imposed itself on him as a result of the conflict between his growing awareness of sex and the Methodist faith and morality which he had a ~ c e p t e d . ~

Two DEGREES, A NAME, AND A FACE

In 1897, Lewisohn entered the College of Charleston, where he soon came under the influence of Lancelot Minor Harris, a young Virginian aristocrat who filled the chair of English. Dr. Harris undertook to teach his protCgi: "how to train [himself] to write," and Lewisohn came to love him. Unfortunately, "with his unconquerable tribal self," Harris "always loved something else - a quiet manner, reserve of speech, an aristocratic nose - a little better than he loved truth or beauty." Lewisohn learned from him, but was hurt by him - and not by him alone. Successful as his college career was and pleasant as his relations with his classmates were, "there always came a point at which [Lewisohn] felt excluded." "Pan-Angle of the purest type" though he aspired to be, in his senior year his classmates "gathered to form the first chapter of a Greek letter fraternity at [the] college and - left [him] out." Lewisohn never really

9 Lewisohn, Up Stream, pp. 70-71, 76, 80-81, 84, 86; Adolph Gillis, Ludwig Lewisohn: The Artist and His Message (New York, 1933), pp. 6-7.

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING '3'

recovered from this slight, though he convinced himself at the time that "the incident was local, exceptional, unrepresentative, and un- American," and he began to weary ofhis Methodist friends and their professions. At his father's behest, he took up John Fiske's Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy and went on to Huxley, Darwin, Draper, and Lecky. Yet even though he found the picture of the universe represented by science "overwhelmingly and evidently nearer the truth than that represented by Christian doctrine," he persisted in holding "very fast to [his] faith in God and immortality" and declined to "doubt the correcmess and elevation of that system of Christian morals under which we live."Io

Specializing in English literature, particularly of the eighteenth- century variety, during his last two years at the College, Lewisohn was able to complete a year's graduate work while still an undergraduate and came seriously to entertain "the academic profession" as a desirable career; he would be "a teacher of the English language and literature." It was at this time that he entered into his enthusiasm for Matthew Arnold; he chose Arnold's writings as the subject of his master's thesis, published in part in the Sewame Review of October, I go I ."

In 190 I, Lewisohn graduated from the College of Charleston with two degrees, a bachelor's and a master's. When, however, a board of Episcopal clergymen elected him to the chair of English in a local academy, "the aged clergyman to whom the school really belonged arose from a bed of illness and removed the trustees he had himself appointed for electing a person distasteful to him. He used this expression quite openly in a letter" to the Charleston News and Courier. It did not matter that Lewisohn "was passionately Anglo- American in all bis] sympathies [and] wanted above all things to be a poet in the English tongue." He was, and he was made to remain, the little German from Berlin with a name and a face "characteristically Jewish." But the worst was yet to come, for when Harris advised him to register with several teachers' agencies, no position was forthcoming, and when in 1902, after a year of study and

lo Lewisohn, Up Stream, pp. 91-92, 98-101, 103.

" Ibid., p. 104.

1 3 2 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

preparation, Lewisohn applied for fellowships to Harvard and Columbia, he found no aid available to him. It became bitterly evident that, if he were to pursue graduate studies, he would be forced to do so without benefit of scholarship aid. In the fall of 1902, having borrowed a scarcely adequate sum, he left Charleston for New York and Columbia University.~~

New York "seemed brutal, ferocious, stark7' to Lewisohn, who was utterly demoralized by its cacophony and frenetic pace, and his first weeks in the metropolis were a "grinding misery" of loneliness and homesickness. The gloom was relieved in some measure by his meeting with William Peterfield Trent, the kindly as well as "scholarly and poetic" Virginian who was a professor of English literature at Columbia. Lewisohn also found a friend in Calvin Thomas, Gebhard Professor of Germanic Languages and Litera- tures. Finally there was his classmate, William Ellery Leonard, an aspiring and quixotic New England poet who was to become Lewisohn's "friend of friends . . . animae dimidium meae." Neither Trent nor Thomas nor even Leonard, however, was quite adequate to the great need which had brought Lewisohn to New York.13

As always, Lewisohn turned to books to satisfy his hunger, but these "books that changed the whole tenor of [his] inner life" were different from those which he had read in Charleston, where he had been almost wholly absorbed in English literature. Now, in freer, wider, more cosmopolitan New York, he came upon "certain modern German plays and poems and novels" that had not been available to him in the South, where in any case all things German had only evoked in him distaste, and he read these new German books "with joy, with a sense of liberation, with a feeling that no other books in the world had ever given" him. All that he had read and known paled in the face of these modern German writers - Nietzsche, Liliencron, Holz, Hauptmann, Hoffmannsthal, Schnitzler, Frenssen,

Ibid., pp. I 14, 118 .

'3 Ibid., pp. 120-21, 123 , 1 2 5 .

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING I33

Mann, and a host of others -in whose work he found "a noble sentiment . . . grown inevitably from the sweat and tears, the yearning and the aspiration of our mortal fate . . . [but] never set down because it was a correct sentiment to which human nature must be made to conform." It was a far cry, this new German literature, from the contemporary Anglo-American literature subjected in that era of the Gilded Age to the "conventions of an outmoded past symbolized by the two terms which later became quaintly synonymous, Puritan- ism and Victorianism." Something of what Lewisohn had given up to become a Southern Christian Gentleman returned to him in those days on Morningside Heights.14

At the end of his first year in New York, Lewisohn took his second master's degree and again applied for a fellowship, but again in vain. Despite his demonstrated proficiency and Trent's champion- ship of him, there was no fellowship for him, although he was led to believe that he would be recommended for one the following year. Disappointed as he was, Lewisohn placed his trust in the future and, in the fall of 1903, began his second year at Columbia. It was during that year that he met Georg Sylvester Viereck, the German- American poet-novelist who was to become in later years so notorious and controversial a figure. Viereck was at the time still an undergraduate student at the City College of New York, but Lewisohn recognized the boy's talent and in 1904 wrote a perceptive "Appreciation" to Viereck's limited edition of his Gedichte - yet another testimonial to the decline of the anti-German feelings which Lewisohn's Charleston experience had inspired in him. If, in later years, it was said of Lewisohn that his "being a Jew" seemed "only to be an accident" in his life and that he was only "nominally a Jew" while "indubitably a German," the criticism was true enough of Lewisohn's years at Columbia. New York had not awakened in him his Jewishness as it had awakened his Germanism. It was, nevertheless, as a Jew that he was to suffer.15

14 Ibid., pp. 125, 129-30, 132; Harlan Hatcher, Creating the Modern American Novel (New York, 1935), p. 10.

's Despite Viereck's alleged Nazi sympathies and connections, Lewisohn appears to have maintained a lifelong friendship with him. Lewisohn's widow insists that Viereck is not, and was not, a Nazi despite all popular belief to the contrary (Conversation with Mrs.

Lewisohn had at this time no better friend than Professor Trent, who in 1904 engaged his young protCgC to write a fairly extensive introduction to an edition of J. Hector St. Jean de Crkvecoeur's Letters from an American Farmer which Trent was bringing out. Rising to the occasion, Lewisohn composed an essay on Crkvecoeur that was as readable as it was erudite. It was, of course, no small distinction to share the title page of a book with a scholar as well- known and as highly esteemed as William Peterfield Trent, and in view of the professor's sponsorship, Lewisohn must have thought his future career assured. The spring of 1904 passed, however, and neither recommendations nor fellowships were forthcoming. In something very like a panic of anguish, frustration, and despair, Lewisohn sent a letter to Professor George Rice Carpenter, the Labrador-born and Harvard-bred secretary of the English department at Columbia. This New Englander, described by Lewisohn as "pale, hesitant, chill-eyed . . . with a thin strain of rhetorical skill and literary taste," had never been sympathetic to the ardent young Carolinian, and Lewisohn wrote of him in later years that, "exces- sively mediocre as he was, [he] had a very keen tribal instinct of the self-protective sort and felt in [Lewisohn] . . . the implacable foe of the New England dominance over our national life."^^

Carpenter replied to Lewisohn's letter, not perhaps with inten- tional hurtfulness,

It is very sensible of you to look so carefully into your plans at this juncture, because I do not at all believe in the wisdom of your scheme. A recent experience has shown me how terribly hard it is for a man of Jewish birth to get a good position. I had always suspected that it was a matter worth considering, but I had not known how wide-spread and strong it was.

Lewisohn at her residence in Cambridge, Mass., August 30, 19 56), and, in a letter to me, has spoken of Viereck as "an old, old friend" (Louise Lewisohn, Waltham, Mass., to Stanley F. Chyet, Cincinnati, January I 8, I 9 57). Viereck himself has written to me that "Ludwig Lewisohn was [his] life-long friend" (Georg Sylvester Viereck, New York, to Stanley F. Chyet, Cincinnati, September 14, 1956). Jacob Zeitlin, "The Case of Mr. Lewisohn," The Menomh Jouml, VIII (June, I~ZZ), 191; Lewisohn, Up St~earn, pp. 140, 188.

16 Lewisohn, Up St~earn, pp. I z 3, 140.

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING '35

While we shall be glad to do anything we can for you, therefore, I cannot help feeling that the chances are going to be greatly against you.

The painful recollection of the bigoted Charleston clergyman who had risen from his sickbed to deny the young Jew any place in his academy must have pierced Lewisohn's mind as he read Carpenter's cold reply, and it is not difficult to imagine how the hurt must have been doubled by his failure to comprehend the forces in American life that militated against him. Eighteen years later, Jacob Zeitlin, an associate professor of English at the University of Illinois, undertook to defend Professor Carpenter and his attitude toward Lewisohn. Zeitlin had "followed close" on Lewisohn in the English department at Columbia and had "encountered substantially the same advice" from Carpenter, but judged it "his duty to acknowledge that he [had been] aware of no personal hostility or racial ill feeling behind this advice, which he [had] ascribed rather to a praiseworthy candor in facing things as they were." Possessed of a good deal more sang-froid and a good deal less sensitivity than Lewisohn, Zeitlin naturally found the obstacles which both he and Lewisohn encountered less formidable. The fact remains that, if Carpenter's antagonism to Lewisohn was founded on "racial" grounds, he represented more than himself and was operating within a larger context.*7

According to Joseph Herzog, "by 1875, the role of the large capitalists included such names as Rockefeller, Gould, Vanderbilt, Huntington, Hill, Harriman, Carnegie, Cooke, Morgan, and Armour." Herzog's list is not exhaustive, but it is of interest to note that only two of these famous "captains of industry" hailed from New England and that none of them centred their activities in New England or had anything but peripheral interests in that area. "The New England dominance over our national life" of which Lewisohn later wrote was already, in 1904, a mere shadow of its former self. Already that dominance was little more than a matter of manners, of aristocratic memories and glories long since past, for

' 1 Ibid., pp. 142-43; Menorah Journal, VIII, 189.

no longer did New England have real power in American life. In the years after the Civil War, as Charles Beard wrote, it was "the New York Stock Exchange [that] raised its economic forum to the position of an all-American Tribunal . . . . in the course of time bankers learned that they could in reality become masters of the economic scene . . . it was soon discovered that the weapon of the hour was finance and that the possession of the weapon had passed to the bankers." But the finance was no longer in Boston.~~

The times had changed, and this fact was not lost on the aris- tocrats of Beacon Hill. For them, as Oscar Handlin has observed, "the changes appeared to be a deterioration of culture and the reaction of that class was fastidiousness in speech and manners." It had not, of course, been substantially otherwise in Charleston. "Fastidiousness in speech and manners" was all that those classes, highbred and once powerful, now in decline, had left to them, and to that vestige they were determined to hold fast. Whoever chal- lenged or threatened the conventions they held dear was ips0 facto the enemy, and who then was more to be suspected, even had he not been a Jew, than a brash and individualistic young German immigrant? So at least it must have seemed to the New Englander Carpenter.'

But Ludwig Lewisohn was, after all, also "a man of Jewish birth."

In 1902, the American Hebrew Publishing Company itself did not hesitate to publish a book in which its author found it proper to observe that, "of all the nations, which the world has known, the commercial instinct is strongest and most fully developed in the Jew. He never sacrifices future opportunity for present gain." If a Jewish- sponsored publication could permit itself such a view, we should not be surprised to find that, during the 1890's~ "the conception of

1 8 Joseph D. Herzog, "The Emergence of the Anti-Jewish Stereotype in the United States" (Unpublished ordination thesis, Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion, Cincinnati, 1953), p. 6; Charles Beard, The Rise of American Civilization (New York, 19z8), 11, 196.

19 Oscar Handlin, "American Views of the Jew at the Opening of the Twentieth Cen- tury," Publications of the American Jewish Historical Society [PAJHS'J, XL (June, r95 I ) ,

34'

THE YOUNG LUD\\,.IG LEWISOHN In his early teens

(about 1900)

LUDWlG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING I39

Jewish interest in money deepened into the conviction that Jews controlled the great fortunes of the world. Although the Jews are still sometimes [painted as] miserly Shylocks, more often they are princes wielding power through their gold." That Carpenter as the representative of the deteriorating New England tradition could look upon Lewisohn as the representative of "princes wielding power through their gold" - and supplanting the old hegemony of New England - is not, under the circumstances, an unreasonable inference. Carpenter would not have been alone in his estimate of the situation. So it was that, as a discerning critic of the New England tradition has written, Brahmin intellectuals like Henry and Brooks Adams could create "in the Jew a logical villain for the capitalistic society" abuilding on the ruins of their once dominant world; Carpenter only echoed their fixation "on the Jew as the archetype of the loathsome, industrial man of their day."

According to Ellis Rivkin, "any serious student of anti-Semitism in its historical manifestations knows that the false, stupid, and shopworn character of the propaganda is no protection against its effectiveness when a society is undergoing major stresses and strains. Anti-Semitism waxes and wanes in direct relationship to economic and social stability." New England society was "undergoing major stresses and strains" at the time, and was suffering a decline.lo

In his encounter with Carpenter and his cohorts, as earlier in his encounter with the aged and ill Charleston clergyman, Lewisohn was confronted not by a mere personal antagonism and not by a hostility of strictly literary or "cultural" character, but by a desperate prejudice born of economic and social dissolution. He was willy-nilly and all unknowingly, even as Carpenter himself in his role of the representative of a decaying class, the victim of an economic and social revolution.

Lewisohn probably failed to understand at the time that what had

lo Madison C. Peters, The Jew as a Patriot (New York, 1902), p. 192, cited in Handlin, PAJHS, XL, 3 3 I ; Handlin, PAJHS, XL, 3 29; Barbara M. Solomon, Ancestors and Immi- grants: A Changing N e w England Tradition (Cambridge, Mass., 1956), p. 39; Ellis Rivkin, review of Oscar Handlin's Adventure in Freedom, in American Jewish Archzves, IX (April, 1957)r 52-53.

I4O AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

happened to him was to be explained in terms of a larger context. Yet he understood enough to know that "so long as there is discrimination, there is exile. And for the first time in [his] life [his] heart turned with grief and remorse to the thought of [his] brethren in exile all over the world." Unfortunately, he "could take no refuge in the spirit and traditions of [his] own people. [He] knew little of them. [His] psychical life was Aryan through and through." So at least he thought - and persisted in thinking for many years to come. But Lewisohn was proud. His doctoral studies uncom- pleted, Trent's protests ringing in his ears, he made up his mind with a dry and weary astringency and quit Columbia."

During the next two years, Lewisohn eked out a meager living in New York by doing editorial work and free-lance writing, but these years brought him little more than renewed defeats and deeper griefs, and finally he had to return to Charleston. H e did not return alone, however. In 1906, demoralized by the humiliations he had suffered in New York, he married Mrs. Mary Arnold Crocker Childs, an English-born divorcee, some seventeen years his senior and the mother of four children. Mary Childs, who in later years became a poet and playwright of some note under the pseudonym of "Bosworth Crocker," was a non-Jew, but Lewisohn's parents made no objection, and the newlyweds lived for two years in the Lewisohn house. Out of this mLsalliance, as it proved to be, grew Lewisohn's later preoccupation with problems of modern marriage and sex, the themes which dominated so much of his critical work as well as many of his novels, such as Don Juan, The Case of Mr. Cmmp, Stephen Escott, and even the recent Jn a Summer Season. Lewisohn could have known none of this at the time. He knew only that personal defeat, frustration, and disillusion had left him in dire need of someone on whom to lean - someone, in fact, like his mother, herself only a few years older than Mary - and Mary Childs must have been sensitive to that need in Lewisohn and able

Lewisohn, Up St~eam, pp. 144, 146.

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS O F BECOMING Iqr

at the time to meet it. It was only after a measure of success and recognition abated his need that Lewisohn found himself a young man in his thirties allied to an already aging woman who was perhaps wounding him in that she still sought to meet a need that was no longer existent.22

During the two years that he and his wife lived in Charleston, Lewisohn wrote his first novel, The Broken Snare, which was published in 1908 under the "sponsorship" of Theodore Dreiser. Lewi- sohn, who had in the meantime returned with his wife to New York, was all but crushed by the poor reception which the novel's controversial theme of free love tendered it in that Gilded Age in which < < emasculation of material [and] gentility of diction were still the chief traits of American literature." The judgment of the Charleston News and Courier, that The Broken Snare was "a profoundly dis- gusting story . . . reeking with the sweat of the vulgarest human passions," was perhaps extreme, but unhappily typical. Lewisohn was once again driven to free-lancing, and in desperation turned finally to his old friends, Professors Trent and Thomas, for help in seeking a university position. Trent and Thomas, and also Leonard, already professor of English at the University of Wisconsin, spared no effort in his behalf, but all in vain. The Universities of Virginia, Michigan, Minnesota, and Wisconsin all declined to offer to a Jew a position in their English departments, and even when Lewisohn sought a position in the German department at Princeton, he was refused on the ground that he was a Jew. It was only through Leonard's personal appeal to Professor Alexander Hohlfeld, the head of the German department at the University of Wisconsin, that Lewisohn was finally offered, in 1910, an instructorship in German at that institution:3

How is one to account for the anti-Jewish feelings which haunted

" Lewisohn's cousin, Mrs. Evans, writes of Mary Childs Lewisohn: "I had the pleasure of knowing Ludwig's first wife (Molly we called her), a most charming woman and very brilliant, much too old for Ludwig. She was a grandmother when she married Ludwig [who was then] around 2 6 years of age. Ludwig's parents [were] anything but pleased at the marriage, although they were very fond of Molly" (Cora H. Evans to Stanley F. Chyet, June, 1958).

Gillis, pp. 27-28; Lewisohn, Up Stream, pp. 172-74,

I42 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

the steps of this thoroughly assimilated and exceptionally talented young man? The rebuffs which he sustained from the universities of the South and the Northeast are explicable in terms of the threat that a person of Lewisohn's temperament and background posed to the "old guard" of gentility and aristocracy which dominated those institutions. Yet what of the Midwest? The Midwest at the turn of the century, as today, was the center of American agrarian interests - interests which, in a time of financial contraction, particularly after the depression of I 893, saw their only salvation in monetary reform, "the free coinage of silver in some established relationship with g0ld."~4

When, throughout the 189o's, the efforts of those who agitated for bimetallism were continually frustrated, the reformers "ac- quired a sense of religious intensity about their cause," as did William Jennings Bryan in his celebrated "Cross of Gold" speech. They came at length to a point where "they could explain their defeats only by the intervention of some external power," and the shadow of those demonic Jewish "princes wielding power through their gold" darkened the distraught imagination of the Midwestern farmer as much as it did that of the Boston Brahmin and the Southern planter. The three may have had precious little in common, but all felt themselves imperilled by America's powerfully emergent new industrialism; if they agreed in little else, all three shared a willing- ness to identify "the Jew with the menace of plutocracy." "The attitude of Western dissidents, socialist or nonsocialist," according - to Eric F. Goldman, "was generally hostile toward Jews, in large part because they pictured them as the 'money power.' " The real < < money power" saw no advantage in disabusing the suffering farmer of his anti-Jewish demonology, and such a wave of anti- Jewish feeling swept the Western agrarians that a socialist leader could complain that, "in the East, the Socialist Party is run by Jews." Indeed, his study of the period has led Richard Hofstadter to con- clude that it was the agrarian radicals - the Populists - who "activated most of what we have of modern popular anti-Semitism in the United States."

' 4 Handlin, PAJHS, XL, 3 3 2 .

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING '43

In short, Ludwig Lewisohn found himself again the victim of an economic and social revolution.'5

"Convinced now, through experience and reflection, that [his] art product could not. . . commend itself to the strange minds of kis] countrymen," Lewisohn determined to "devote [himself] undividedly" to scholarship in the field of Germanics. After a year in Wisconsin, he moved on to Ohio State University in Columbus, where he remained as a professor of German language and literature from I 9 I I to I 9 I 7. This Columbus interlude was not a happy one for him. The depression into which the banality and philistinism of Columbus society threw him was sharpened by his mother's death in October, I 9 I 2 . Yet the very solitude which he imposed on himself in provincial Columbus spurred him to creative heights, and he began to make a name for himself in the world of literary criticism. I t was in Columbus that he undertook his masterhl editorship of the plays of Gerhart Hauptmann, and wrote such critical works as The Modern Drama, The Spirit of Modern Gemzan Literature, and The Poets of Modern France. I t was in Columbus, too, that he began work, in 1916, on the autobiographical Up Stream. His espousal during this period of naturalistic drama and literature, his examination of the problems of sex and marriage in the modern world, and his defense of the free personality served as a fitting prologue to the passionate intensity of Up Stream and his later writings. During these years in Columbus, he threw off the shackles of that Victorian cant which had become his bite noire and became one of the chief apostles of a modern literature in A r n e r i ~ a . ~ ~

Lewisohn began to discover himself in these difficult years in Columbus, and discovered in himself a courage which he had not

'5 Ibid., pp. 329, 33 2-33; John Higham, "Anti-Semitism in the Gilded Age," Mississippi Valley Historical Review [MVHR], XLIII (March, 1957), 572; Richard Hofstadter, The Age of Reform: From Bryan to F. D. R. (New York, 1955)~. p. 80. cited in Higham, MVHR, XLIII, 562; Eric F. Goldman, Rendezvous with Destzny (New York, 1952)~ p. 59, note 3. Algle Simons was the socialist leader; see Goldman, p. 59.

l6 Lewisohn, Up Stream, p. I 74.

I 44 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

felt before. He learned well from the Hauptmann and the Nietzsche and the Goethe whom he had made his mentors, and it was indeed very much in the Goethean spirit of "magnificent individualism" that, in the anti-German hysteria of 19 16 and 19 17, he wrote of modem German literature and civilization as embodying "the widest moral and intellectual liberty and tireless spiritual striving." As America went to war, Lewisohn had to face the challenge of his own words: "It is braver to live than to die: more difficult to be than not to be," but the very values which he saw in German civilization - individualism, humanism, love of the true and the beautiful - bade him brave, very much alone and exposed, the winter of war and Germanophobia. Cherishing such sentiments as he did, however, he could not remain in Columbus, and at length found it necessary to return to New York.*T

Shortly after Lewisohn's self-exile from Columbus, Jacques Lewisohn died, his mind unbalanced by the wretchedness into which his wife's death had cast him.

In 1919, Oswald Garrison Villard, the editor of the Nation, engaged Lewisohn as the magazine's drama editor. Though himself remote from Lewisohn's "moral radicalism," Villard never sup- pressed or altered a single word from Lewisohn's pen, and Lewisohn found his work on the Nation "more satisfjring to the mind than any in which [he] had yet engaged." The critical battle for a modern literature in America which Lewisohn had begun in Columbus continued apace in New York as he crossed swords with the idealism and moralistic traditionalism of critics like Stuart Pratt Sherman, Irving Babbitt, and Paul Elmer More, to whom "novelists and poets of discontent" were men "deliberately preying on the intellectual defeat and spiritual dismay of the times, as vultures fatten themselves on ~arrion." '~

Literature Lewisohn looked upon as "a thing of blood and tears"; criticism as "far more necessary to human civilization than steam or

2 1 Lewisohn, The Spirit of Modem German Literature (New York, 1916), pp. I 15, I 18, and The Modern Drama (New York, I ~ I F ) , p. 97.

I S Lewisohn, Mid-Channel (New York, 1929), p. 5, and Up Stream! p. 278; Alfred Kazin, On Native Grounds: An Interpretation of Modern American Prose Ltterature (Garden City, N . Y., 1956), p. 236.

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING I 4 5

petrol." H e understood, as perhaps few did at the time, that no literary reforms could reform literature, that it was "useless to set books free until minds [were] set free." Even Alfred Kazin, hardly to be numbered among his undiscriminating admirers, conceded that, following the War , "in those first great days of liberal criticism Lewisohn was more than a working critic; he was a force for progre~s."~9

What Ludwig Lewisohn was, what he had become, is nowhere more evident than in the clash and clamor which echo in the pages of Up Stream, published finally after many doubts and hesitations in 1922. In his autobiography, as Lewisohn wrote, he had "chosen to drop the mask." There was to be in this book no disguise, no evasion, and this indeed was the unique and signal quality of Up Stream -its clear, unequivocal, undiluted statement of the feeling which his American experience had engendered in him, that "Life among us [was] ugly and mean and, above all things, false in its assumptions and measures," that "the notion of liberty on which the Republic was founded, the spirit of America that animated Emerson and Whitman, [was] vividly alive to-day only in the unassimilated foreigner, in that pathetic pilgrim to a forgotten shrine," in an old Yiddish-speaking, Torah-intoxicated Jew from Southern Russia, in an old Low German grocer from Mecklenburg, in a grimy, garlic-breathed Italian laborer on Staten Island.3"

Up Stream was perhaps the first great climax in Lewisohn's life. Certainly i t was this book, more than any which had preceded it, that defined his role and his mission in American life and letters. It was in the writing of this book, more urgently than in any other, that Lewisohn discovered "in his own heart the eternal heretic and rebel who has but to arise and to reflect to know that it is the essence of his manhood to be free." It was more than a memoir -

Lewisohn, ed., A Modern Book of Criticism (New York, 19 I g), pp. i-ii, 18 r ; Kazin, p. 206.

s o Lewisohn, Up Stream, pp. I , 284-85, 287-89, 298-99.


that book which Stuart Pratt Sherman assailed as representative of "the militant hostility of alien-minded critics towards what they conceive to be the dominant traits of the national character." It was itself, as it were, a relationship of great and compelling urgency, "the measure of [Lewisohn's] love and need" and "the measure of [his] disappointment and indignation."sl

But Up Stream was a purgative, too. "We must master life," he wrote, "or it will end by destroying us. W e can master it only by understanding it and we can understand it only by telling each other the quite naked and, if need be, the devastating truth." Up Stream was the instrument of his mastery and liberation. Somehow, in this book, he was able to purge himself of all the obstacles which his American experience had placed in the path of his self-realization. All the obstacles but one; the pages of Up Stream are conspicuously reticent with regard to Lewisohn's own marriage, a reticence especially curious in view of the emphasis placed in his other writings at the time on problems of the modern woman and modern marriage. The lack was, however, shortly to be made up in the highly autobiographical novel, Don Juan, published in 1923. It was in Don Juan that Lewisohn may be said to have purged himself, to a large degree at least, of the fear and ache of his unhappy marriage - and, too, of the most immediate obstacles which that match presented to his self-realization. 32

Minna and Jacques Lewisohn were gone now. Gone, too, were the hungers for Southern Gentlemanhood and Anglo-Americanhood, to which he had looked for nurture and sustenance and in which he had found the bitter brew of the Philistines. These two books, Up Stream and Don Juan, were essentially nothing less than a rejection of all that unhappy past. After Up Stream and Don Juan, Lewisohn was free, as never before, to erase "that alienation from [his] own

31 Lewisohn, The Dmma and the Stage (New York, rgzz), p. 8, and Up Stream, p. 298; Stuart Pratt Sherman, Americans (New York, rgzz), p. z 5.

3 a Lewisohn, Up Stream, p. I .

LUDWIG LEWISOHN: THE YEARS OF BECOMING I47

race which [had] been the source to [him] of some good but of more evi1."33

Neither Up Stream nor Don Juan, to be sure, was indicative of a surge of Jewish feeling in Lewisohn, nor did they constitute affir- mations of his long-discarded Jewish identity. At best Lewisohn could say in Up Stream that "slowly, in the course of the years," he had "discovered traits in [himselfll which [he] sometimes call [ed] Jewish. But that interpretation [was] open to grave doubt" -in I 9 2 2. In an edition of Up Stream appearing in I 9 2 6, he could already add that such an interpretation was "no longer" open to doubt. Still, Zeitlin7s remark that Up Stream had "little relevance" to Lewisohn7s "character as a Jew" was true only in a literal, not a spiritual, sense, as the next few years would eloquently and abun- dantly testify.34

"Where thou canst not love -pass by!" Nietzsche had said, and Lewisohn would write little of Jews before 1924. As late as 1922 he believed his "psychical life" to be "Aryan through and through." Before 1924, he could not love Jews, he knew scarcely anything of them or of their life - and so he passed by. When his will to affirm had at last focused on Jewish life, when the love was there to be grasped and known and realized, he passed by no longer. All this was yet to be, but in 1922, as Up Stream was published, Lewisohn was already "near that middle of the road of life at which Dante found himself in the dark forest that was to lead him to his vision."35

What the writing of Up Stream, and the writing of Don Juan, too, had achieved was the banishment of those illusions which had prevented him in the past from realizing the Nietzschean dictum much quoted by him: Werde der du bist - Become what you essentially are! No longer would he be, to use a phrase from The Island Within, homeless and a wanderer without a goa1.s6

" Ibid., p. 45.

34 Ibid., p. 146; Menorah Journal, VIII, 190.

3s Lewisohn, Up Stream, p. 146, and Mid-Channel, p. 15.

36 Lewisohn, The Island Within (New York, 1928), p. 243.

The Jew as Portrayed in American Jewish Novels of the 1930's

By the I ~ ~ o ' s , the realistic novel, dealing with the problem of man in society, was definitely established in America as the central core of literary activity. Literature was no longer regarded sole!y as an expression of ideas or beauty, but as a fundamental means of understanding man's social orientation. The novel became a mirror of society, and American novels by Jews about Jewish life, written during this period, may well serve as a historical mirror of the structure of American Jewish society.'

Of course, it would be foolish to attempt to picture Jewish life in America, during any epoch, on the basis of fiction alone. Yet, an analysis of the novels may well serve as a basic historical tool in portraying the inner psychological panorama of attitudes and emo- tions that constitutes the background of this decade of American Jewish history. W e may understand the ways in which Jews and the English-speaking Jewish writers viewed themselves; and this self image is significant, whether it be a realistic or a distorted one.

Psychologically, the period of the 30's marks a most crucial decade for the subsequent history of American Jewry. From these novels it appears as a decade of emotional turmoil, or adjustment and decision - the crucible out of which emerged our present patterns

Stanley Yedwab is rabbi of Temple Beth Am, in Lakewood, N. J. This essay is a summary of the rabbinical thesis which Rabbi Yedwab presented to

the Facult of the Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion in partial fulfillment oAhe requirements for ordination.

I See The N e w York Times Index (New York: N e w York Times, 1930-1941); The Book Review Digest (New York: H. W. Wilson Co., 1930-1941); Readers Guide to Periodic Literature (New York: H . W. Wilson Co., 1930-1941); V. F. Calverton, "Literature As A Revolutionary Force," Canadian Forum, XV (1935), z z I .

THE JEW AS PORTRAYED IN AMERICAN JEWISH NOVELS OF THE 1930's 149

and structures. The Jewish novels written during this period eloquently dramatize this process of transition, even though they do so in a personalized and individualized form. In these works the Jewish characters are in constant search of a modus vivendi, a way of adjusting to the demands of the American scene. They are tossed on a stormy psychological ocean between two worlds, the Old World and the New, and are unable to steer a course consistent with either. This feeling of the emotionally lost, tempest-tossed Jew who cannot adjust his past environment to the present is most forcibly portrayed in Unquiet, by Joseph Gollumb; All I Could Neve.~ Be, by Anzia Yezierska; and Aa~on Traum, by Hyman and Lester C ~ h n . ~

These novels make us deeply aware of the problems and tragedies of cultural conflict and acculturation. With incisive detail, they describe the psychical repercussions of the Jew's attempts to adjust to a new cultural environment. It is, of course, true that by the 30's most Jewish immigrants had already, for good or ill, made their adjustment to the American scene. With the curtailment of immigration, however, an even more complex problem arose in terms of the adjustments that had to be made by the second generation of Amer- ican Jews. I t is this second-generation Jewish problem that is most fully dealt with in the American Jewish novels of the 30's.s

a See Hyman and Lester Cohn, Aaron Traum (New York: H. Liveright Co., 1930); Tess Slesinger, The Unpossessed (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1934); Edward Dahlberg, Those W h o Perish (New York: The John Day Co., 1934); Anzia Yezierska, All I Could Never Be (New York: Brewer Warren and Punnan, 1933); Bernard Sacks, If Tomorrow Were Today (New York: R. Field, 1931); Joseph Gollumb, Unquiet (New York: Dodd, Mead and Co., 1936); Konrad Bercovici, Main Entrance (New York: Covici-Friede, 1932); Nat J. Ferber, One Happy Jew (New York: Farrar & Reinhart, 1937) ; Alberic A. Archambault, The Samsons (New York: Bruce Humphries, 1941) ; Aben Kandel, Rabbi Burns (New York: Covici-Friede, 193 I ) ; Myron Brinig, This Man Is M y Brother (New York: Farrar & Reinhart, 193 2 ) ; Meyer Levin, The Old Bunch (New York: The Viking Press, 1937); Ludwig Lewisohn, This People (New York: Harper & Bros., 1933), and also Trumpet of Jubilee (New York: Harper & Bros., '937).

3 See Michael Gold, Jews Without Money (New York: H. Liveright Co., 1930); Cohn, Aaron Traum; Slesinger, The Unpossessed; Dahlberg, Those Who Perish; Albert Halper, Sons of the Fathers (New York: Harper & Bros., 1940); Beatrice Bisno, Tomormw's Brend (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1941) ; Sacks, If Tomorrow Were Today; Leon Zolotkoff, From Vilna to Hollywood (New York: Bloch Publishing Co., 193 3); Gollumb, Unquiet; Henry J. Berkowitz, The Fire Eater (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1938); Bercovici, Main Entrance; Ferber, One Happy Jew; Ben Hecht, A Jew in Love (New York: Covici-Friede, 193 I ) ; Kandel, Rabbi Burns; Myron Brinig, Singer-

ISo AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

The immigrant left the Old World behind him and could adjust as much or as little as he wished to the different patterns of American society. This process of adjustment often created pain and guilt.4 Still, in the novels this problem appears to be relatively mild and uncomplicated, compared to the inner psychic pain of the Jews of the second generation, who, in order to continue the process of Ameri- canization begun by their parents, had to revolt against their own families and parental mores, while yet under the emotional jurisdiction of these forces. It is not difficult to imagine the guilt, hostility, and self doubt that would be engendered by a revolt under such circumstances. The Jewish novels of the 30's portray many Jews who are emotionally crushed by this problem.5

This process of acculturation and revolt seems, in many instances, to have had a deeply degenerating effect upon Judaism. Many of the younger Jews came to identify Judaism with the foreignness of their parents, and the aggression and hostility which they felt toward their elders were displaced onto J ~ d a i s m . ~ It is interesting to note that, throughout these novels, whenever Judaism is referred to, it is almost always Orthodox Judaism that is meant. Conservative Judaism is hardly mentioned, and the references to Reform are almost all derogatory. The only explanation which one may offer for this phenomenon is that, although the young intellectuals of the period

mann (New York: Farrar & Reinhart, 1929) ; Brinig, This Man Is M y Brother; Levin, The Old Bunch; Ludwig Lewisohn, Stephen Escott (New York: Harper & Bros., 1930), This People, and Tnrmpet of Jubilee.

4 See Saul Traum in Aaron Traum; the author in All I Could Never Be; Hirsh Aaron in Main Entrance; Mayer Mar-Melstein in One Happy Jew; and Moses Singermann in Singermam.

5 See Aaron Traum in Aaron Traum; Sam Karenski in Tomorrow's Bread; David Levitt in Unquiet; Jo and Esther Bochere in A Jew in Love; Joseph, Louis, David, Sol, Harry, Rachel, and Michael Singermann in Singermann.

6 See Gold, Jews Without Money; Bisno, Tomorrow's Bread; Sacks, I f Tomormw Were Today; Hecht, A Jew in Love; Kandel, Rabbi Burns; and Brinig, Singennann.

7 Note the references to Orthodoxy in Gold, pp. 164-67, 185; Cohn, p. 7 0 ; Bisno, pp. 1-67; Brinig, Singermam, pp. 56-61. On Reform, see Halper, pp. 282-83; Kandel, pp. 3-8, 256; Brinig, Singemam, pp. 56-61.

THE JEW AS PORTRAYED IN AMERICAN JEWISH NOVELS OF THE 1930's 15 I

were in a thorough process of revolt against Orthodoxy, they were as yet not free enough from the problem to accept a form of Judaism that they considered a compromise, at once upper-class and dilute. In Rabbi Burns, by Aben Kandel, we may perceive an exaggerated version of the venom and hatred that a Jew revolting against Ortho- doxy could feel against those who, having made their peace both with America and with Judaism, had come to accept an American J ~ d a i s m . ~ One might also suggest that perhaps the propensity of many of the Jewish characters in these novels to favor left-wing, revolutionary movements may in part be accounted for by this more basic revolution against parents and religion (both of which might become symbolically identified with society).

Among the writers of the 307s, there were some who recognized this chaotic reaction as a transitional phase. For example, Ludwig Lewisohn was deeply convinced that the anti-Jewish reaction of many of the Jewish intellectuals in the 30's was merely part of a dialectical process which would eventually resolve itself in a return to a type of Judaism symbolizing "liberalism," not only in the religious field, but in politics and in the area of love and sex as well. Lewisohn was often critically upbraided for this "chau~inistic'~ viewpoint by the critics of the day. Nat J. Ferber was another writer who pointed out this trend as early as the 30's. With the perspective of history, one may marvel at their perspicacity.9

The Jew's image of himself was affected, however, not only by the inner turmoil of adjustment, but also by the external nature of a society then in the throes of a depression. In a society that tended to social disorientation and economic sickness, the Jew came to see himself as a sick and disoriented personality (so far, at least, as many of these novels were concerned). Many of these works deal with the Jew as epitomizing the warped and distorted personality of the times. In The Unpossessed, by Tess Slesinger, Bruno, the Jewish college professor, is a powerful symbol of this trend. In his person he epitomizes at once the Jew and the intellectual, both of which

8 Kandel, pp. 3-8, 255-57. Such references may be found on almost every page.

9 SeeLewisohn, Trumpet of Jubilee, the section entitled "Apocalypse"; Ferber,pp. 307-8. Note the criticism of Lewisohn in The Book Review Digest.

I s 2 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

appear as sick, weary, and expendable in a period of economic contraction and social disorientation. Bruno believes in the "Idea" of a magazine that he would like to publish (to do his share to help save the world), but when a friend threatens to turn the "Idea" into a reality by buying a filing cabinet for the proposed literary endeavor, Bruno ponders :

The fine aristocratic stupidity of the Nordic . . . . No Jew, he reflected, could see anything so straight, so clear . . . . A Jew, if he had any brains at all, had twice as much as anyone else; he saw all sides at once and so his hands were tied, his brain stood still, he couldn't leap here and he couldn't leap there. . . the Jew is born to think, as he must live, . . . on his own peculiar subterranean Jew-level. Every Jew a dual nature, split personality . . . an idiot . . . a genius, a dementia praecox. (pp. 39-42)

This pattern is repeated in many other novel^.^"

In a society that gave rise to a large measure of fascism and anti- Semitism, the Jew, as portrayed in the novels of the period, often came to internalize the accusations made against him. Some Jews spent their lives in a futile attempt to combat anti-Semitism by trying to refute its charges, some Jews pleaded guilty, and some simply reversed the charges by claiming the imputed defects as virtues. Most of these reactions can best be seen in Those Who Perish, by Edward Dahlberg. This book might well be subtitled: "Jews in Search of a Faith They Cannot Find." The novel deals with the rise of fascism and its effect upon the Jews of America. Fascism seemed to force the marginal Jew back to a Jewishness which he no longer possessed, so that, like a character in a Pirandello play, the Jews in this work search for an inner substance which they cannot find.lx In Dahlberg's work, as in many others, it is interesting to note that it is the marginal Jew who is most affected by anti-Semitism. T o

I0 Slesinger, pp. 39-52, 3 35-38; Dahlberg, pp. I 2 2 ff.; Edwin Seaver, The Company (New York: The Macrnillan Co., 1930); Bercovici, Main Entrance; Hecht, pp. 3-4, 5-6, 143-44; Brinig, This Man 1s My Brother, pp. 15-16, 150 A. See also Ferber, pp. 307-8.

Is Dahlberg, pp. 12, 143, 230 ff.

THE JEW AS PORTRAYED IN AMERICAN JEWISH NOVELS OF THE 1930'~ 153

such people, anti-Semitism, even when it did not affect them directly, still produced a terrible psychic reaction that haunted their lives. T o a person who had no Jewish loyalties which could serve as a buffer or a rationale, anti-Semitism was totally invidious and incomprehensible. Thus the reaction of most Jews to anti-Semitism in these works is predicated on the emotion of guilt. One person felt that it was the "kikes" who were responsible for anti-Semitism; another thought that the German Jews more or less deserved the treatment which they were receiving from Hitler; a third believed that Jewish Communists were at fault; and another, that it was the existence of the Jew that caused anti-Semiti~rn.~'

In a society that bred economic insecurity, many Jews hungered for psychological security and emotional roots. It is clear from the many novels dealing with the left-wing proletarian movements of the time that many Jews joined such movements not on the basis of rational motives, but on the basis of deep emotional longings for some faith that would bring meaning and stability to their lives. Even such a proletarian writer as Michael Gold, when he writes of his "conversion" to the revolution, makes it amply clear that the dominant motive for such a move was not rational, but a deep longing for emotional security. H e says in Jews Without Money:

I developed a crazy religious streak. I prayed on the tenement roof in moonlight to the Jewish Messiah who would redeem the world . . . . I spent my nights in a tough poolroom. I needed desperate stimulants . . . . I don't want to remember it all . . . . A man on an East Side soap-box, one night, proclaimed that out of the despair, meIancholy and helpless rage of millions, a world movement had been born to abolish poverty. I listened to him. 0 workers' Revolution, you brought hope to me, a lonely suicidal boy. You are the true Messiah. (pp. 308-9)

Not only the revolution, but Zionism and even assimilationism were used in this same fashion as a source of security and emotional hlfill- ment in a troubled world. An interesting sidelight on this search for stability and security is that even though the young often revolted against their parents, there was almost a universal tendency to venerate elderly grandparents and to regard them as strong and

Brinig, This Man Is My Brother, pp. I 50-252; Dahlberg, pp. 17, 35, 143, 230 ff.

I54 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

faultless patriarchal figures. Their rigid devotion to the past and their unwillingness to become involved in the swirling process of adjustment made them appear as stalwart symbols of security and stability to persons ravaged by change and doubt.I3

There remains one final concept that seems to characterize many of the Jews encountered in these works. This is a conception of the Jew as an eternal watchman of the skies, as a psychological wanderer ever searching for new Gods and new Faiths. H e is a marginal man, never satisfied with the clichks that seem to satisfy everyone else. Sometimes this skepticism is found in noble human beings, sometimes in a base and corrupt individual, but time and again the Jew is an idealist seeking a Messiah, a wanderer seeking a home, a poet seeking himself. One wonders if this is more than a stereotype of the Jew.

'3 Hecht, pp. 141-45; Brinig, This Man Is M y Brother, pp. 5-15, 218-19, and also The Fluttcr of an Eyelid (New York: Farrar & Reinhart, 1933). pp. 43-45; Cohn, pp. 14-15.

NOW AVAILABLE

AMERICAN JEWRY DOCUMENTS EIGHTEENTH CENTURY

by JACOB RADER MARCUS

A collection of documents and letters, for the most part hitherto unpublished, dealing with eighteenth- century American and Canadian Jewry.

"0 Workers' Revolution . . . The True Messiah"

The Jew as Author and Subject in the American Radical Novel

Left-wing political movements in the United States have not always been hospitable to Jews. The Populist movement of the late nineteenth century, for example, was distinctly tinged with "native Americanism," and some of the novels that grew out of it have anti- Semitic overtones. In Ignatius Donnelly's Caesar's Column (1890)~ that lurid predecessor of George Orwell's 1984, the proletariat of most of the civilized world is pictured as being enslaved in the late twentieth century by a cruel and arrogant aristocracy composed, it is said, chiefly of Hebrews who had survived Christian oppression and, by a Darwinian development, had become strong enough to persecute their former persecutors.' Marxian Socialism was hospitable to Jews, however; and, historically, immigrant German and Russian Jews were among those who helped Marxist ideology to take root in America.

Students of political movements have long been aware that, though the stereotype of the Jew as Bolshevik is as erroneous as that of the Jew as World Financier, certain parallel elements in Marxism and Judaism made it easy for Jews skeptical of their ancestral faith to transfer their devotion to this secular substitute. Thus, dialectical materialism, that inevitable and all-powerful historical process, took the place of God; the International declared

Walter B. Rideout is Associate Professor of English at Northwestern University. H e is the author of The Radical Novel in the United States, 1900-1914. This is his first contribution to the American Jewish Archives.

]See "Edmund Boisgilbert" (Ignatius Donnelly), Caesar's Column: A Story of the Twenti- eth Century (Chicago: F. J . Schulte & Company, 1890)~ p. 37. From the context it is clear that Donnelly also accepted the notion of the Jewish financial world overlord, but his antagonism toward Jews is qualified by a sense of guilt for their mistreatment by Christians.


the unity of the human race; and the Proletarian Revolution was the true Messiah that would restore an ideal kingdom on this earth and bring world peace. Both Judaism and Marxism, at least as Karl Marx conceived it, insisted on a morality of individuals free from any form of tyranny; and the social idealism and hatred of injustice found in the utterances of the best Socialist leaders resembled those of the great prophets of ancient Israel, even to some extent in phraseology. One might extend these parallels more tenuously: the body of Marx7s writings could be considered a substitute for the Law; the enormous volumes of Party literature became a kind of Talmud exhibiting a similar subtlety of analysis; while theconcep- tion of a small disciplined Party possessed of the Truth had a psychological correspondence with the concept of the Chosen People.

For the Jewish immigrants to America, or rather for the actually small percentage of them who were Socialists, Marxism had further values. It helped them to construct order out of a bewildering experience, to maintain a sense of continuity with their European homes, and to remain secure in their sense of "otherness" both as Jews and as newcomers. Soon Jews were assuming leadership in the radical movement. Morris Hillquit and Meyer London, to name only two immigrant leaders on New York7s East Side, played an important part in the formation, in 190 I , of the American Socialist Party, when splinter groups from Daniel De Leon's Socialist Labor Party united with the Social Democracy of Eugene V. Debs and Victor L. Berger. From that time on, the history of radicalism in the United States has been centrally a history of the Socialist and, later, Com- munist Parties and their offshoots.

That Hillquit and London, unlike many political leaders, were both highly literate men is an instance of how radical immigrant Jews contributed to the development in the major urban areas, where they of course tended to settle, of a milieu out of which writers of all sorts might come; and one gets a sense in reading memoirs of the times that New York7s East Side, scarred though it was by the most hideous poverty and squalor, was at the same time enlivened by a fairly widespread interest in the arts. Paradoxically, the man who wrote the first radical novel in twentieth-century America came from quite different circumstances. Isaac Kahn Friedman was

< < 0 WORKERS' REVOLUTION . . . THE TRUE MESSIAH" I59

born in Chicago in 1870 of wealthy, well-established parents, was educated at the University of Michigan, and had even started on specialized studies in political economy when he became interested in Socialism and in the harsh life of laborers in Chicago's steel mills. His novel B y Bread Alone (1901) was the result.

Despite a certain amount of sentimentality and melodrama, B y Bread Alone remains surprisingly readable even now. It is a strike novel, based in the main on the violent events at the Homestead, Pennsylvania, plant of the Carnegie Steel Company in 1892. The book's two major achievements are the depiction of the terrible working and living conditions in an early twentieth-century steel town and the dramatization of the forces on both sides of a manage- ment-labor dispute that produce actual warfare. These two achievements are all the more unusual for the reason that Friedman, in more ways than one, was writing as an outsider; he had observed the conditions of work and life carefully, but had not grown up under them, and he was clearly opposed to violence by either party in a strike. In his selection of characters, he again had to work from the outside. Apparently he picked as his central figure a young man with the non-Jewish name of Blair Carrhart less to conform to middle-class Protestant literary convention than to be socio- economically accurate, since Blair's rapid advancement from job to job - whereby, of course, the widest variety of conditions could be exposed - in itself reveals the favored treatment of the "native American" over the immigrant in the mills. The only important Jewish figure in the book, in fact, is the villainous anarchist, Sophia Goldstein, late of St. Petersburg; but her characterization as an apostle of wicked violence seems intended as an attack on Emma Goldman, whose passionate advocacy of philosophic anarchism was as misunderstood and abhorred by moderate Socialists as by any capitalist. Friedman's volume, then, is not significant in the fiction produced by American Jews for any picture of Jewish life, but rather for the fact of its authorship, its place of priority in the tradition of the radical novel, and its considerable literary merit.


Not all the half dozen novels written by Jews during the period of the Socialist novel (roughly from 1901 to 19 I 9) are as memorable as By Bread Alone, but three of them have at least documentary value as re-creations of the life of Jewish immigrants in New York in the early years of this century. Both The Nine-Tenths (19 I I ) by James Oppenheim and Comrade Yetta (19 I 3) by "Albert Edwards" (Arthur Bullard) describe the desperate poverty, the oppressive sweatshop conditions, and the sense of uprootedness experienced by newcomers to America. Both novels base many of their fictional events on that opening battle of the five-year "Great Revolt" (1909-19 14) in the garment industries -the battle known as the "Uprising of the Twenty Thousand," when the shirtwaist and dressmaking girls won a victory afier three months on the picket line.z In addition, The Nine-Tenths, an inferior book by reason of its sentimentality and open propaganda, dramatizes the fire at the Triangle Waist Company on March t 5 , 19 I I , in which 146 workers died, mostly Italian and Russian Jewish immigrant girls.3 In these books - and sometimes as a minor theme in Socialist novels by non-Jews - the portrait of the Jewish immigrants is partly that of the victim who is intended to symbolize by his fate the experience of all workers under capitalism. The victimization of the immigrant is particularly poignant, however, because of the contrast between his expectations of freedom and economic security in the land behind the Statue of Liberty and the jungle world that he actually finds. So, in Comrade Yetta, Yetta Rayevsky's father talks of a benevolent Democracy, but dies so poor that the youthful Yetta must go to work at once in a sweatshop.

If part of the image of the Jew is as victim, there is, nevertheless, another part: the Jew as secular prophet and leader, a Socialist Moses destined to lead an enslaved proletariat out of the Egypt of capitalism. The hero of The Nine-Tenths is a non-Jew, though there are a number of Jewish secondary characters, but the heroine of Comrade Yetta embodies both parts of the Jewish image; at first a victim of the

For a history of "The Great Revolt," see Melech Epstein, Jewish Labor in the U. S. A.: An Industrial, Political and Cultural History of the Jewish Labor Movement, 2882-zyzq (New York : Trade Union Sponsoring Committee, 1950), Chapter z z . 3 A recent account of this disaster may be found in Tom Brooks, "The Terrible Triangle Fire," American Heritage, VIII (August, 1957)~ 54-57, 1 1 0 - 1 I .

economic structure, she develops into a gifted strike leader and finds fulfillment in Socialism. In a somewhat similar way, Emil Witte, of Elias Tobenkin's Witte Arrives (1916), endures poverty and religious discrimination, yet eventually achieves fame by writing a Socialist Uncle Tom's Cabin against wage-slavery.4 The "way out'' for the Jewish immigrant, according to all these novels, is neither an acceptance of the American standard of financial success, nor a reaffirmation of Judaism. The true Messiah is the workers' revolution, which will bring in universal social justice as peacefully as possible by the legitimate means of the strike and the ballot.

Witte Arrives, the story of one immigrant's experience, is an earnest but tedious tale. Abraham Cahan's The Rise of David Levinsky (1917), on the other hand, is a book that remains fresh and illuminating even now, thus proving its right to be called a minor classic in general American, as well as in American Jewish, literature. With the sure sense that comes from intimate knowledge of his material, Cahan chooses a protagonist who is at once an individual and a type. His first eighty pages sketch the early life of David Levinsky, scholar of the Talmud, in the ghetto of Antomir, Russia - his poverty, his acquaintance with anti-Semitic violence, his growing religious skepticism, and his passage to America as one unit in the great Russian Jewish immigrations that began in the 1880's. Striving to assimilate himself to an environment which he only gradually understands, he drifts away from Judaism -he returns to it when a success, but solely for prudential reasons - works as a peddler and then as a cloak operator with the purpose of

4 This image of the Jew as victim and/or heroic leader appears incidentally in a number of other Socialist novels by non-Jewish authors. For instance, one of the radical mentors eventually found by Jurgis Rudkus, protagonist of Upton Sinclair's The Jungle, is Ostrinski, a Pole who had suffered both as dedicated revolutionary and as "a member of a despised and persecuted race." (The Jungle [New York: The Jungle Publishing Company, 19061, p. 374.) Discrimination against Jews specifically as Jews rather than merely as immigrants is occasionally mentioned and deplored by non-Jewish Socialist novelists, whose heroes and heroines are typically American-born, middle-class Protestants; but more frequently these writers are concerned with defending the rights of all immigrants of whatever nationality or faith.


going to City college,^ his new Temple, and then is deflected into becoming a garment manufacturer. His protagonist's steady, unscrupulous rise to a great fortune allows Cahan to sketch in naturally the development of the garment trades, the economically-based conflicts between German and Russian Jews, the growth of labor unionism and of Socialism, the interest in the arts -indeed, in a richly detailed way the whole experience of Jews in New York from the mid-I 880's to the early 19 10's.

The excellence of Cahan's book results not only from its being a re-creation of a type and a time, but also from its author's control of a narrative technique; for Levinsky is allowed to tell his story, in the first person, in a lucid, direct, even-tempered way that is itself part of an enormous irony. What the author has him reveal, now consciously, now unconsciously, is a financial success bought at the expense of moral conduct; Levinsky's inner life, as opposed to his outer, is thus a descent toward failure, toward emotional and spiritual emptiness. It is a fine touch at the end when the wealthy Levinsky recognizes that he is basically unhappy, but still remains scornful of the Socialists whom he has met along his way and who have offered him, without his realizing it, an alternative path. Since we pity and dislike its hero, The Rise of David Levinsky is a triumph for the radical novel. By keeping within his very human hero's point of view, Cahan writes a book that is simultaneously all propaganda and not propaganda at all.

At a lower level of accomplishment, though still distinguished despite its neglect, is the almost forgotten Worshippars (1906)~ by Henry Berman, a novel which explores the relationship between Katherine Bronski, the dissatisfied wife of a well-to-do druggist in the Philadelphia Jewish colony, and Alexander Raman, an idealistic and popular young Socialist poet. Mistakenly convinced that she is a great actress, Katherine deserts her husband and goes to New York to live with Raman, who has fallen in love with her out of ignorance

5 Cf. Abraham Cahan, The Rise of David Levinsky (New York: Harper & Brothers Publishers, 1 9 1 7 ) ~ p. 156, for an illuminating comment on the tremendous interest of immigrant Jews in learning: "The East Side was full of poor Jews . . . who would beggar themselves to give their children a liberal education. Then, too, thousands of our working-men attended public evening school, while many others took lessons at home. The Ghetto rang with a clamor for knowledge."

of women. Katherine fails to obtain dramatic parts, and in her self- centered hate of Raman's popularity turns against him, destroying his poetic gifis and then deserting him in turn to go back self- pityingly to her husband. Although Worshippers conveys a sense of life among well-to-do Jews and of the interests of Jewish artists and intellectuals, its main strength lies in cutting deep into universal human nature. Where Cahan's talent has an affinity with that of the much greater Turgenev, Berman's seems related, if again in a minor way, to that of Ibsen. Berman, too, tunnels into the dark areas of consciousness and unconsciousness, the tangle of motivations behind intimate human relationships, and his Katherine Bronski is at times as searchingly revealed as Ibsen's Hedda Gabler.

When we consider that only six of some thirty-five Socialist novelists appear to have been Jewish and that a very large number of all the Socialist novels are decidedly inferior as fiction, it would seem from the discussion up to this point that the average level of ability of the Jewish writers was quite respectably high, even if they were unequally informative about Jewish life. Subsequently there were to be other Jewish achievements in the radical novel, but not by writers associated with the American Socialist Party; for this segment of the Second International was destroyed, to almost all practical intents, by the conflict of loyalties called forth by the First World War and by the ensuing intraparty struggle with the groups that later formed the Communist Party in the early 1920's.

The 20's have become recognized as a period of experiment and revolt, but only rarely of a distinctly political sort. The cataclysm of World War I persuaded many of the young writers, both Jewish and Gentile, of the uselessness of political action, particularly when, as they saw it, most parties of whatever ideological shade were dominated by the same Older Generation that had been responsible for the War and its slaughter. For this and other reasons, the 201s, and to some extent the jo's, became peculiarly marked by the conflict of generations, a society-wide father-son antagonism that


was strongly felt by young Jews who were the American-born offspring of immigrant parents. Their problem was complicated by memories of their upbringing in the Jewish faith and by the traditional closeness of Jewish family life, but social and economic forces in their urban environment were driving them away from both. More adjusted, superficially, to American society than their parents - they had learned English in American schools and were embarrassed by their parents' speech - they preferred assimilation to the extent that it was not denied them by crude and subtle devices of discrimination; or they rebelled both against their parents and against an acquisitive American society in the name of Art or Life, rarely of the Workers' Revolution.

Understandably, few radical novels appeared in the zo's, only one of any importance by a Jewish ~ r i t e r . ~ Samuel Ornitz' anony- mously-published Haunch Paunch and Jowl (192 3) may very well have derived its basic narrative device, that of the ironically self-revealing autobiography, from The Rise of David Levinsky; and Meyer Hirsch's rise from the brains of a boys' gang on the East Side to shyster lawyer, crooked politician, and eventually "Judge of the Superior Criminal Court" is as ruthless as that of Cahan's protagonist. The books are alike also in their sense for the detail of life on the East Side, though Haunch Paunch and Jowl is the more impres- sionistically sketchy. Both, too, use contrasting characters that allow the reader to see the idealistic ferment of the ghetto and the Socialist alternative to the capitalist system. What particularizes Ornitz' book, however, is a sense of humor as grotesque and earthy as certain Yiddish jokes. Where Levinsky's corruption is suggested by his poignant admissions of emotional aridity, Meyer's is declared, with the concrete obviousness of caricature, by his tremendous belly. Cahan's novel is the superior work; yet one remembers Ornitz' for its verbal bounce, its stinging good spirits, its raucous hilarity.

6 After publishing House of Conrad ( 1 9 1 8 ) , a nonradical account of three generations in a German immigrant family, Elias Tobenkin wrote The Road ( 1 9 2 2 ) , which is radical in outlook, but is not concerned with Jews. The value of both books is historical rather than literary.

(( 0 WORKERS' REVOLUTION . . . THE TRUE MESSIAH" I @

Humor is unfortunately a rare enough quality in any radical fiction; and the monstrous events of the 30's - a decade of world depression, of totalitarianism, of hunger and concentration camps and war - did tend to make humor seem as out of place as a wise- crack in a torture room. Outraged anger seemed the more human reaction, and this is, indeed, the over-all emotional quality which one senses in the left-wing novels of the time. Although it would be unhistorical to make the depression the sole efficient cause for the rise of the so-called "proletarian" novel in the early I ~ ~ o ' s , the pervasive effect of the great economic collapse is obvious. Like other young would-be writers of this decade, the Jewish novelists were influenced by the depression to question and even reject as inadequate a capitalist system that produced hunger and want in the midst of potential plenty. They noted, on the other hand, that the Soviet Union was in the midst of its first Five-Year Plan, and the human suffering entailed could be excused on the basis of increasing industrial achievement and the hopefulness of the stated goals. The Russian experiment took on for them the overtones of a gigantic and successful effort by youth to throw off the shackles imposed by the old men; and many young intellectuals in America -though only a minority of them - became attracted to Marxism and the Communist Party, which, for whatever ends, was trying to shape and utter the inarticulate sense of frustration and protest felt by the unemployed, the declassed, and the dispossessed.

What the radicalized novelists attempted to create became known as the "proletarian" novel, a term borrowed from Soviet literary critics at a time when the Russians themselves were rejecting it in favor of their still-current phrase, "Socialist realism." T o most left-wing American writers and critics, a "proletarian" novel meant a novel characterized either explicitly or implicitly by a Marxist point of view on the part of the author. So they wrote novels de- picting strikes as battles in a sharpening class war or describing the conversion of a worker or middle-class hero from a mindless acceptance of capitalism to a militant faith in Communism. Unlike their Socialist predecessors, they were inclined to deal graphically

I 66 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 19 59

and at length with violence and cruelty, a tendency that probably reflects both the literary conventions established by the antiwar novelists of the 20's and the disruption of their own lives by the depression. So they wrote also of the decay of the middle class or of the sordid, terrifying lives of those at the bottom of the social pit - the "bottom dogs," as they were called from the title of Edward Dahlberg's striking first novel.

Among the "proletarian" novelists, considerably more were Jews than among the Socialist novelists, a fact that illustrates how Jewish writers as a whole were becoming of progressively greater importance on the American literary scene. Where just over one-sixth of the Socialist novelists (six out of thirty-five) had been of Jewish origin, between one-fourth and one-third of the proletarian writers (fourteen out of fifty) were Jews. These fourteen7 were less interested in recording specifically Jewish life than life as they observed it or, occasionally, had lived it among the working class in general. Their Jewish upbringing, if they dealt with it at all, was typically something to be rejected on the grounds either that it had been middle-class and therefore ideologically unenlightened or that it had been dominated by Judaism, which the young Communist-oriented writer considered just another religion, another form of the opiate of the people.

The sense of their origin, even in those Jewish novelists who deliberately wrote of non-Jewish experience, was not entirely

7 These, together with such of their novels as may be considered "proletarian," are as follows: Maxwell Bodenheim (Run, Sheep, Run and Slow Vision), Edward Dahlberg (Bottom Dogs, F7m Flushing to Calvary, and Those Who Perish), Guy Endore (Babouk), Waldo Frank (The Death and Birth of David Markand), Michael Gold (Jews Without Money), Albert Halper (The Foundry and The Chute), Meyer Levin (The New Bridge), Melvin Levy (The Last Pioneers), Albert Maltz ("Season of Celebration" [novelette in The Way Things Are and Other Stories] and The Undergmund Stream [1940]), Henry Roth (Call It Sleep), Isidor Schneider ( F r m the Kingdom of Necessity), Edwin Seaver (The Company and Between the Hammer and the Anvil), John L. Spivak (Georgia Nigger), and Leane Zugsmith ( A Time to Remember and The Summer Soldier). Of these, Waldo Frank and Meyer Levin, two of the best novelists to be associated with the "proletarian" movement, accepted Communist ideology with marked reservations at the time they wrote the novels here listed and soon rejected it. Cf. Levin's criticism of the Communist Party in Citizens ( 1 9 4 0 ) ~ his ponderous but impressive novel about the Memorial Day Massacre of 1937.

8 It should be noted that, almost without exception, the non-Jewish writers, most of them brought up within some Protestant denomination, reacted against their own home environments and religion in essentially the same way.

< < 0 WORKERS' REVOLUTION . . . THE TRUE MESSIAH" 167

eradicated, however. Although only one book, Edward Dahlberg7s Those Who Perish (1934)~ deals at length with reactions of American Jews to the killing of their European brethren, Nazi atrocities are very often mentioned with horrified loathing, while at some point in nearly every proletarian novel the author, Jew or not, attacks social or economic discrimination against Jews in America. The fictional device usually employed is the creation of a minor character who is victimized because of his Jewishness. In many instances, the author further emphasizes his position by having a Communist in the novel defend the victim. Granted that the point is often made crudely, granted also that the author writes from ideological rather than religious motives, still the proletarian novelist did take a firm, open stand against any kind of mistreatment of Jews as Jews.

It may also have been a strong sense of origin, even if expressed negatively, that impelled a very large majority of the radical Jewish novelists to write novels describing a conversion to Communism. That they probably found in this political ideology a surrogate for their rejected Judaism is nowhere clearer than in Michael Gold's Jews Without Money (1930)~ a work combining autobiography with imaginative sketches of East Side people in the first decade and a half of the century. In a style now sharp with a striking phrase, now blurred with sentimental rhetoric, Gold describes the filth, terror, cruelty, hunger, and vice of tenement life, and as well its sudden brief joys, the kindnesses of the very poor toward the very poor, and the unkillable human decencies. An intense emotionalist, Gold presents the "blind drift" of his own and other workers' lives, until abruptly, on the last page of the book, a revolutionary on a soapbox transfixes him with illumination :

0 workers7 Revolution, you brought hope to me, a lonely, suicidal boy. You are the true Messiah. You will destroy the East Side when you come, and build there a garden for the human spirit.

0 Revolution, that forced me to think, to struggle and to live. 0 great beginning!^^

9 For only one example, cf. James T. Farrell, The Young Mahood of Studs Lonigan (New York: The Vanguard Press, 1934)~ pp. I 2 3-3 2, for the brutal gang-up in a football game against "Jewboy Schwartz" and his subsequent death from the injuries.

I0 Michael Gold, Jews Without Money (New York: Liveright Publishing Corporation, '930)1 P. 309-


Many of these radical novels written in the 30's by Jews - and by non-Jews likewise - are as crude as, or cruder than, Gold's book, and their authors often lack his real, if fuzzy, love for human beings; but it is unwise to reject all these books, especially if one has not read them, as mechanical exercises in propaganda. Edward Dahlberg's bitter novels, Bottom Dogs (1930) and From Flushing to Calvary (I 93 t), are semiautobiographical accounts of the displaced, dispossessed people in the lower reaches of society, presented in a style which is deliberately as raw, flat, and arid as the life it describes, but often charged with such startling, wry images that it becomes a kind of poetry of the ugly. Not centrally concerned with Jewish life, both novels are rather revelations of the sordidly futile lives of what H. G. Wells once called "The People of the Abyss" and are by implication attacks on certain shortcomings in American society as a whole. Waldo Frank's The Death and Birth of David Markand (1934) is likewise an attack on the failure of America as the author sees it and likewise has little to say about Jews as such. Overwritten and self-consciously portentous as this book may be, it is, nevertheless, a large-scale attempt to dramatize American problems both through the concrete experience of its characters and through an intricate pattern of historical, social, cultural, and spiritual symbolizations, whereby Frank apparently hoped to combine Marx and Spinoza into an organic unity.

The best proletarian novel of all, however, is not only by a Jew, but also deals entirely with Jewish experience. Henry Roth's one book, Call It Sleep (dated 1934, but published in r 93 s), is a truly brilliant performance, one of the best first novels which I have ever read. Like Gold's volume, but in vastly superior fashion, this lengthy novel details the life of poor Jews in Brownsville and the East Side of New York from I 9 I I to I 9 I 3, here chiefly as seen through the sensitive eyes of David Schearl, who is not quite six at the beginning of the story. The son of a warmhearted mother and a neurotically truculent father, the timid and imaginative David experiences the terrors of tenement cellar and street, the precarious emotional security of the Schearl apartment on the top floor of the

c 6 0 WORKERS' REVOLUTION . . . THE TRUE MESSIAH^' 169

tenement, and the psychic release of the rooftop. Each level of physical existence corresponds to part of a complex and powerful symbolic structure of which both David and the reader slowly become aware until all the discordant elements in the child's consciousness are suddenly brought into clear and acceptable relationship by an emotional crisis.

What makes the novel so extraordinary is its seamless web of concrete and abstract, of reality and symbol, of earth and spirit. Many of the events are grossly physical and are described in revolting detail; yet even these become incandescent with the intensity of a mystic's vision as symbol, in the Transcendentalist phrase, flowers out of fact. The language, too, represents the same unity of opposites; it moves back and forth effortlessly from a precisely heard and rendered everyday speech, complete with oath and obscenity, to the apocalyptic imagery of David's own thoughts. The result is to give the reader the sense of himself experiencing all the levels of a child's inner and outer world and of himself coming to accept the repulsive, the ugly, the horrifying along with the clean, the beautiful, the loving as necessary parts of life's self-contradictory wholeness.

It is not surprising that, on its publication, Call It Sleep was attacked by some left-wing critics, though strongly defended by the more intelligent ones, for it can be read illuminatingly in many ways besides as a revolutionary novel. The besetting sin of many proletarian novelists and critics was that they considered ideology more important than art in the creation of fiction. It was, in fact, shifts in the Communist Party line that ended the excitement roused by the proletarian novel in the first half of the 30's. From 1936 on, the novel of revolutionary intent was in eclipse among leftists, at first because of the Popular Front policy of Communist cooperation with liberal "bourgeois" political parties. Meanwhile, the Moscow Trials of 1 9 3 6-193 8 and the Nazi-Soviet Pact of 19 39 disillusioned many Party members and sympathizers, and the new converts during the early 1 9 ~ 0 ' s were more impressed by the Russian resistance to the

German armies than by Marx's analysis of capitalism. Radical novels continued to be written, but the most interesting ones were produced by the "independent leftists," those who had learned much from their study of Marx but who refused to commit themselves to Communism as an organized political force. Two of the best novels of the 40's were by such independents, both of them also Jews.

Norman Mailer's T h e Naked and the Dead (1948) has been criticized for viewing the Second World War through the eyes lot Ernest Hemingway and John Dos Passos. Echoes of both writers are clear in the language and structure of this book, but it is informed throughout by a politico-philosophic assumption not derived from either writer, one that is, incidentally, productive of qualified optimism rather than of stoic or anguished despair at man's fate. The basic optimism or pessimism of a work of fiction has, of course, no necessary relation whatsoever to its literary value. What is important is that Mailer's assumption - that groups of men, not their leaders, shape history - acts as a thematic device to unify the entire book. The actions of General Cummings and of Sergeant Croft are not separate; both are attempts to dominate the men under them by means of a ruthless power morality, and in each case chance and the mass of men combine to defeat the leader's purpose. Thus Mailer makes his ideology and his art powerfully reciprocative.

The men who make up the mass in The Naked and the Dead are not at all portrayed as good, self-integrated persons. This is nowhere clearer than in Mailer's demonstration of the psychological damage that anti-Semitism may inflict. Of the two Jews in the book's reconnaissance platoon, Goldstein feels that his whole personality has been rubbed raw inside by discrimination; yet the injury to the "well-adjusted" Roth is even more disastrous: by refusing to consider himself a Jew any more, he has deprived himself completely of his past. But the persecutor is hurt as well as the persecuted. Jew- baiting is only one of the unsatisfying outlets for Gallagher, the Christian-Fronter, who hates Jews because he hates his own terrible insecurity. Anti-Semitism is, in fact, implicit in the protofascistic "fear-ladder" structure of the Army as described by General Cummings and assumed by Croft.

The psychic dislocations of the individual within a power-

structured society are also examined, at length and with insight, by Ira Wolfert in Tucker's People (1943). In this radically-oriented novel, ostensibly about men and women caught up in the numbers racket in New York, Wolfert makes a constant equation between the racket and "legitimate business" so that the book becomes a condemnation both of the unscrupulous methods employed by the big corporation and the overwhelming sense of insecurity which their impersonality develops in individual men. T o some extent, for example, Leo and Joe Minch and their parents suffer from discrimination for their Jewishness, but what embitters the parents' lives and forces Leo and Joe into crime is, the author tries to demon- strate, this same sense of insecurity in an emotionally atomized society. Wolfert's underlying conception, that capitalism inevitably develops from the paternalistic company to the impersonal corporation to the completely hierarchical and completely demoralizing structure of totalitarianism, may not be intellectually convincing to the reader; but, like Mailer's conception in his book, this one also forges the material into an artistic unity, enabling the novel to exist simultaneously on a variety of levels -tough gangster story, account of a racket, record of the depression, analysis of the neurotic personality of our time, and dramatized theory of history. Less brilliant stylistically than Call It Sleep, Tucker's People is notable for both breadth and depth. Like Roth's book, it will eventually recover itself from neglect.

One other Jewish writer in the radical tradition remains to be considered. Mailer and Wolfert had drawn from this tradition what they wished and discarded the rest; Howard Fast, on the other hand, was, from the early 1940's until 1957, the chief literary spokesman for the American Communist Party and supported every new turn of its policy. A prolific writer, he dedicated himself to the historical novel as a means of celebrating in human society the age-old spirit of revolt toward freedom, finding that spirit in the American past and present and also in the history of ancient times. H e is the only radical Jewish novelist to concern himself with events in the earlier

r72 AMERICAN JEWlSH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

life of the Jewish people. Displaying its author's usual talent for the stripped narrative of violence, My Glorious Brothers (1948) describes the revolt led in Judaea against the country's Syrian-Greek rulers by Mattathias and his five sons, the Maccabees, and the restoration of the defiled Temple.

Fast often deals in some way with the relation of Jews to the Gentile world. In My Glorious Brothers, he examines the Jewish character in a long, ironically-conceived "Report of the Legate Lentulus Silanus to the Roman Senate," which argues that the Jewish passion for freedom and equalitarian democracy is antipathetic to the majesty of Rome and that this troublesome people must therefore be stamped out. More commonly he attacks anti-Semitism by positive counterstatement, one device being to present a triad of heroic figures, one Negro, one white Gentile, one Jew. Actually this triadic device appeared so regularly in those of Fast's novels published after the end of the Second World War that it came to sound like a clicht, a mere sterile assertion of one element of the Communist Party line. The publication of his nonfictional The Naked God in 1957, however, recorded a break with organized Communism on the basis of the Soviet repression of the Hungarian revolt, of Russian anti-Semitism, and of the Party's ideological domination of the writer; and it made clear that Fast's concern for his people was a deeply motivated one. It may very well be significant that the first novel which he has brought out since his break with the Party, Moses, Prince of Egypt (1958), is an interpretation of the early life of that leader and seems to be the initial volume in a trilogy describing the deliverance of the Jews from Egypt.

The Naked God comes as a belated postscript to the history of the effect of Socialism and Communism on American writing; it records yet one more in a long series of bitter disenchantments with an illusion. But the peculiar nature of literature is such that it can spring fruitfully even from illusioned views of reality, and the artistic accomplishments of the radical novel need not be rejected with its politics. Jewish writers and readers should keep this fact in mind particularly, for it helps to modify the current notion that only in the last decade and a half has the American-Jewish novel suddenly L L ~ ~ m e of age" after years characterized almost solely by silence or

triviality. On the contrary, the tradition of the radical novel proves that, from the beginning of the century, a number of Jewish writers of fiction were seriously concerned with interpreting their world as they saw it; and in the work produced by Friedman, Cahan, and Berman up to the First World War, by Ornitz in the zo's, by Dahlberg, Frank, and Roth in the 307s, by Mailer, Wolfert, and, at his best, Fast, in the 40's - in all this work, the portrayal of the writer's world is sensitive, complex, and memorable. Whatever its divergence from the tenets of Judaism or from customary political ideology, the work of these men is a body of literary achievement for which Jews need not apologize.

Now! Available Free! E X H I B I T S O N

Ohio, Colonial Jewry, the Civil War, and American Jewry.

These Exhibits are excellent for CONGREGATIONS, RELIGIOUS SCHOOLS, WAR VETERANS' POSTS, INSTITUTIONS, CLUBS, ETC.

How to Obtain Them Simply drop a note to us at the address below, requesting either one, or all, of these exhibits. They will be sent to you immediately (if not already in use), express prepaid and insured. There is no charge.

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On the Religious Proscription of Catholics

PHILIP PHILLIPS

By 1855 the American Party, an anti-Catholic and anti-immigrant political organization, had achieved considerable power in this country. In less than a decade the party, which had begun as a secret patriotic order, was so successful that it confidently hoped to capture the Presidency in I 856.

It was at this moment, when the followers of this party, popularly known as Know-Nothings, were blatant in their attacks on Catholics and immigrants, that Philip Phillips (1807-1 884) raised his voice against them in a letter to the Mobile Register.

Phillips, a Charleston Jew, had been a congressman from Alabama during the years 1853 to 1855, and had remained in Washington to practice law, primarily before the United States Supreme Court. He was one of the greatest lawyers of his time. In 1876, during a period when the Supreme Court was not in session, Phillips wrote an autobiography which has been published in part in Jacob R. Marcus' Memoirsof American Jews, 177~-186~,1II, I 3 5-60. Although once secretary of the short-lived Reformed Society of Israelites, a liberal religious group in Charleston, Phillips had little, if any, interest in Jewish life.

John Forsyth, editor of the Mobile Register, to whom Phillips addressed himself, was the son of that John Forsyth who, as Sec- retary of State, had intervened with the Sultan of Turkey, in I 840, on behalf of oppressed Damascus Jewry.

The following article is reprinted from a brochure found in the Phillips Collection in the Division of Manuscripts, Library of Congress.

Washington, July 4, r 855. My dear sir:

I readily comply with your request to give you my impressions of the last development of political events. Nothing appears to me more

ON THE RELIGIOUS PROSCRIPTION OF CATHOLICS I77

interesting to the country than the recent demonstrations of the "Know- Nothings," at Philadelphia and Montgomery, against the Catholics. In their national platform they [the Know-Nothings] declare that "Chris- tianity, by the constitutions of nearly all the States, by the decisions of the most eminent judicial authorities, and by the consent of the people of America, is considered an element of aur political system." The application of this is not very apparent. But if it was intended to assert, as I presume it was, that in the Federal Constitution, which forms the bond of our Union and constitutes the "political system" of the United States, there is any such element incorporated, either by expression or necessary implication, then I deny the truth of the proposition. There is nothing clearer than that in the formation of the Constitution it was intended emphatically to exclude all connection with any religious faith whatever.

Separation of Church and State, eternal divorce between civil and ecclesiastical jurisdiction, were cardinal principles with the sages and patriots to whom not only we, but all mankind, are indebted for this model of a republican government. No, my friend; they possessed too much wisdom and practical good sense to be content with a mere feeble imitation of the existing order of things. They distinctly saw the evil fruits which the conjunction of political and religious power had every- where produced, and in the discharge of tHe high duty intrusted to them - the highest that man could be charged with -they determined to profit by the example, and inaugurate a "political system," whose dominion should be exclusively confined to the political relations of its constituents, acknowledging in the eyes of the law the perfect equality of all sects and faiths, and leaving the whole subject of religion, and its requirements, to the dominion of that Higher Tribunal which alone can search the hearts and judge the motives of men.

The Constitution itself gives evidence of the solicitude felt upon this subject, and the debates which led to its adoption show the high tone of feeling that existed in the convention. When Mr. [Charles C.] Pinckney reported to that body his proviso, "that no religious test shall ever be required as a qualification to any office or public trust under the authority of the United States," the only opposition he met with was from Mr. [Roger] Sherman, who declared it as "unnecessary, the prevailing liberality

1 7 ~ AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

being a sufficient guarantee against such test." But notwithstanding the adoption of this emphatic declaration, so jealous were the people at that time of any governmental interference or connection with religion, that the first amendment to the Constitution proposed and adopted was the additional guarantee that "Congress shall make no law respecting an establishment of religion, or prohibiting the free exercise thereof."

In those countries where Christianity avowedly forms a part of their political system, there also the laws define the particular form of faith to which the government attaches itself, and denounce the penalties for non-conformity. Let us once admit that it forms "an element of our political system," and we should soon be called upon to submit our consciences to Congressional dictation. The argument would then be not too remote that the Christianity intended was that professed by the great majority of the people at the formation and adoption of the constitution, and that this was not only a Christian but an anti-Catholic government.

I t is in your remembrance that many years ago a large and respectable body of citizens petitioned against Sunday mails.1 They evidently proceeded upon the idea that this was a Christian government, and that the violation of the Christian Sabbath was a sacrilege the government was bound to put an end to. Congress rejected the petition, and their action was approved by the country. Now, this approval could only rest upon the denial of the proposition that "Christianity was an element of our political system." But, my dear sir, whether right or wrong on this head, it must be evident that the assertion of this principle in a political platform, preluded by a solemn "acknowledgment of that Almighty Being who rules over the universe, and presides over the councils of nations," was a mere self- sanctification, intended to appeal to the religious feelings of the country, that they might the more easily be drawn into the vortex of political strife, and combined for what is declared to be one of the great objects of the movement - "resistance to the aggressive policy and corrupting tendencies of the Roman Catholic church in our country by the advancement to all political stations - executive, legislative, judicial, or diplomatic - of those only who do not hold civil allegiance, directly or indirectly, to any foreign

For the agitation for the suppression of Sunday mails, see American State Papers and Related Documents on Freedm in Religion, 4th edition, Washington, D. C., 1949, pp. 205 ff.

ON THE RELIGIOUS PROSCRIPTION O F CATHOLICS '79

power, whether civil or ecclesiastical, and who are Americans by birth, education, and trdining.""

Having first asserted that Christianity was "an element of our political system," do you not perceive how smoothly the inference is drawn that a pure Christianity requires the exclusion of Catholics from the rights of citizenship? I know that upon a mere quibble, it may be denied that this inference is justified; but the quotation means this or nothing. The circumstances which surrounded this declaration have written upon it its true scope and character. No great change in government was ever ac- complished by the full development of its principles in the inception of the movement. Our own Revolution rested for a period upon a redress of grievances, accompanied with an earnest protestation of continued loyalty to the British Crown.

The change now aimed at for excluding Catholics from their share in the government of the country, like all radical and revolutionary movements, must be effected, if effected at all, by gradual stages of progress, which inure us to the journey, and accustom us to the road. Let those who may be unwilling to admit that my inference is just read attentively the events which are transpiring around us. The sentiment of the Philadelphia convention [June, 18551 is repeated at every assembly of the party. Its echo at Montgomery, in our state, proclaims "opposition to the election to office of every man who recognizes the right of any religious denomination to political power, or the authority of any higher law than the constitution of the United States." The country is flooded with a spurious literature,^ in which the imagination of its authors has been stimulated - into activity to portray the fancied horrors of cloister and cell, and describe the Catholic priesthood as clothed in the garments of every crime. In many parts of the country the pulpit is fulminating doctrinary essays to prove the Catholic church corrupt, and its adherents unfit depositaries of the rights of citizenship. If a Catholic citizen, however capable and honest, be appointed to political position, a howl is heard throughout the land, and denunciation follows the appointment.

"his phrase is taken from the political adopted by the American Party in Philadelphia in June, 1855 (Gustavus Myers, History of Bigotry in the United States, New York, 1943, p. zoz).

3 For the anti-Catholic literature of this period, see Myers, op. cit., pp. 148 ff.; R. A . Billington, The Protestant Crusade, 1800-1860, pp. 193 ff., 345 ff., 445 ff.

r 80 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

What is the meaning of all this? I cannot be deceived by any "set phrase of speech." I tear off the flimsy disguise of words, and I behold the naked and hideous truth: religious intolerance! Party assemblies have met ere this; declarations of political principles have been common in our practice; new parties have been formed; old ones have been modified; but when before in our history has it been considered necessary to anathematize "the aggressive policy and corrupting tendencies of the Roman Catholic church"? When before has it been found proper to introduce religion into our political organizations? When before was the fimess for political office tested not by the honesty or capability of the candidate, but by the religious faith he professed? Times have, indeed, changed, and we have changed with them. When the venerable Carroll4 took up the pen to affix his name to the immortal "Declaration," no man cried "Hold! you are a Catholic."

If a new necessity has sprung up justifying a new law, then, I ask, where does it exist, and in what form does it appear? Surely Protestantism has not become so weak as to require protection from the arm of a political party. Having entertained no fears of the Pope of Rome when [he was] in power, does it fear his dominion in this country now that he is dependent on foreign bayonets to preserve his dominion in Rome its elf?^ It would be unjust to construe these resolutions as vague generalities, having no application to any existing evil -the remedy for which was to be found in this new party organization. What, then, is their application? Do "the aggressive policy and corrupting tendencies of the Roman Catholic church'' point to a condition of things existing among us? Do there exist among us, in the language of the Montgomery resolutions, a body of men "who recognise the right of a religious denomination to political power, or the authority of any higher law than the Constitution of the United States"? Against whom is the new law to be enforced? It is vain to attempt disguise or prevarication. The alleged evil is declared to exist here, and the new rule is to find its justification in the religious faith of our Catholic citizens - citizens secured in their faith not only by the written stipulations of our

4 Charles Carroll of Carrollton ( 1 7 3 7 - 1 8 3 ~ ) ~ a signer of the Declaration of Independence from Maryland, was the most distinguished American Catholic of his day.

5 At this period, Pope Pius IX was kept in power in Rome largely by the armed forces of Napoleon 111.

ON THE RELIGIOUS PROSCRIPTION OF CATHOLICS I 8 I

Federal and state constitutions, but, as with us, by a solemn treaty stipula- tion "that the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in the union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of the United States; and in the meantime shall be maintained, and protected, in the free enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion they pr~fess ."~

Let these questions be answered, not by mere speculation, much less in the spirit of captiousness, but by the solemn acts and declarations of the most authoritative assembly. When before the grand council or convention at Philadelphia the delegation from Louisiana presented their party creden- tials - a delegation composed of men whose respectability was not questioned, whose good faith was not suspected-they were spumed from the council, as unfit for the political brotherhood, because the lodge they represented held political communion with Catholics! It was in vain that the odious doctrine was denounced by them [as being] of an allegiance superior to the Constitution, or inconsistent with the highest discharge of political duties. It was in vain that the fact was recognized that the delegation contained but one Catholic (Gayarre, the distinguished historian) .7

There was no virtue, no party affinity, that could redeem their error, or "wash out the damned spot." In the judgment of this tribunal, no one could be a "true American" and a Catholic! Here, then, we have the new "American doctrine," explained by the "true Americans" themselves, and a practical application and development of their ambiguous resolves.

Odious as all this appears, it must not be supposed that this party has originated any new element of power; religious intolerance is as old as the history of man. In this country, where freedom and equality, under the shadow of the law, walk hand in hand throughout the land, intolerance lies dormant in the breast, or, when excited into action, shrinks from the public eye. It is, however, fully entitled to the "bad eminence" of being the first in the history of our country which has dared openly to stimulate

6 This provision is from the French Cession of Louisiana to the United States, April 30, 1803, Article 111 (H. S. Commager, Documents of American History, 4th ed., New York, 1948, p. 191).

7 Charles Ptienne Arthur GayarrC (1805-5) wrote several books on the history of Louisiana. H e was Louisiana's outstanding litteateur in the days before and after the Civil War.


this feeling for political objects: thus, in the name of Christianity itself, laying the train to light the torch of religious persecution.

If the leaders in this crusade were religious fanatics, we might respect their sincerity, though we denounced their action. But who are they? The Whig and Democratic parties are said to have become corrupt. But this new party, as you see, is very much controlled by the s m m which the agitation of the old ones has thrown off. Look around, my dear sir, and inquire how many of those leaders have been noted for their piety, or characterized by devotional feeling, who now flaunt their religious robes in the face of every passer-by. How appropriately may they be described -

With smooth dissimulation skilled to grace, A devil's purpose, with an angel's face.

I do not doubt the sincerity of the great mass of those who have been deluded into these lodges. I believe the mass of all parties to be honest; but I also believe that the great majority of their leaders are impelled by the hope of obtaining from a new organization the political promotion which they despaired of receiving from the old ones. What faith can we have in the sincerity of the men, now so zealous in their anti-Catholic professions, who but a few months ago made the air redolent with their cries against our present worthy Executive [President Pierce], because the constitution of New Hampshire excluded Catholics from o f f i ~ e ? ~

You perceive, I have treated the movement of the "Know-Nothings7' as a direct attack upon the Constitution itself, because I really regard the plea which acknowledges that the Catholics are to be excluded by voluntary associations bound by oaths, but denies that any "legislative enactment" is to be resorted to for that purpose, as beneath criticism. Why, my dear sir, if the exclusion be justifiable and necessary, should it not be engrafted upon our Constitution? If the people of these States should ever receive

- .

this bastard "Americanism" as true republicanism, what should prevent that opinion from being organized into law? Is law in this country anything else but organized public opinion? It is a weak and miserable design which seeks by indirection to effect the disfranchisement of a portion of our

8 Franklin Pierce of New Hampshire was attacked by his political enemies because the constihltion o f New Hampshire excluded Catholics from office. Pierce, however, had denounced this clause in the state constitution (Myers, op. cit., p. I 89).

ON THE RELIGIOUS PROSCRIPTION OF CATHOLICS 1 ~ 3

citizens, while it cowardly admits that the law which denounces this disfranchisement should be preserved unaltered.

I confess to you, my friend, that a few months ago I looked with feelings almost of despair upon the downward course of our political affairs. My confidence, however, is restored; the South, always conservative, always jealous of power, and comparatively free from those sudden excitements to which the denser populations of the North are subject, will vindicate the character which she has nobly earned. Virginia, the oldest of the sisters, has led the way to triumph;g and Alabama, one of the youngest and fairest, will come out of her impending struggle radiant in victory, and with garments undefiled.

Let, however, the result be what it may, if the present brings no thanks to you and others, who have stood by the principle of religious equality and freedom, the future, the not distant future, will be yours.

Yours, most truly,

Jno. Forsyth, Esq., Editor of Register, Mobile, Ala.

9 In the Virginia election of May, 1855, the Know-Nothings were defeated 0. F. Rhodes, H i s t o ~ y of the United States, etc., 11, 88-89).

Berthold Auerbach and the

Hilton-Seligman Affair

On the last day of May, 1877, Judge Henry Hilton, the business administrator of the A. T. Stewart Estate, rehsed to admit Joseph Seligman to the Grand Union Hotel in Saratoga, New York, because the latter was a Jew.

This act disturbed American Jews very much because of Seligman's importance as a great American banker, and as an evidence of growing anti-Jewish prejudice in this country.

In July of that year, Friedrich Kapp asked Berthold Auerbach to make a public statement denouncing this "monstrous" expression of bigotry.

Kapp (I 8 24-1 884) was a German liberal, journalist, and historian, who had spent twenty years in this country before returning to Germany, where he was very active in Prussian political life.

Auerbach (181 Z-188z), a Jew, was an outstanding German writer and patriot.

The following letter is Auerbach's answer. Though it appeared originally in the Illinois Staatszeitung, in Chicago, the copy, from which the following translation was made by Rabbi Albert H. Friedlander, is found in Die Neuzeit, r 87 7, pp. 294-95.

Tarasp, Engadin, Switzerland, July 19, 1877 .

Dear Kapp :

You send me an exhortation, all the way from the Riesengebirge to the Graubuendner Alps, to say something regarding the monstrous story that Hilton, the host of the Grand Union Hotel in Saratoga, refused to admit the banker Joseph Seeligmann [Seligman] into his establishment -

because he is a Jew. And you enclose clippings from American news- papers that throw further light on the subject.

There first came to mind this question: "Is not this affair too small and insignificant?" Then I remembered a saying:

Should a rider see a mole (destructive to plant roots) cross his path, he is bound to dismount and destroy it.

And recently, when the Colorado beetle was introduced into Germany, the government employed all its administrative and scientific resources to root it out completely. The facts which you speak of are clearly similar.

You write me that I have a particular obligation to speak up in this affair. First, because I am a Jew; and furthermore, because I have so often emphasized in my writings the new, ideal, universally important future of the United States.

What shall I say as a Jew? That Jew-hatred still exists, that it is permitted to find expression, this pains the Jews and disgraces the Chris- tians. Lord Beaconsfield D'Israeli [Benjamin Disraeli] writes Mr. Hilton:

Christian contemporary and confessor of the religion of love:

It was my intention to stay in your hotel during a visit to America. However, since you cannot perceive my belief by my nose - but quite possibly my ancestry - I must relinquish this desire. I expect your fellow citizens to recognize the disgrace which you have caused to the fatherland of Benjamin Franklin.

Thus writes D'Israeli -or, rather, so he should write. And not only Christians of Jewish descent, but also born Christians, all, indeed, who recognize the dignity of men in themselves and in others, should exert all their energies to root out this first symptom of a new moral plague in the New World. Not Jews, but Christians - and Christians alone - should hold meetings to make known their indignation over this apparently so insignificant, yet in its shocking infamy truly monstrous, event.

No minister should ascend his pulpit without proclaiming:

The first sign of an abomination has dared to show itself in our midst in the light of day, turning into falsehood the religion of love which our faith proclaims itself to be. Who can still say, "Our Father who art in


heaven," while he denies our brotherhood in God or that all men of all colors and of all creeds are God's children?

That would be religion; and the text for it could be found in Matthew 25, verses 40 through 43.1 We need not add what text would fit the unbelievers of all races.

Should none of these expectations be fulfilled, however, then I say to you that it may be the special mission of the Jews that for almost two thousand years, despite the distortions of a message of love reduced to empty phrases, they should never lose hope in the redemptive power of this one thought - and that they should wait for its fulfillment: There is no true religion in the world as long as a man of different belief or of different descent is regarded without love, not to mention, with hatred.

You tell me, dear friend, that Mr. Joseph Seeligmann is a respected man active in community affairs. But even if he were one of the least - the rest is written in Matthew 25: 40.

And now, one more word. Certainly, it is beyond question that there is much to criticize in the Jews on both sides of the ocean. Above all, they often lack that quiet culture that finds fulfillment in the inward processes of ennoblement and growth. The reigning passion is for show and ostenta- tion, particularly among the Jewish women. Much work must be done, much advice must be given, if simplicity and a modest sense of the citizen's duty are to be implanted and cultivated. But do we not find the same in the corresponding Christian classes who have come into wealth? In any event, a man like Mr. Hilton certainly has no call here to act as an educator. Should, however, his measure be indeed based upon a testamentary ar- rangement,= no state resting upon moral foundations would protect and execute a will which so clearly violates the eternal norms of the moral law.

One more word of advice might be given to the Jews of America. Let

Matthew 25: 40-43 reads as follows: And the King shall answer and say unto them, Verily I say unto you, inasmuch as ye have done it unto one of the least of these, my brethren, ye have done it unto me.

Then shall he say also unto them on the left hand, Depart from me, ye cursed, into everlasting fire, prepared for the devil and his angels.

For I was an hungred, and ye gave me no meat. I was thirsty, and ye gave me no drink. I was a stranger, and ye took me not in; naked, and ye clothed me not; sick, and in

prison, and ye visited me not.

This is a reference to the fact that Judge Henry Hilton had been empowered by the late A. T. Stewart to administer the business affairs of the huge Stewart estate.

not this attempt to mock everything meaningful in life keep them from sowing the seeds of good in their new fatherland, and from showing themselves worthy of being free citizens. Above all, however, they must not give up if their Christian fellow citizens, as is indeed possible, do not fulfill their obligation to oppose with all their might this first budding of a moral plague.

This, dear friend, written in haste, is my answer from the Alps to your call from the Riesengebirge.

With utmost constancy, BERTHOLD AUERBACH

T h e Editors take pleasure in

ANNOUNCING

the publication of

Monographs of the American Jewish Archives No. 2

AN AMERICAN JEWISH BIBLIOGRAPHY

A List o f Books and Pamphlets by Jews or Relating t o Them Printed in the United States from 1851 to 1875, Which Are in the Possession of the Hebrew Union College -Jewish Institute of Religion Library in Cincinnati

by ALLAN E. LEVINE

Mimeographed. xi, l oo pp.

Reviews of Books

KOHN, S. JOSHUA. The Jewish Community of Utica, New York - 1847-1948. New York: American Jewish Historical Society. 1959. xvi, 2 2 I pp. $5.00

Rabbi S. Joshua Kohn's history of the Jewish community of Utica, New York, is a most welcome addition to the several worthwhile community histories that have been written in the past decade. As Dr. Jacob R. Marcus points out in his Foreword, this volume is loaded with "facts" about a comparatively small, stable, traditionally-minded group of Jews whose families have resided in Utica since the year I 847. Luckily for the reader, Rabbi Kohn, who was the spiritual leader of Temple Beth El in Utica for a period of sixteen years, has the ability to distinguish between significant factual information and trivia that are also termed "facts." Utica is for- tunate also in that its story is here so feelingly told by one of its leading Jewish citizens who himself played so important a role in the life of the community during the critical years of the Depression and the Second World War. This carefully documented community history, written with an intimate knowledge, understanding, and love of the Jewish and general community, tells us much about Utica, to be sure. It also tells us much about the author.

This volume is most welcome, not only because we need more and more town histories, but also because a close examination of these histories often reveals and helps to explain the points of difference that exist between Jewish communities.

Rabbi Kohn's book carefully records the economic development of the Jewish community in Utica from a group of East European peddlers and manual workers to its present middle-class status. W e learn of the concern of these people for the Jewish religious education of their children, of the establishment of a communal Hebrew School and Talmud Torah, which in turn finally gave way to the Congregational School. The central role of the synagogue and its leadership in this traditionally-minded Jewish community are emphasized, as is the community's love for Eretz Yisroel and the fulfillment of the mitzvah of zedakah.

The people's battles against anti-Semitism, the participation by Jews in Utica's civic life, and the role played by the Jewish Community Council

REVIEWS OF BOOKS 189

of Utica in helping to unify the Jewish community - all these subjects are ably presented and discussed in this book.

I wish, however, that Rabbi Kohn had continued his story of the Jewish community of Utica beyond 1948. There are so many questions that remain unanswered in the mind of this reviewer. Within the past decade, too, greater changes have occurred within Jewish communities than took place in the preceding quarter-century. Such questions as the following come to mind: W h y did this old community never develop a Reform congregation until so very recently? If it is suggested that these Uticans and their children were "traditionalists," it would prove helpful to know how many of the people refrain from working on the Sabbath, attend their respective houses of worship, and observe the dietary laws within or outside of their homes. And now that a Reform congregation has been established, how is it faring vis-A-vis the Conservative and Orthodox congregations? How effective are the synagogue-controlled Hebrew schools in comparison with the former Community-Talmud Torah system? Are the synagogues and the temple in Utica experiencing the same phenomenal growth in membership that is the case generally?

These are but a few of the questions that, unfortunately, remain unanswered, because the story of Utica's Jewish community is concluded by the author as of 1948.

No two communities are any more alike than are the persons who study them and write about them. However "factual" and objective we may be, what we see is observed through our own eyes and sifted through our own experience and personality. The Jews of Utica and the readers of this volume should be grateful to Rabbi S. Joshua Kohn, whose eyes, mind, experience, and personality have combined to make this volume pleasant to read and valuable as a contribution to our knowledge and hderstanding of the American Jewish community. Newton, Massachusetts ALBERT I. GORDON

ROTH, CECIL, Editor-in-Chief. The Standard Jewish Encyclopedia. Garden City, New York: Doubleday & Company, Inc. 1959. 1,982 columns. $22.50.

The English have a knack for doing fine things. Twenty-one years ago they published the very attractive one-volume Vallentine's Jewish Ency- clopedia. Today, under the editorship of a notable Anglo-Jewish scholar, another one-volume Jewish encyclopedia has made its appearance - The

IgO AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

Standard Jewish Encyclopedia, which obviously owes much to Dr. Cecil Roth, the chief editor. If this is the finest work of its type that has yet been published, it is certainly due to the scholarship, the vision, and the realistic approach of its brilliant editor.

This is an excellent home reference book, for it contains the essence of Jewish history and literature in a magnificently printed work of almost one thousand pages. There are over eight thousand articles and a host of beautiful illustrations, some of them in color. The book has been published in America, but printed in Israel. As an artistic piece of printing, it is certainly a magnificent tribute to the technical skill of the Israelis.

Conscious of the fact that the center of interest in Jewish life has shifted from Europe to Israel and America - particularly, where population and resources are concerned, to the latter land - the editors have been most zealous in emphasizing the recent developments in both these countries. The material on the United States embraces a wide variety of subjects which have been treated in a most illuminating fashion. Every effort has been made to present an adequate picture of America's important Jewish communities, their institutions, and their leaders, and there is a high degree of accuracy in the articles touching on the United States.

This is not only a beautiful book, this is an invaluable reference work for the Jew who would be well-informed about Jewish life, whether it be in his own land or abroad. W e are indeed grateful to the editors for a work that answers a double cultural purpose: it will not only impart sound information, simply and unpretentiously, but it will also serve as a cultural link, binding together Jews of all lands through a common knowledge and a common understanding. American Jewish Archives JACOB R. MARCUS

UCHILL, IDA LIBERT. Pioneers, Peddlers, and Tsadikim. Denver: Sage Books. '957. 327 pp. $5.00

ROSENTHAL, FRANK. The Jews of Des Moines- The First Century. Des Moines, Iowa: The Jewish Welfare Federation. 1957. xv, 2 I 3 pp. $3.75

Mrs. Ida Libert Uchill, a young Denver housewife and mother, has put her spare time to uncommonly good use. Her book, despite its corny title, is a serious, competent, and thorough exposition of the history of the Jewish communities of Denver and the neighboring Rocky Mountain mining towns since the "Pikes Peak or Bust" surge spilled the first permanent Jewish settlers into the area in 1859. She has made a diligent and successful search

. . .

(.'r,rrrlrs>,, t h r . l lrrseum o j t k e 1 - I ~ b r . e ~ Urtio?t College. Cincin~coli

BERTHOLD AUERBACH

(see p. 184)

REVIEWS O F BOOKS '93

for the raw data hidden in newspaper files, court records, tombstone inscriptions, and the minute books and other records of the local Jewish institutions; has drawn wisely from the dimming memories of the older folk; and has assembled this mass of information in a well-organized and well-written volume which constitutes a valuable contribution to American Jewish historiography.

In its demographic and organizational patterns, the Denver community is quite like the others which have been studied and described in recent years. First the "German" Jews arrived, originally as prospectors for gold, but soon settling down to more stable and profitable careers as businessmen of one sort or another. Then, not long after, the "Russians" appeared, at first so few that they were hardly visible, but before long in sufficient numbers to create the traditional dichotomy between "West" and "East." And, as elsewhere, the East Europeans moved gradually from the lowly status of peddling to the more substantial ranks of business and the professions, where they could challenge on an economic and social level the pre-eminence in the community of the Central- and West-European Jews.

A parallel process occurred in community organization. The initial privately-held religious services on the holidays and the informal burial society of the 1860's blossomed a decade later into a Hebrew Benevolent Society, a Hebrew Cemetery Association, a B'nai B'rith Lodge, a Hebrew Ladies Benevolent Society, and finally, in I 87 3, the Reform Congregation Emanuel, which erected its first synagogue in I 875. The "Germans" had constituted their own tight little community, with its Purim Balls and its Strawberry Festivals to raise funds for charity, and with the B'nai B'rith as the secular arm of the temple.

In West Colfax - the "ghetto" - the "Russians" in turn went through the same process, but with more avidity and fervor, so that the chronicling of the splits and schisms, the splinter congregations, makes for a denser, more complicated account. But Mrs. Uchill is up to her task and faithfully records the dates and the names and the personalities that were involved in these not-unfamiliar maneuvers.

The "Germans" were not enamored of the incoming "Russians." In the 1880's they sought to block the establishment of colonies of East- European Jews in the vicinity of Denver. Their premonition was soon verified: when the colonies collapsed, the B'nai B'rith Lodge manfully came to the rescue, and Denver's own burgeoning colony was swelled by the refugees.

Mrs. Uchill is better at assembling and presenting her data than at

'94 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 19 59

analyzing the phenomena which they reflect. The opposition to receiving East-European immigrants she ascribes to the "fact" that,

while there were many immigrants of refinement, there were also many coarse young men of little learning and less acceptable conduct. Too many of them represented a noisy and disorderly generation which had cut itself from its roots in Europe but was not yet adaptable to the new soil of America. Such a view provides a neat explanation and excuse for the definition, offered in I 89 I by Rabbi William S. Friedman of the Reform congregation, of the function of the American Committee for Amelioriating the Condi- tions of the Russian Exiles as "not to bring in additional refugees, but to Americanize those already here."

The rationalization is trite, and if Mrs. Uchill had read more widely in the communal histories available (not one is mentioned in her otherwise comprehensive bibliography) she would have recognized how shallow and self-serving it was. The Jews of Denver were not so different from the Jews of other cities at the time, that she should fall for a story so palpably untrue, however convenient it may have seemed to its proponents in the nineteenth century. A serious historian must look deeper for motivations. Denver Jewry was enmeshed in the conventional social-economic conflict between the settled and the newcomers, the prosperous and the poor - a conflict aggravated by the religious-cultural rift that divided the two groups. The older settlers were troubled not only by the cost and the seeming difficulty of absorbing the immigrants, but no doubt even more by the threat to their security which these Orthodox, Yiddish-speaking, more volatile "foreigners" seemed to pose.

That these German Jews were themselves not altogether at ease in Denver is evidenced by several glancing references to their nonacceptance in the upper echelons of local society. Although Jews were prominent in the business and civic affairs of the city, Mrs. Uchill informs us, Jewish names were absent from the lists of those admitted to the "fashionable clubs" and "exclusive parties" during the 80's (p. 87). Speaking of the near-by community of Leadville, she tells us that Jews had excellent relations with non-Jews, except that "the fashionable Assembly appears to have closed its membership to the Jews, who seem not to have regarded this as a snub" (p. 101). One can only comment on this: !I Or again, we read (p. 156) of "the social barrier erected by the exclusive clubs in the early 80s," concerning which the author remarks blandly: "Just how this came about, and exactly why, remains a mystery." T o which again the sole appropriate comment is : !!

REVIEWS OF BOOKS I95

But there were two uncommon features in the history of Denver's Jewry. (One might add a third: two rabbis who served their respective congregations for half a century - Rabbi William S. Friedman and Rabbi Charles E. H. Kauvar - and who were central figures in the development of community institutions.) The first was the lure of successive discoveries of gold, silver, lead, and coal in the area, discoveries which brought in adventurous spirits and technical experts who sometimes made quick fortunes, but more often channeled their unsatisfied quest for easy money into such other enterprises, unusual in the early annals of other communities, as railroading, breweries, a water company, banking, farming, sugar-beet pioneering, journalism, and agricultural marketing. Although such men did not materially alter the over-all merchandising economic pattern of the Jewish communities of Denver, Leadville, Aspen, Cripple Creek, Central City, Fairplay, Georgetown, and the other settlements which the author ably characterizes, they certainly lent color and dash to the local scene.

The second feature which adds variety to this account was the lure of the mountain air, which brought to the city large numbers of Jews (as well as non-Jews) suffering from tuberculosis. Since many of these were without means, their care devolved upon the local community, which responded to this need in characteristic fashion. In 1899, when there were no more than about 500 Jews in the city, the "rich" Jews established the National Jewish Hospital for Consumptives, a nonsectarian, nonkosher institution with limited means. By 1904, the "ghetto" Jews had created their own Jewish Consumptives Relief Society to care for destitute patients, for emergency cases not admitted elsewhere, and for Denver's incurably ill. The National Jewish Hospital group, faced with acute financial problems, opposed this new venture as a duplication of their own effort, a costly burden to the community, and a flagrant invitation to sick Jews from the East to flock to the city. But a few years later, in 1908, when the Jewish population had grown to about 5,000, many of them sick themselves, both groups joined to found the Denver Sheltering Home to take care of children of tubercular patients. This institution later became the Denver National Home for Jewish Children and has recently undergone a further change as the Jewish National Home for Asthmatic Children. In the same year, 1908, an Aid Association for Ex-Patients came into being, later the Ex-Patients Tubercular Home, now the Ex-Patients Sanatorium for Tuber- culosis and Chronic Diseases; a further change to a nonsectarian, national mental hospital is presently under consideration. The Jewish Consumptives Relief Society has by now become the American Medical Center, caring also for cancer patients.


The stories of these institutions, their inception, rivalries, growing pains, development and expansion, the personalities associated with them, and their ultimate cooperation, against a background of shocking illness and destitution, constitute a veritable saga of Jewish social responsibility, which the author has ably and often movingly recounted. As she points out, "the young community had led the way in the nation in caring for the sick on a non-sectarian basis."

Frank Rosenthal has made an equally valiant attempt to uncover and recount the history of the Jews of Des Moines. If the result seems meager and colorless by contrast with Mrs. Uchill's book, the fault may be ascribed partly, no doubt, to the nature of the data at his disposal. It is difficult to muster up much interest in the petty details concerning business firms started, merged, and liquidated, or the listings of names, derived from the local press and City Directories, which comprise the opening chapters.

Nor, when the author gets down to the business of describing the internal development of the community, is there any novelty. The "two branches, Polish and Reformed," as a newspaper account of the time had it, were already in evidence by 1873. And in time each developed its own set of institutions, even to the to-be-expected schism in the Orthodox congregation (1881) and the emergence (1901) of an English-language-oriented Conservative congregation.

The writer faithfully reports the pertinent information concerning the early philanthropic, fraternal, and social groups, and the ultimate emergence of a Jewish community center, Jewish social service, Jewish welfare federation, a city-wide system of Jewish education, a home for the aged, a hospital, the familiar process of amalgamation and unification to which all groups contributed and in which all participated.

W e must be grateful for the effort which went into the making of this book and for the information which it contains. But is it really too much to expect that a book be written, rather than merely compiled?

However humdrum the data may be, a writer with even a faint spark of style can infuse them with the breath of life, or, if he has a point of view, can arrange them in a meaningful pattern. Mr. Rosenthal simply cannot get his material off the ground. Teaneck, N. J. JOSHUA TRACHTENBERG

Brief Notices

BETSKY, SARAH ZWEIG. Onions and Cucumbers and Plums: 46 Yiddish Poems in English. Detroit: Wayne State University Press. 1958. xxiii, 259 pp. 85.00

Dr. Betsky, of Montana State University, has edited a volume unique in American Yiddish publishing. The poems included in this collection are by twentieth-century Yiddish poets, among them David Einhorn, Jacob Glatstein, Moyshe Leyb Halpern, Moyshe Kulbak, Mani Leib, H. Leivick, and Melech Ravitch. They are presented here in their original Yiddish script, supplemented by Roman-alphabet translitera- tions, with English translations by Dr. Betsky, who has written also an introductory essay for this exceedingly handsome volume. Included also are biographical notes about the poets represented.

DAVIS, DANIEL L. Understanding Judaism. New York: Philosophical Library. 1958. 119 pp. $3.00

This book by Rabbi Davis, Director of the New York Federation of Reform Synagogues, undertakes to present a basic account of Judaism, its concepts, institutions, and practices. It contains a brief, but authoritative, chapter on "The Organization of Jewish Life in America." The work is supplemented by a glossary and a reading list.

GALE, JOSEPH, Edited by. Eastern Union: The Development of a Jewish Community. Elizabeth, N. J.: The Jewish Culture Council of Eastern Union County, New Jersey. I 958. xvi, 1 27 pp.

This attractive volume, illustrated by Louis Spindler, gives an account of Jewish life in a New Jersey county with a substantial Jewish population. The work contains chapters on New Jersey Jewish history from 1654 to 1854, on New Jersey's outstanding Jew of the early nineteenth century, David Naar, of Elizabeth, and on Jewish synagogal and societal annals in the eastern part of Union County. Also included are a register of synagogues and organizations in the area, and a bibliography. This is a welcome addition to the community and regional histories which are so important for a true understanding of the nature and growth of American Jewish life.

GUTSTEIN, MORRIS A. TO Bigotry No Sanction: A Jewish Shrine in America, 16~8-19~8. New York: Bloch Publishing Co. 1958. 19 I pp. $3.95


Dr. Gutstein, rabbi of Chicago's Shaare Tikvah Congregation, was at one time rabbi of the Touro Synagogue in Newport, R. I., and has now written again on the history of Newport's Jewish community and its old colonial synagogue. The volume is illustrated and contains a selected bibliography.

HANDLIN, OSCAR. American Jews: Their Story. New York: The Anti- Defamation League of the B'nai B'rith. [1958.] 48 pp.

Part of "The One Nation Library" pamphlet series published by the A. D. L. in cooperation with the Joseph Kaplan Project in Intergroup Education, this work by Harvard University's Professor Handlin is a brief history of American Jewry. It includes a glossary and a bibliography, and is handsomely illustrated.

HERTZ, RICHARD C. Prescription for Heartache. New York: Pageant Press, Inc. 1958. 138 pp. $2.75

Dr. Hertz, rabbi of Temple Beth El in Detroit, draws upon years of experience in counselling to present his views on the problems of daily living. Included are chapters on overcoming fears, on self-pity, on mature marriage, on teen-agers, and on old age, among others. The book seeks to bring the reader "a bit of serenity of spirit for troubled hours."

HERTZBERG, ARTHUR, Edited by. The Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader. Garden City, N. Y. : Doubleday & Co., Inc., and Herzl Press. 1959. 638 pp. $7.50

Rabbi Hertzberg, Columbia University faculty member and spiritual leader of Temple Emanu-El in Englewood, N. J., presents in this imposing volume a comprehensive survey of the origins of modem Zionism. Included are selections from the thought and writings of such Zionist figures as Moses Hess, Theodor Herzl, Ahad Ha-Am, Martin Buber, Judah L. Magnes, Ludwig Lewisohn, Louis D. Brandeis, Mor- decai M. Kaplan, Abba Hillel Silver, Chaim Weizmann, and David Ben-Gurion. The editor has also supplied a lengthy introduction and biographical notes, and there is a foreword by Emanuel Neumann.

JANOWSKY, OSCAR I. Fuundatians of Israel: Emergence of a Welfare State. Princeton, N. J.: D. Van Nostrand Co., Inc. 1959. 191 pp. $1.25

Professor Janowsky, of the City College of New York, has written a history of the State of Israel, which includes chapters on the pre- independence establishment of the Yishuv, its struggle for national sovereignty, and the economic, political, and demographic problems

BRIEF NOTICES I99

which the Yishuv and, later, the new state have had to face. Included also are documentary readings relating to the period and problems under discussion. The author is especially concerned with Israel's "efforts . . . to foster social idealism and human welfare."

Jewish Book Annual: Volume 16. New York: Jewish Book Council of America. 1958. vii, 2 I 3 pp. $3.00

Sponsored by the National Jewish Welfare Board, this valuable reference work surveys the contemporary world of Jewish literary interest. With articles in English, Hebrew, and Yiddish, the book deals primarily with Israel's tenth anniversary and with American Jewish literature. Bibliographies of books published in America and elsewhere during 1957 and 1958 are included. Among the contributors to this volume are Joseph Klausner, Shimon Halkin, Jacob Kabakoff, Meyer Levin, Alexander Alan Steinbach, Sol Liptzin, Herbert C. Zafren, I. Edward Kiev, and Famy Goldstein.

KIRSHENBAUM, DAVID. Mixed Marriage and the Jewish Future. New York: Bloch Publishing Co. 1958. ix, 144 pp. $3.50

Rabbi o f the B'nai Moses Ben Yehuda Congregation in London, Ontario, the author is much concerned with problems of Jewish family life. H e has written this book in an attempt "to dispel the apathy of the Jewish public in the hope that it may save the Jewish home from the destructive fire of mixed marriage."

KUHN, LOIS HARRIS. The World of Jo Davidson. New York: Farrar, Straus and Cudahy, and the Jewish Publication Society of America. 1958. 181 pp. $2.95

This book about the noted American Jewish sculptor, Jo Davidson, is part of the new "Covenant Books" series, designed for young readers between the ages of eleven and fifteen. An attractive book, it is illustrated by Leonard Everett Fisher.

MARX, KARL. A World Without Jews. Translated from the original German, with an introduction by Dagobert D. Runes. New York: Philosophical Library. 1959. xii, 51 pp. $2.75

Dagobert D. Runes, the well-known writer on philosophical themes, presents here "the first English translation in book form, of the unex- purgated papers of Karl Marx on the so-called 'Jewish Question.' " The two essays, "The Jewish Question" and "The Capacity of Today's

z 00 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 19 59

Jews and Christians to Become Free," underscore Marx's unsympathetic attitude to Jews and Judaism.

OFFENBACH, JACQUES. Orpheus in America: Ofenback's Diary of His jazcrney to the New World. Translated by Lander MacClintock. Bloomington, Ind.: Indiana University Press. 1957. zoo pp. $4.50

Offenbach, the celebrated composer of the opera The Tales of Hoff- mum, visited America in 1876 and recorded his droll and charming impressions in his journal. Professor MacClintock, of Indiana Univer- sity, has added to the diary a biographical study of this "most Parisian" composer whose parents were German Jews. The volume is further enriched by contemporary prints and photographs and by drawings by Constantin Alajilov as well as by background notes and a selected bibliography.

PATAI, RAPHAEL. Sex and Family in the Bible and the Middle East. Garden City, N. Y.: Doubleday & Co., Inc. 1959. 282 pp. $3.95

In this study of Middle Eastern family life and sexual practices, Dr. Patai, the distinguished Middle Eastern anthropologist and Director of Research at the Theodor Herzl Institute, documents a rapidly changing modus vivendi.

ROBINSON, NEHEMIAH, et al. Dictionary of Jewish Public Affairs and Related Matters. New York: Institute of Jewish Affairs, World Jewish Con- gress. 1958. z j z pp. $1.75

This useful volume presents concise information on international as well as domestic political and organizational affairs of interest to Jews. Brief surveys of Jewish communities throughout the world are included, and the work contains a large number of references to anti-Semitism.

SHINEDLING, ABRAHAM I. History of the Los Alamos Jewish Center. klbu- querque, N. Mex. : Privately published. I 958. 68 pp.

The author, formerly rabbi of Temple Beth El, Beckley, West Virginia, and presently on the staff of the American Jewish Archives, has written a detailed historical study of the Jewish Center in Los Alamos, New Mexico, from 1944 to 1957. In addition to the nine chapters dealing with the religious, social, and intellectual life of the Los Alamos Jewish community, the book contains a number of illustrations. It is an interesting contribution to the monographic literature on American Jewish history.

BRIEF NOTICES 2 0 I

STEINBACH, ALEXANDER ALAN. Faith and Love. New York: Philosophical Library. 1959. 114 pp. $3.00

This is a book of essays expressing an affirmative faith in the face of many of the problems, struggles, and sorrows of modern man. The author is rabbi of Temple Ahavath Sholom in Brooklyn, N. Y., and a former president of the New York Board of Rabbis.

WEINREICH, URIEL and BEATRICE, Edited by. Say It i n Yiddish. New York : Dover Publications, Inc. 1958. 183 pp. 75#

In this little volume, Dr. Weinreich, Associate Professor of Lingu- istics and Yiddish Studies at Columbia University, and Mrs. Weinreich have prepared what, according to the publisher, is "the first extensive serious phrase book ever compiled for Yiddish." The work includes over 1,000 phrases, based on the best modern colloquial and literary usage.

WHITE, LYMAN CROMWELL. 300,ooo N e w Americans: The Epic of a Modern Immigrant-Aid Service. New York: Harper & Bros. 1957. xiv, 423 pp. $4.00

Dr. White, who was formerly on the staff of the United Nations Secretariat, gives an extensive account of the United Service for New Americans (USNA) and of its efforts - the first comprehensive, large- scale effort - to resettle in America refugees from Nazi persecution. The book, which includes several appendices and an index, has a foreword by Eleanor Roosevelt.

Brotherly Love

"TO the industry of foreigners," wrote Charles Cist appreciatively in 1851, "Cincinnati is indebted in a great degree, for its rapid growth." Native Americans, in fact, constituted no more than 54 per cent of the city's population. O f Cincinnati's approximately I 15,000 residents in the early 185o's, some 30,000 were of German birth, while another I 3,000 had come from Ireland. Among the 30,000 Germans were many Jews.

The life of an immigrant was not always agreeable, even in a "melting pot" like the Queen City. H e had to learn a new way of life and a new language. H e was often lonely, yearning for family and friends back in his European homeland. Economic competition was s h a r ~ . and often the conditions under which he had to earn a

I'

living - be i t by peddling or storekeeping or some such pursuit - did not contribute to sweetness of temver on his vart. The life of an immigrant, in short, was often one o l frustratidn and aggravation.

The documents reproduced below may be taken as testimonials to the psychic difficulties with which the immigrants were not infrequently beset. One of the ways in which their maladjustments expressed themselves was in bickering and recrimination. Messrs. S. R. Biesenthal and I. Marienthal, members of Cincinnati's Bene Israel Congregation, now the Rockdale Avenue Temple, were probabl immigrants reacting rather characteristically to the frustrations o ? their far from easy lives in the New World. If Mr. Marien- thal's charge against Mr. Biesenthal seems a trifle far-fetched, it may have been just that. When immigrants quarrelled, they were ready to believe anything of each other; each, in the other's jaundiced view, was capable de tout.

Mr. Biesenthal, of course, may have been a particularly difficult person. T o the trustees of the congregation, he was apparently obnoxious enough to be voted against, 9 to I .

T h e documents are taken from the Minute Book (18~5-1869) of Congregation Bene Israel, Board of Trustees, Cincinnati. T h e origi- nals are in the possession of the American Jewish Archives.

Cincinnati, August 27, I 854. A called meeting was held this day pursuant to notice. L. Abraham

acting as secretary. The minutes of the last meeting were read and adopted. The parnass

BROTHERLY LOVE , 203

[president] stated that he had called the meeting for the purpose of taking into consideration certain charges brought against Mr. Biesenthal b I. Marienthal. It was objected that the trustees had no cognizance or the matter, the vestry [the officers of the Congregation] having control of the case, with power to appeal to the congregation. But both parties being present with their wimesses and consenting to the arbitration of the trustees, they went into consideration of the charge which was read as follows:

Cincinnati, zznd August, I 854. T o the Hon. Parnass Vestry of K. K. B. I.:

I request you to summons Mr. Biesenthal to answer a charge of violence against me as he hired an Irishman for fifty dollars to take my life; as I think that this is a violation of the relation which one Jew holds against another, I request the Hon. Vestry to take immediate action of the same. For witness I take Mr. Hart Judah.

Hoping that you will yield to my request, I am yours fraternally, I. MARIENTHAL

After examination of the case, the parties having retired, the trustees voted him guilty as follows:

Guilty : Not Guilty: F. Milius E. Mayer Saml. Bruel A. Maltzer L. Abraham M. Klaw I. Seasongood M. E. Mohring Hyman Moses P. Hiedelbach

It was then moved to suspend Mr. Biesenthal two years which [motion] was lost. It was then resolved that Mr. Biesenthal be suspended for one year from this date, and notice to be sent him of the same in writing by the secretary.

The trustees held a meeting 6th September, 1854. Minutes of the next preceding meeting were read and approved.

A protest was presented by S. Bruel which was read and ordered to be filed. It related to the action of the Board in respect of the action had in the matter of S. R. Biesenthal.

I. Abraham stated that he had been employed by Mr. Biesenthal to call the attention of the Board to the illegality of their action in respect to Mr. Biesenthal and after discussing the same it was unanimously Resolved that the action had in respect to the suspension of Mr. Biesenthal is illegal and void and therefore that the same be annalled and rescinded . . . .

BOOK REVIEWERS FOR VOLUME XI O F AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES

BURTON BERINSKY, Boston-born, is a member of the first graduating class (1952) of Brandeis University. He has represented the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union in Long Branch and South River, N. J.

ALBERT I. GORDON, Cleveland-born, is an alumnus of New York Uni- versity ( I 9 ~ 7 ) ~ The Jewish Theological Seminary of America (1929), and the University of Minnesota (1938 and 1949). Dr. Gordon, presently rabbi of Temple Emanuel in Newton, Mass., has also served Congregation Adath Jeshurun in Minneapolis and has lectured at the Andover Newton Theological School. A leading figure in the Rab- binical Assembly of America and in the United Synagogue, he is also the author of Jews in Transition, Jews in Suburbia, and other books.

ANITA LIBMAN LEBESON is an alumna of the University of lllinois (19 I 8) and Northwestern University (1935). Mrs. Lebeson has held faculty positions at the University of Illinois, Marshall High School in Chicago, and Chicago's College of Jewish Studies. A member of the executive council of the American Jewish Historical Society, she is the author of Jewish Pioneers in America and Pilgrim People. She resides in Winnetka, Illinois.

JACOB RADER MARCUS, Pennsylvania-born, is a graduate of the University of Cincinnati (1917)~ Hebrew Union College (1920)~ and the Uni- versity of Berlin (1925). The senior faculty member at the Hebrew Union College - Jewish Institute of Religion in Cincinnati, he is the Adolph S. Ochs Professor of American Jewish History and the Director of the American Jewish Archives at the College - Institute. A past president of the Central Conference of American Rabbis and the American Jewish Historical Society, Dr. Marcus is the author of numerous books and articles in the fields of Central European and American Jewish history, including The Jew in the Medieval World, Early American Jewry, and American Jewry Documents - Eighteenth Century.

JOSHUA TRACHTENBERG, London-born, graduated from the College of the City of New York (1926), Hebrew Union College (1930)~ and Columbia University (1939). Dr. Trachtenberg served as rabbi of Congregation Covenant of Peace in Easton, Pa., and was until his untimely death in September, 1959, rabbi of the Bergen County Reform Temple in Teaneck, N. J. He was the author of Jewish Magic and Superstition, The Devil and the Jews, and Consider the Years.

ARTHUR WEINBERG, Chicago-born, is an alumnus of Northwestern Uni- versity School of Journalism. Presently a reporter for Fairchild Publications in Chicago, Mr. Weinberg is the editor of Attorney for the Dmned, a best-seller on the life and work of Clarence Darrow. He is now completing a book on the muckrakers.

Index

Aaron Traum, 149 AARONSOHN, AARON, I 10

AARONSOHN, ALEXANDER, I 10

ABELSON, PAUL, 106 ABENDANON, DAVID, I I I Abot (Mishnah), 39 ABRAHAM, I., 203 ABRAHAM, L., 202-3 ABRAHAMS, FLORENCE, I I 5 ABRAHAMS, ISRAEL, 43-46, facing page 65 ABRAHAMS, JACOB, 109 Acculturation, 83, 117, 149-50 Acquisitions, 104-20 ADAMS (family) ; see Novich-Adams (fam-

ilies) ADAMS, BROOKS, 139 ADAMS, HENRY, I 39 Adath Israel Congregation, Hopkinsville,

Ky., 104 Adath Joseph Temple, St. Joseph, Mo., 104 ADEE, ALVEY A., I I 2

ADLER, ALFRED, 63 ADLER, FELIX, 49-5 I

ADLER, ROBERT S., 106 AFL-CIO, I O Z

Agrarians, 142 Agriculture, 195 ; see also Farmers, farming AGUILAR, GRACE, 106-7 AGUILAR, SARAH, 106-7 AHAD HA-AM; see Ginzberg, Asher Ahavath Chesed Congregation, Jackson-

ville, Fla., 104 Ahavath Sholom Congregation, Bluefield,

W. Va., 104 Aid Association for Ex-Patients, Denver,

I95 Akron, Ohio, 55-59 AKSELRAD, SIDNEY, I 17 Alabama, 176, 183 ALAJALOV, CONSTANTIN, ZOO

Albany County, N. Y., 106 Albany, Ga., 104-5, I 16 Albany Hebrew Congregation (Temple

B'nai Israel), Albany, Ga., 104, I 16 Albany, N. Y., 42 Albuquerque, N. Mex., 104 ALEXANDER (family), 107

ALEXANDER, ABRAHAM, 107 ALEXANDER, MRS. ABRAHAM, 107 ALEXANDER, HELENA, 107 ALEXANDER, MOSES, 107, I I 2

ALEXANDER, SAUL, I I 5 All I Could Never Be, 149 America, 127, 144-45, 148-51, 157-58,

160, 164-66, 168, 190, 194; see also United States

American Committee for Ameliorating the Condition of the Russian Exiles, 194

American Communist Party, 17 I American Council for Judaism, 7779, I 19 American Federation of Labor, loz American Friends Service Committee, 63 American Hebrew Publishing Company,

New York, I 36 American Hebrew (New York), I zo American Israelite (Cincinnati), I r z, I 19 Americanization, 40, 77, 130, 146, 150,

194,. 202-3 Amer~can Jewish Committee, 66-67, 88 American Jewish Conference, 67, I I 8 American Jewish Congress, 67 American Jewish Dentists Committee,

Denver, I I z American Jewish Historical Society, New

York, 105, 108, 204 American Jewish Joint Distribution Com-

mittee, 1 2 0

American Jewish literature, I 2 I , I z 3, 148, 172, 1757 I99

"Amer~can Jewish Novels of the I ~ ~ o ' s , The Jew as Portrayed in," 148-54

American Jewry, American Jews, I 16-19, 123, 148-49, 152, 159, 167, 184, 186-87. 198

American Jews: Their Story, 198 American Judaism, 77, 85, 95-96, 151 American literature, I 4 I , I 44 American Medical Center, Denver, 195 American Party (Know-Nothings), I 2 2,

176-77, 179, 182-83 American Red Cross, I I 2

American Socialist Party, 158, 163 Anarchism, anarchist movement, an-

archists, 32, I 59 ANFENGER, MILTON L., I I z Anglo-American literature, I 3 3

Anshe Chesed Congregation, New York. I t o

Anti-Catholicism, anti-Catholics, 176-79, 182

Anti-Defamation League of the B'nai B'rith, 198

ANTIN, MARY, 40-43; The Promised Land, 40-42

Anti-Semitism, 7, 9, I I , 15, 25, 64, 66-67, 84.92,96,98, 119, 128, 130-31, 133-36, 139-42, 152-53, 157, 161, 167, 170, 17.2, 176, 184-85, 188, 194, too

Antl-Zionism, 77-79, 84, 119 Apologetics, I 18 APPEL, JOHN J., 107 Appomattox, Va., I 28 Arabs, 79 ARNOLD, MATTHEW, I 3 I Arnon Lodge No. 39, I.O.B.B., New

York, 105 Asmmean (New York) , I 19 Aspen, Colo., 19; Assimilation, ass~milationism, 90, I z 5-27>

130, 133, 1409 146-47, 1537 164, 17% 176

Association for the Protection of Jewish Immigrants, Hebrew Immigrant Aid Society, Philadelphia, 105

Atonement; see Yom Kippur AUERBACH, BERTHOLD, 12 Z, I 84-87, 19 I "Auerbach, Berthold, and the Hilton-

Seligman Affair, I 877," I 84-87 AUERBACH, HERMAN H., 107 AUERBACH, MRS. HERMAN H., 107 "Autobiography," 3-8 I

B BABBITT, IRVING, 144 Babouk, I 66 BACHARACH, ISAAC, 107 BAECK, LEO, 109 Bahai Society, 57 BAIRD, SPENCER F., I I 0

BALDRIDGE, H. A., 107 BALDWIN, ROGER SHERMAN, I 10

Baltimore, Md., 1 I 3, 118-20 Baltimore , Hebrew Congregation, Bal-

timore, I 19 BAMBERGER, BERNARD J., I 14 BAMBERGER, SIMON, 107, I I 3 Bankers, banking, 136, 184, 195 BANKS, NATHANIEL PRENTISS, 108 BARGE, JACOB, 108 Bar mitzvah, I 3

BARTON, THOMAS, I I I

BARUCH, BERNARD M., I07 BAUM (family), I I 3 BEARD, CHARLES, I 36 BEMPORAD, JACK, I 17 BENEDICT, WYLAND RICHARDSON, 24, 37,

5 1 Bene Israel Congregation (Sons of Israel

Congregation), Cincinnati, 104, I 19, 202-3

BEN GURION, DAVID, 78, 198 BENJAMIN, JUDAH P., I t 0

BEN ZOMA (talmudic sage), 39 BERGER, VICTOR L., 158 BERINSKY, BURTON, 204; review of Samuel

Gompers: American Staterman, 102-3 BERKOWITZ, HENRY, I 1 2

Berlin, Germany, 33, 61, 1~5- tg Berlin Lehranstalt; see Lehranstalt BERMAN, HENRY, I 75 ; Worshippers, I 62-

6 3 BERNSTEIN, JEANETTE, I I 3 BERNSTEIN, PHILIP S., 107 Berthier, Canada, 106 "Berthold Auerbach and the Hilton-

Seligman Affair, 1877," 184-87 Beth Abraham Congregation, Detroit, 104 Beth Ahabah Congregation, Richmond,

I 16 Beth El Temple, New York, 104 Beth-El Temple, South Bend, Ind., 26-29,

33-34946 Beth Elohim Congregation, Charleston, s. c . , 1 I7

Beth Israel Congregation (successor to Hebrew Congregation), Fremont, Ohio, '04

Beth Zion Congregation, Bradford, Pa., 104

Beth Zion Temple, Buffalo, 38-39 BETSKY, SARAH ZWEIG, Onims and Cu-

cumbers and Plums: 46 Yiddish Poems in English, 197

Between the Hammer and the Anvil, I 66 BEVERIDGE, ALBERT J., 14 Bible, biblical ( 0 . T.) references, 8, 10,

17. 29-30, 4Sr 48, 52-53? 68, 72, 7Sr 777 81, 119, 145, 172, 2 0 0

Bible and Our Social Outlook, The, 3 BIESENTHAL, S. R., 202-3

Bimetallism, 142 BLOCH, HERBERT R., I I 3 BLOCH, JOSHUA, I I 3 BLOOM, BERNARD H., I 17

INDEX

BLOOMSTONE, BERNAHD, I 17 Bluefield, W . Va., 104 BLUESTONE, HARRY, I I 3 BLUESTONE, JOSEPH I., I I 3 BLUMENTHAL, WALTER, I I 7 B'nai B'rith, 64, 85, 88, 105, 118, 193; in

Boston, 105; in Cripple Creek, Colo., 105; in Dallas, 85, 88; in Denver, 105, 193; in Los Alamos, N. Mex., 105; in New York, 105; in Philadelphia, 105; in Trinidad, Colo., 105; in Wilkes- Barre, Pa., 105; in Williamson, W . Va., 105

B'nai B'rith Congregation, Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 104

~ ' n a i ' 1s;ael Congregation, Huntington, W . Va., 104

B'nai Israel Congregation, Williamson, W . Va.. 104

B'nai 1srael 'Temple (Albany Hebrew Congregation), Albany, Ga., 104, I 16

B'nai Jehudah Congregation, Kansas City, Mo., 117

Bnai Jeshurun Congregation, Cincinnati, - - -

B'nai Jeshurun Congregation, Paterson, N..J., 104

B'nel AbrahamCongregation, Terre Haute, ~ -

Ind., 104 Board of Delegates on Civil and Religious

Rights, of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 104

BODENHEIM, MAXWELL, Run, Sheep, Run, 166; Slow vision, I 66

BOGEN, BORIS D., I Z O

Bolshevism, Bolsheviks, 56, 157; see also Communism

Boston, Mass., 105, 118, izo, 136 Bottom Dogs, I 66 BOWERS, CLAUDE G., I4 BOWMAN, SAMUEL, I I 3 Boy Scouts of America, I I z Bradford, Pa., 104 BRANDEIS, LOUIS D., 198 BRANDON, EMMA, 107 Breweries, 195 BRICKER, JOHN W., 73 BRICKNER, BARNETT R., I I 7 BRILL, ABRAHAM ARDEN, 62 Broken Snare, The, I 4 I "Brotherly Love," 202-3 BROWN, WILLIAM ADAMS, 69 BROWNE, LEWIS, I07 BROWNSTEIN, MARC, I I 7

Brownsville, N. Y., 168 BRUEL, SAMUEL, 203 BRYAN, WILLIAM JENNINGS, I I 2, 142 BUBER, MARTIN, 198 Buccaneers, The, I I 8 BUCHANAN, ROBERT, I 06 BULLARD, ARTHUR ("Albert Edwards"),

Comrade Yetta, I 60 Bureau of Navigation, 108 Burlington, N. J., r 16 BURSTEIN, SIMON, 107 Businessmen, 193 BUTZEL, HENRY M., I I 3 By Bread Alone, I 59-60

C CADBURY, HENRY, 64 Caesar's Column, I 57 CAHAN, ABRAHAM, 121, 163, 174-75;

The Rise of David Levinsky, 16 1-62, 164 CAHN, HERMAN J., I I 3 California, I 20

CALISCH, EDWARD N., I I z call It Sleep, 166, 168-69, 17 I Cambridge, England, 43, 76 CAMPBELL, REGINALD, 45 Canada, 37, 39, 104, 1 0 6 7 , 109, 1 2 0

CANTER, SARAH, I I I

Capitalism, capitalists, I 35, 139, I 59-60. 164-65, 170-71

Capital punishment, 3, 7 1-75 Carnegie Steel Company, Homestead,

Pa., 159 Carolina Israelite (charlotte, N. C.), 98 CARPENTER, GEORGE ~ C E , I 34-36, I 39 CARROLL, CHARLES, I 80 CARVALHO, SOLOMON NUNES, 107 Case of M r . Grump, The, 140 CASH, WILBUR JOSEPH, I 28 CASTRO, HENRY, I I 3, I I 5 Castroville, Tex., I 16 Catholicism, Catholics, Catholic Church,

34, . 96, 176-82; see also Anti-Cath- ol~clsm

"Catholics, On the Religious Proscription of," 176-83

CATZEN, AARON, I I 3 CAVERLY, JOHN R., 99-100 Cemeteries, 109, I 15-16, I 20

Centennial Lodge No. 255, I.O.B.B., New York, 105

Central City, Colo., 195 Central Conference of American Rabbis,

78, 109, 204

2 0 8 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 19 59

Central European Jews, 193 Central Jewish Council, Denver, I 1 z Chamber of Commerce, Dallas, 9 I Champaign, Ill., 104 "Changing Jewish Community of Dallas,

The," 82-97 Charity; see Philanthropy Charity Organization Society, Denver, I I 3 Charleston, S. C., 105, 117, 119, 127,

129-30, 132-33, 136, 138, 140-41, 176 Charlotte, N. C., 98 CHEVALIER, FRS., 106 Chevra Gemiloth Chesed, Boston, r 18 Chevra Thilim Congregation, New

Orleans, 106 Chicago, Ill., 58-62, 105, 159, 204 Chicago Federation of Synagogues, 59 Chicago Municipal Tuberculosis San-

atorium, 59 Chicago Tribune, 98 CHILDS, MARY ARNOLD CROCKER; see

Lewisohn, Mary Childs Chinese, 103 CHISHOLM, G. BROCK, 37 Christianity, Christians, 6 7 , 32-33, 64,

90, 95-96, 129-31, 140, 157, 160-61, 166, 168, 177-79, 182, 185-87. 194. 2 0 0 ; scc also Catholicism, Gentiles, New Testament, Protestantism

Christian Sabbath, I 78 "Christian state," concept of, 178 Christiansted, St. Croix, 1 I 5 Church and State, I 20, 177-78 CHURCH, RALPH EDWIN, I 10

Chute, The, I 66 CHYET, JACOB MAURICE, I I 3 CHYET, STANLEY F., I 17; L ' L ~ d ~ i g

Lewisohn: The Years of Becoming," 1 2 5-47

Cincinnati, Ohio, 24-26, 104-6, 108, I I 3, 117-19, 202-4

CIST, CHARLES, 202

Citizens, I 66 Citizens, citizenship, 179-8 1 , I 87 Civil liberties, civil rights, 96 Civil War, 1 13, I 28 Cleveland, Ohio, 105, 118 Clothing business, I I 2-1 3; see also Gar-

ment industry COBB, IRVIN S., I I z COIIEN (family), I I 3 COHEN, ABRAHAM MYERS, 109 COHEN, ISAAC, I I I COHEN, JOSHUA I., I 10

COHEN, MRS. M. HENRY, I 16 COHEN, MORRIS R., I 17 &HEN, MOSES, I I 3 COHEN, RACHEL, I I I

COHEN, MRS. SOLOMON, 107 COHEN, SOLOMON M., 109 Cohens vs. Virginia, case of, 105 COHN, HYMAN and LESTER, Aaron Traum,

'49 College of Charleston, Charleston, S. C.,

130-3 I

College of Jewish Studies, Chicago, 204 Colorado, I 12, 190, 195 ColoradoDistrict LodgeNo. 5z 2, I.O.B.B.,

Cripple Creek, Colo., 105 Columbia University, New York, I 17,

132-33, '35. 140 Columbus, Ohio, 143-44 Commission on Jewish Religious Ed-

ucational Literature, of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 104

Committee on Public Information, I I z Communism, Corn~nunist Party, Com-

munists, 32, 69, 73-74, 153, 158, 163, 165-67, 169-70, 172; see also American Communist Party, Bolshevism, Left- wing movements

Community Center movement, Dallas, 88-89,94

Community Chest, Dallas, 91 Company, The, 166 Comrade Yetta, I 60-6 I

Confederate Army, 106, I I 3, 128 Confirmation, 48-49, 5-4 .. - .

congregation 'Albert, Albuquerque, N. Mex., 104

Congregation Emanuel, Denver, 193 Congress (of the United States), 178 CONN, BERNARD H., I 14 Conservative Judaism, Conservative Jews,

85, 88-89, 116-17, 150, 189, 196, 204 Constitution (of New Hampshirc), 182 Constitution (of the United States), 177-

78, 180-82 CORIAT, ISADOR H., 107 Council of Jewish Women, Dallas, 85, 88 Council on World Affairs, Dallas, 91 CR~VECOEUR, J. HECTOR ST. JEAN DE,

Letters from an American Fanner, 134 Cripple Creek, Colo., 105, 19.5 CROCKER, BOSWORTH; see Lewlsohn, Mary

Childs CRONBACH, ABRAHAM, facing page 16;

"Autobiography," 3-8 I

CRONBACH, GERTRUDE, 18, 26, 50 CRONBACH, HANNAH ITZIG, 3, 6, 8-12, 16,

26, 34, 58-59 CRONBACH, MARCUS, 3-5, 8-1 I , 14-16,

18, 20, 26, 34 CRONBACH, MARION, 48, 64 CRONBACH, ROSE HENTEL, 48, 55, 57, 64 CRONIG, SAMUEL, I I 3 Culture, 117-20, 128, 136, 149 Curasao, I 09-1 I

CUTLER, HARRY, 46-47 CUTLER, MRS. HARRY, 47

D DA COSTA, DANIEL NUNEZ, 109 DAHLBERG, EDWARD, 175; T h e Who

Perish, I 5 2, I 66-67; Bottom Dogs, I 66, 168; From Flushing to Calvary, 166, 168

Dallas, Texas, facing page 80, 8 2 3 7 "Dallas, The Changing Jewish Commu-

nity of," 8 2 3 7 DANIELS, JOSEPHUS, I 10

DARROW, CLARENCE, 99-100, 204 DARWIN, CHARLES, I 3 I DAVID, DAVID, 107 DAVIDSON, JEROME K., I I 7 DAVIDSON, Jo, 199 DAVIS, DANIEL L., Understanding Judaism,

197 DAVIS, MAURICE, 47 DAVIS, MOSES, 120

Death and Birth of David Markand, The, 166, 168

Deborah, Die (Cincinnati), I I z DEBS, EUGENE V., 103, 158 DE CASSAREZ, ABRAHAM, I09 Declaration of Independence (of the

United States), I 80 DE LA MOTTA, ISAAC, I I I

DE LA MOTTA, JACOB, I I I

DE LEON, DANIEL, I 58 DELYON, ISAAC, 105 Democratic Party, Democrats, 5, 182 Denver, Colo., 105, I 12, 190, 19336 Denver Jewish News, I I z Denver Lodge No. I 7 1, I.O.B.B., Denver,

105 Denver National Home for Jewish Chil-

dren, Denver, 195 Denver Sheltering Home, Denver, 195 Department of Synagog and School Exten-

sion, of the Union of American Hebrew Congregations, 104

Depression, The, 151, 165-66, 188

Desegregation, I zo Des Moines, Iowa, I 16, 190, 196 DE SOLA, ABRAHAM, 107 Detroit, Mich., 104, I I 3 DEUTSCH, GOTTHARD, 107 DEWEY, JOHN, 68-69 DEWEY, THOMAS E., 98 DICKINSON, JONATHAN, I 10

DICKSTEIN, SAMUEL, I 18 Dictionary of Jewish Public Affairs and

Related Matters, zoo DIESENDRUCK, ZEVI, I 07 Dietary laws; see Kashruth Disabilities, 161, 167, I 7 I Discrimination; see Disabilities D'ISRAELI, BENJAMIN, I 85 District Grand Lodges No. I, No. 2, and

No. 3, I. 0. B. B., New York, 105 Don Juan, 140, 146-47 DONNELLY, IGNATIUS, Caesar's Column, I 57 DRAPER, JOHN WILLIAM, I 3 I DREISER, THEODORE, 14 I Dressmakers, 162; see also Garment in-

dustry DRYER, RICHARD E., I I 7 DUBNOW, SIMON, 9 8 3 9 DUGGAN, THOMAS, I 2 0

DU PONT DE NEMOURS CO.; see E. I. du Pont de Nemours Co.

DYER, JOSEPH OSTERMAN, I 14

EAGLESON, JOHN W., 107 Eastern Union: The Development of a Jewish

Cwnmunity, 197 East European Jews, 22, 25, 27-29? 127,

129, 160-62, 188, 19334, 196 East Prussia, I z5 East Side, New York City, 102, 155, 158,

162, 164, 167-68, 173 EBERSTADT, E., I Z O

Economic life, 120, 136, 139, 151, 153, 145, 167, 188, 19334

EDELSTEIN, JASON Z., I I 8 Education, 96, 106, 117, 126, 128,'162;

Jewish, 80, 119, 126, 188, 196; see aIso Religious schools

EDWARDS, ALBERT; see Bullard, Arthur EGELSON, LOUIS I., 109 EICHHORN, GEORGE, I I 3 E. I. DU PONT DE NEMOURS CO., 109 EINHORN, DAVID (rabbi), I 07 EINHORN, DAVID (Yiddish poet), 197 EINSTEIN, ALBERT, I 07

2 I 0 AMERI

EISEMAN, BENJAMIN, I 07 EISENBERG, FREDERICK A., I 18 EISENBERG, HARRY, I 07 EISENBERG, MOSES J., 107 EISENHOWER, DWIGHT D., 7 1-72, I07 ELBOGEN, ISMAR, I I z ELIOT, GEORGE (Marian Evans), 43 Elizabeth, N. J., 197 ELOESSER, DORIS, I 2 6 ELOESSER, FANNIE REDLICH, I 2 7-29 ELOESSER, ISIDORE LEONARD, I 25-26 ELOESSER, MINNA; see Lewisohn, Minna

Eloesser ELOESSER, SIEGFRIED, I 27, I 29 Emek Rephaim, I I 9 EMMANUEL, MARK, 105 ENDORE, GUY, Babouk, 166 ENGLANDER, MAX, I I 3 English literature, 2 2, I 2 3-24, I 30-32 Episcopalians, I 3 I EPPSTEIN, JOSEPH, 105 Equality, political, 177, 18 I E ~ I N G , HENRY, 105 Eureka Benevolent Society, San Francisco,

105 Europe, 22, 25, 28-29, 32-33? 43. 45-46,

56, 61, 64, 72, 76-77, 93, 107, 111-12, "9, 125-29, 144, 157, 161, 165, 184-85, 187, 190, 194

European Jews, I 67; see also East European Jews

EVANS, CORA H. (Mrs. J. H.), I 25, I 27- 29, 141

Ex-Patients Sanatorium for Tuberculosis and Chronic Diseases, Denver, 195

Ex-Patients Tubercular Home, Denver, 195

EZEKIEL, MOSES, I I 3 Ezras Chovevei Zion, Cleveland, 105

F Fairmont, W . Va., I I 6 Fairmont Jewish Community Center, Fair-

mont, W . Va., I 16 Fairplay, Colo., 195 Faith and Love, 2 0 1

Family, 199-zoo Farmers, farming, 142, 195 Fascism, I 52; see also Nazism, Totalitari-

anism FAST, HOWARD, 121, 171-72, 175; M y

Glorious Brothers, I 7 2 ; The Naked God, I 7 2 ; Moses, Prince of Egypt, I 7 2

FAULKNER, WILLIAM, 98

FECHHEIMER, A. LINCOLN, I I 3 FEINSTEIN, ABRAHAM, I I 3 FELDMAN, EPHRAIM, z 1-25, 38-39 Felix M. Warburg Collection, I I z FELS, JOSEPH, I07 FELSENTHAL, BERNHARD, I 07 FERBER, NAT J., I 5 I Fiction, 123-24, 148, 159, 163, 165, 169-

70, 175; see also Novels Finance, 136, 139, 157 First World War, 55, 102, 112, 116, 144,

'63 FISHER, LEONARD EVERETT, I 99 FISHMAN, SAMUEL Z., I 18 FISKE, JOHN, Outlines of Cosmic Philosophy,

'3 ' FLOERSHEIM MERCANTILE CO., 107 FORSYTH, JOHN (the elder), 176 FORSYTH, JOHN (the younger), I 76-83 FOSTERLING, CHARLES D., I I 7 Foundations of Israel: Emergence of a

Welfare State, I 98-99 Foundry, The, I 66 FRANK, HENRY, I I 3 FRANK, WALDO, I z I , I 66, I 7 5; The Death

and Birth of David Markand, I 66, I 68 FRANK, WILLIAM, 105-6 FRANKEL, MAC, 108 FRANKEL, MRS. MAC, 108 FRANKENBERGER, PHILIP, I I 3 FRANKLAND, ABRAHAM EPHRAIM, I 07-8 FRANKS (family), I z 3 FRANKS, DAVID SALISBURY, 108 FRANKS, ISAAC, I 10; "On Novel Read-

ing," I 23-24 FRANKS, ROBERT (BOBBY), 99 FRAZIN, LESTER A., I 18 Freedom of religion, I 2 2, 177, I 8 3 Freedom, political, 145, 18 I Freemen, 109 Free Synagogue, New York, 47-49, 51-

52, 557 64 Fremont, Ohio, 104 FREUD, SIGMUND, Freudianism, 62-63, 69 FRIEDLANDER, ALBERT H., 184 FRIEDMAN, ARTHUR, 2, I 2 2

FRIEDMAN, EDWIN H., I I 8 FRIEDMAN, ISAAC KAHN, 121, 158, 175;

By Bread Alone, I 59-60 FRIEDMAN, LEO, 2, I 2 z FRIEDMAN, WILLIAM S., I 94-95 From Flushing to Calvary, 166 From the Kingdom of Necessity, 166 FUNK, ARTHUR, I 10

INDEX 2 1 1

GADSDEN, JAMES, I I 3 GALE, JOSEPH, edited by, Eastern Union:

The Development of a Jewish Community, '97

Galed Lodge No. 28, I.O.B.B., Boston, '05

GARDNER, ERLE STANLEY, 10 I

Garment industry, garment trades, garment unions, 102, 112 , 160, 162

GARNER, JOSEPH, I 20

GAYARR~, CHARLES ~ ~ T I E N N E ARTHUR, I 8 I Gentiles, 32, 129, 163, 172; see also

Christianity, Christians Georgetown, Colo., 195 Georgia, 109 Georgia Nigger, 166 Geriatrics, 95 German Jewry, German Jews, 61, 107,

111, 119, 125-26, 153, 157, 162, 193-94, 200, 2 0 2

German language, 9, 20, 3 I , I 10, 127,

130. 132-33, 141 German literature, 10-1 I , 22, I 32-33,

143-44 Germans, Germany, 55, 106-7, I I I , I I 9,

125-26, 129, 133, 136, 144-45, f70, 184, 202; see also East Pruss~a, Pruss~a

Ghetto, Ghettoization, 87, 89-90, 162, 1647 I93

GILLIS, ADOLPH, I 30, I41 GINZBERG, ASHER (Ahad Ha-Am), 198 GITELSON (family), 108 GLATSTEIN, JACOB, I 97 God,7, 10, 12-14, 1 6 - 1 7 , ~ 1 , ~ 4 - ~ 5 , 3 6 ,

41,48-49, 51-53? 72, 80, 131, I57 GOETHE, JOHANN WOLBGANG VON, 10-1 I ,

144; Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre, 10

GOETZ, SIMON, 108 GOLD, MICHAEL, 121; Jews Without

Money, 15 3, I 66-68 GOLDBERG, DAVID, 108 GOLDBERG, IRVING L., "The Changing

Jewish Community of Dallas," 82-97 GOLDEN, HARRY, Only in America (re-

view), 98-99 GOLDMAN, EMMA, 159 GOLDMAN, ERIC F., 142-43 GOLDMAN, JOSEPH, I I 8 GOLDMAN, LLOYD B., I I 8 GOLDSTEIN, FANNY, 199 GOLDSTEIN, ISAAC, I 20

GOLDSTONE (family), 106

GOLLUMB, JOSEPH, Unquiet, 149 GOMPERS, SAMUEI., 102-3, I I 0

GOMPERS, MRS. SAMUEL, 107 GORDON, ALBERT I., 204; review of The

Jewish Community of Utica, New York - I 847-1948, I 88-89

GORDON, SHELDON, I 18 GORSKI, MARTIN, I 10

Gospels; see New Testament Gotham and the Gotharnites, by S. B. H.

Judah, I I 8 GOTTSCHALK, ALFRED, I I 8 GOULD, STEPHEN, 109, I I I GRABAU, AMADEUS WILLIAM, 41 GRABER, JOSEPH J., 108 GRADIS, ABRAHAM, & SONS, 109 Grand Union Hotel, Saratoga, N. Y., 184 Grass Valley, Calif., I 1 6 GRATZ (family), 108 GRATZ, BARNARD, 108, I 10

GRATZ, HYMAN, 108 GRATZ, JOSEPH, 108 Gratz Letters, I 19 GRATZ, MICHAEL, I 10

GRATZ, REBECCA, 108 Gratz-Sulzberger Papers, I 08 GRAY, EDWARD WILLIAM, 106 GRAY, ROGER C., 1 I 7 "Great Revolt" (garment industry strike),

I 60 Greek, 19-20, z z GREENBERG, MEYER, I 17 GREENE, BARRY H., I 18 GREENEBAUM, J. VICTOR, I I 3 GREENEWALT, C. H., 109 GROSSMAN, MORRIS, I I 3 GRYN, HUGO G., I I 8 GU~RARD, ALBERT LEON, 108 GUGGENHEIM, SIMON, 108 GURLAND, CHAIM, I I 8 GUTHEIM, JAMES K., I 20

GUTMANN, JOSEPH, I I 8 GUTSTEIN, MORRIS A., TO Bigotry N O

Sanctim: A Jewish Shrine in America, 1658-1958, 197-98

GWINNETT, BUTTON, I I o

H Hadassah, Dallas, 85 HALKIN, SHIMON, 199 HALPER, ALBERT, The Foundry, 166; The

Chute, 166 HALPERN, MOYSHE LEYB, 197 HAMLIN, HANNIBAL, I 13


HANDLIN, OSCAR, I 36, I 39, 142 ; American Jews: Their Story, 198

Hanukkah (Feast of Lights), I I , 18, 41 HARBY (family), 108 HARDING, WARREN G., 107, I 10

HARRIS, LANCELOT MINOR, I 30-3 I

HARRISON, BENJAMIN, I4 HART, AARON, 106 HART, ABRAM, I I o HART, A. H., 108 HART, ALEXANDER, 106 HART, FRANCES, 106 HART, MOSES, 106 HART, NAPHTALI, 108 Haunch, Paunch and Jowl, I 64 HAUPTMANN, GERHART, I 3 2, 143-44 HAYAKAWA, SAMUEL ICHIY~, 37 HAYES, RUTHERFORD B.; see Rutherford

B. Hayes Papers HAYS, JACOB, 109 Hebra Kaddisha of Mikve Israel Congre-

gation, Philadelphia, I I 8 Hebrew Assistance Society, New York,

'05 Hebrew Benevolent Association, Jeffer-

son, Tex., 1 2 0

Hebrew Benevolent Society, Denver, 193 Hebrew Cemetery Association, Denver,

'93 Hebrew Congregation, Curasao, I 10-1 I

Hebrew Congregation, Fremont, Ohio; see Beth Israel Congregation, Fremont, Ohio

Hebrew Hospital, Baltimore, I 20

Hebrew Ladies Benevolent Society, Al- bany, Ga., 105

Hebrew Ladies Benevolent Society, Den- ver, 193

Hebrew language, 20, 22, 28, 34, 77 Hebrew Orphan Society, Charleston, , .

S. C., 105, I 19 Hebrew Sabbath School Union. I 18 Hebrew U n i m College Annual, ; Hebrew Union College, Hebrew Union

College -Jewish Institute of Religion, Cincinnati, 3, 18-24, 27, 30, facing page 32, 35, 37-39,449 58-59*61-67*69* 749 77-78, I 12, 117-20, 204; Board of Governors, z I , 63-64; Library, Cincin- nati, 59

Hebrew U n i m College Mmthly , 6 I HELLER, BERNARD, I 15 HELLER, S. G., I I I

HENDRICKS, HARMON, 108

HENDRICKS, URIAH, 108 HENTEL, ROSE; see Cronbach, Rose Hentel HERSHFIELD, NATHANIEL, I I 8 HERSHMAN, MORRIS M., I I 8 HERTER, CHRISTIAN, 107 HERTZ, RICHARD C., Prescriptim for Heart-

ache, 198 HERTZBERG, ARTHUR, edited by, The

Zionist Idea: A Historical Analysis and Reader, I 98

HERZL, HANS, 76 HERZL, THEODOR, 76, 198 HERZOG, JOSEPH D., 135 HESS, MOSES, 198 Heyman Stores, 109 HIEDELBACH, P., 203 HIGHAM, JOHN, 143 HILBORN, WALTER STERN, I I 3 HILLMAN, ARCHIBALD M., I I 3 HILLQUIT, MORRIS, 103, I 58 HILTON, HENRY, I 22, I 84-86 "HiltonSeligman Affair, Berthold Auer-

bach and the, 1877," 184-87 HINKLE, FREDERICK W., I 10

HIRSCH, EMIL G., ZZ, 25, 27, 29, 3 I, 62 HIRSCH, FERDINAND K., 107 HIRSCH, MAX, 108 HIRSH, NORMAN D., I 18 History of the Los Alamos Jewish Center, 200

HITLER, ADOLF, 84, 92-93, 153 HOFSTADTER, RICHARD, 142-43 HOHLFELD, ALEXANDER, 14 I Holidays; see Jewish holidays HOLMES, JOHN HAYNES, 65 HOMBERG, MOSES, I I 5 Homestead, Pa., I 59 HOOVER, HERBERT, 107 Hopkinsville, Ky., 104 HORWITZ, NATHAN, 107 House Committee on Un-American Ac-

tivities, 75 HUMPHREY, HUBERT H., 109 Hungarians, I 7 2

Huntington, W . Va., 104 HURST, FANNIE, 98 Hymns (Christian and Jewish), 10-13,

16-17, 34, 36, 41, 45, 77 I

Idaho, 106 Illinois Staatszeitung (Chicago), I 84 illustrations

Abrahams, Israel, Anglo-Jewish Scholar, 1858-1925, facing page 65

INDEX 2 1 3

Auerbach. Berthold, 19 I Cahan, Abraham, 174 Charleston, S. C., a residential street

in (about igoo), I 38 Cronbach, Abraham, facing page 16 Dallas, Texas, in the 195o's, facing

page 80 Hebrew Union College, Cincinnati,

The First Building Occupied by, on West Sixth Street, I 88 1-19 I 2, facing page 3

Indianapolis in the I 89o's, facing page I 7 Kohler, Kaufmann, President, Hebrew

Union College, 1903-1921, facing page 64

Lewisohn, Ludwig, in his early teens (about 1900), 137

Lower East Side (New York) in Its Heyday, 1894, 155

Lower East Side, New York, a Hot Day on (about I ~ I O ) , 173

Immigrants, immigration, 22 , 25, 29, 40, 53, 56, 60, 83, 86, 102-3, 1 2 0 , 127, 136, 149-50. 157-62, 164, 176, 194, 201-2

Immortality, I 3 1

In a Summer Season, 140 Indianapolis, Ind., 3-4, facing page 17 Industrialism, 142, 165 Institute for the Science of Judaism,

Berlin; see Lehranstalt Integration, 96 Intermarriage, 140, 199 International, I 57 Intolerance; see Religious ~rejudice Iowa, I 16 Irish, 202-3 ISAACS, MOSES, I I 3 ISAACS, MYER J., 108 Isaiah Lodge No. 49, I.O.B.B., New York,

105 Island Within, Thc, 147 Israel (state), 78-79, 84, 93-94. 108,

188, 190, 198-99 ISRAEL, EDWARD L., 25 Is7aelite (Cincinnati), I I 8-19 Is7aels Herold (New York), I 19

Jacksonville, Fla., 104 JACOBS, BENJAMIN, I I 6 JACOBS, FRANCES, I I 3 JACOBS, GEORGE, I I 3 JACOBS, SAMUEL, 107 JACOBSEN, WILLIAM, 106

JACOBSON, EDWARD, 108 Jamaica, British West Indies, I 15, I 2 0

JAMES, WILLIAM, 24 JANOWSKY, OSCAR I., Foundations of Is7ael:

Emergence of a Wdfa7e State, 198-99 Jefferson (Marion County), Tex., I I I ,

1 2 0

JERUSALMI, ISAAC, I 18 Jewish Book Annual: Volume 16, I 99 Jewish Bureau of Personal Service, Chi-

cago, 60 Jewish Carpenters ' Union No. I 750,

Cleveland, 10s Jewish Chautauqua Society, 62 Jewish C m e n t (Baltimore), I I 8 Jewish Community Council, Utica, N. Y.,

188-89 Jewish Community Federation, Cleveland,

1 05 Jewrsh Community of Utica, N e w Y w k ,

The - 1847-1948 (review), I 88-89 Jewish Consumptives Relief Society, Den-

ver, 105, 195 Jewish Daily Forwa~d (New York), 98,

1 0 2

Jewish education; see Education Jcwish Exponent (Philadelphia), I I 7 Jewish Family Service, Dallas, 83 Jewish holidays, 11, 18, 27, 29-30, 32,

41-42, 45, 55, 59-60, 87, 126, 128-29, 193 ; see also Hanukkah, Passover, Purim, Rosh Hashanah, Sukkoth, Yom Kippur

Jewish Hospital Association, Cincinnati, 105

Jewish Ladies Relief Society, San Fran- cisco, 105

Jewish National Home for Asthmatic Children, Denver, 195

Jewish Peace Book, The, 3 Jewish Peace Fellowship, 63 Jewish Religious Education Association of

Ohio, 108 Jewish Settlement House, Cincinnati, 25-

26, 347 59 Jewish Theological Seminary of America,

2 04 Jmish Voice (St. Louis), I 19 Jewish Welfare Federation, Dallas, 83,

85, 87-90? 93-95 Jews, Jewry, 6, 64, 66-67, 76, 79, 87-88,

90-97, I I I , 116-zo, 125-26, 128-29, 133, 136, 139, 142, 147-54, 157-58, 160-68, 170, 172, 175, 184-86, 188-90, 193-96, 199-200


Jews of Dcs Moines, The - The First C a t u r y (review), 190, 196

Jews Without Money, 153, 166-68 "Jew, The, as Portrayed in American

Jewish Novels of the 1g3o's," 148-54 JOHNSON (family), I 08 JOHNSON, ANDREW, 109 JOHNSON, WILLIAM, I I I

JOHNSTON, J. S., I I z Joliet Penitentiary, Joliet, Ill., 60 JONAS, JOSEPH, I04 JONES, RUFUS, 64 JOSEPH, FRANK EMIL, I I 3 JOSEPH, JACOB, 107 Joseph Kaplan Project in Intergroup Edu-

cation, 198 JOSEPHS, ETTA COOK, I I 3 JOSEPHSON, MANUEL, 108, I 10

Joshua Lodge, I. 0. B. B., Philadelphia, 105

Journalism, 195 Journal of Religion, 62 JUDAH, BARUCH, 109 JUDAH, HART, 203 JUDAH, SAMUEL, 106 JUDAH, S. B. H., The Buccaneers, Gotham and

the Gothamites, The Rose of Aragon, I 18 Judaism, 33, 45-46, 48, 77, 80, 96, 102,

I 20, 125-26, 128-29, 150-51, 157-58, 161, 164, 166-67, 175, 197, 199-200; see also American Judaism, Conservative Judaism, Orthodox Judaism, Reform Movement

Judaim for Today, 3 Julius Rosenwald Fund, I I7 Jungle, Thc, I 6 I

K KABAKOFF, JACOB, 199 Kabbalah, 108 Kaddish (memorial prayer), 60 KAELTER, WOLLI, 108 KAIMAN, ARNOLD G., I I 8 KANDEL, ABEN, I 2 I ; Rabbi Bums, I 5 I Kansas, I 10

Kansas City, Mo., I 17 KAPLAN, DANIEL L., I I 8 KAPLAN, JOSEPH; see Joseph Kaplan Pro-

ject in Intergroup Education KAPLAN, MORDECAI M., 198 KAPP, FRIEDRICH, I 2 2, I 84-87 KARFF, SAMUEL E., I 18 Kashruth, 68, 87, I I I , I 27, 189 KATZ, LOUIS NATHAN, I 14

KATZENSTEIN, MARTIN, I I 8 KAUFMAN, M., I I4 KAUVAR, CHARLES E. H., 195 KAZIN, ALFRED, 144-45 KEMPNER, HARRIS, 109 Keneseth Israel Congregation, Philadel-

phia, I I 6 KIEV, I. EDWARD, 199 Kingston, Jamaica, I I 5 KIRSHENBAUM, DAVID, Mixed Marriage

and the Jewish Future, 199 Kishineff, Bessarabia, I 19 KLAUSNER, JOSEPH, 199 KLAW, M., 2 0 3 KLEIN, JULIUS, 107 Know-Nothing Movement, Know-No-

things; see American Party KOHLER, KAUFMANN, 23, 61, facing page

64, 77-78, 109 KOHN, S. JOSHUA, The Jewish Community

of Utica, N e w York - t847-ty48 (review), 188-89

Konigsberg, Germany, I 26 KOPALD, LOUIS J., 38-40 KOPPERL, ISABELLA, I I4 KRANSLER, GEORGE, I I 7 KRAUSKOPF, JOSEPH, I 16 KROMBERG, JACOB, I 14 KRYNN, REUBEN, 107 KUDAN, HAROLD L., I 18 KUHN, LOIS HARRIS, The World of Jo

Davidsun, I 99 KULBAK, MOYSHE, 197 KULLY, ROBERT D., I 17 KUNREUTHER, IGNATZ, 109 KURSHEEDT, EDWIN ISRAEL, I 09 KUTZ, MILTON, I 09

Labor, labor movement, labor unions, 98, IOZ-3, 106, 159, 162; see also Workers

Lafayette, La., 27 Lafayette Sun (Lafayette, Ala.), 109 LA JONQUI~RE, JACQUES, I 09 LANGER, WILLIAM, 7 3 LANNE, WILLIAM F., 100

Las Animas Lodge No. 28, A.F. & A.M., Trinidad, Colo.; see Masonic Order

Last Pioneers, The, I 66 LatterSchlesinger Collection, I I 6 LAUTERBACH, JACOB Z., 109 LAZARUS, SIMON, 106 Leadville, Colo., 194-95 LEAVITT, EZEKIEL, I 07

INDEX f I.5

LEBESON, ANITA LIBMAN, 204; review of Only in America, 98-99

LECKY, WILLIAM E. H., I 3 I LEESER, ISAAC, 107, I I I , I 18-20 LEFFLER, WILLIAM J., 11, I 18 Left-wing movements, 32, 1 51, 153, 157,

165, 169-70; see also Bolshevism, Com- munism, Marxism, Proletarian movements, Radicalism, Revolution, Social- ism, Socialist Labor Party

Lehranstalt fiir die Wissenschaft des Judenthums, Berlin, 3 3, 61

LEIB, MANI, 197 Leicester, Mass., I 16 LEIVICK, H., 197 Leo Baeck Temple, Los Angeles, to4 LEONARD, WILLIAM ELLERY, I 3 Z, 141 LEOPOLD, NATHAN F., JR., Life Plus 99

Years (review), 99-10 I LEOPOLD, NATHAN F., SR., 99 Letters from an American Farmer, I 34 LEVI, ABRAHAM, I 14 LEVI, DAVID, I 19 LEVI, GEORGE, 106 LEVIN, JOSEPH SIEGMUND, I I4 LEVIN, MEYER, 121, 166, 199; The N e w

Bridge, 1 66; Citizens, I 66 LEVINE, JOSEPH, I 19 LEVINTHAL, BERNARD, 106 LEVY, BILAH, 109 LEVY, CLIFTON HARBY, I I 2

LEVY, DAVID (YULEE), I I 2

LEVY, EDGAR M., 109 LEVY, ELEAZAR, 106, I 20

LEVY, ISAAC, 106 LEVY, LEWIS A., I 14 LEVY, MELVIN, The Last Pioneers, I 66 LEVY, MRS. SIMON, 107 LEVY, SOLOMON, I 06 LEWI, ISIDOR, I I z LEWI, JOSEPH, I 14 LEWIS, GEORGE S., I I4 LEWISOHN (family), I 26-29 LEWISOHN, JACQUES, I 25-29, I 3 I , 140-41,

1443 146 LEWISOHN, LOUISE WOLK, I 25-26, I 3 3-

34. I37 LEWISOHN, LUDWIG, 109, I 2 I , I 2 5-3 7,

139-47, '51, 198 "Lewisohn, Ludwig: The Years of Be-

coming," I z 5-47 LEWISOHN, MARY CHILDS, 140-4 I LEWISOHN, MINNA ELOESSER, I z j-29,

140-41, 143-44, 146

Liberalism, 96, 1 5 1

Liberal Jewish Synagogue, London, 46 Liberal Judaism, 46; see also Reform

Movement (American) Liberty; see Freedom, political Library Company of Philadelphia, The,

108, 110

LIEBMAN, JOSHUA LOTH, 20, 3 I , I 16 Life Plus 99 Years (review), 99-101 Ligonier, Ind., 38 LINCOLN, ABRAHAM, I 3, 108 Lincoln, Ill., 27 LINDEMAN, DAVE, I I 2

LINDEMAN, MRS. DAVE, I I z LIPTZIN, SOL, 199 Literature, 123, 143-45, 148, 172; see also

American Jewish literature, American literature, Anglo-American literature, English literature, German literature

Lrrr, DANIEL, I 19 LITTNER, EMMA DLUGASH, 114 Lodge No. 177 I , I.O.B.B., Los Alamos,

N. Mex., 105 Lodge No. 293, I.O.B.B., Trinidad, Colo.,

'05 LOEB, RICHARD, 99-10 I

London, England, 45-46 LONDON, MEYER, 109, I 58 LOPEZ, AARON, 109 LOPEZ, MOSES, 109 Los Alamos, N. Mex., 105, zoo Los Angeles, 104-5 Louisiana, I 8 I "Ludwig Lewisohn: The Years of Be-

coming," I z 5-47 Luling, Tex., I I 6 Lutheran Church, 3 1-3 z LYON, ROBERT, I 19

M McCarran Act, 68 Maccabean (Chicago), 1 1 9 Maccabees, 172 MACCLINTOCK, LANDER, translated by,

Orphms in America: Offmbach's Diary of His Journey to the N e w World, zoo

MCCULLOUGH, OSCAR P., 10

Macdonald College, Montreal, 37 MCINTOSH, LACHLIN, I 10

MCKEE, COL., I 20

MACLAY, WILLIAM B., 107 Madison, Ind., I 1 5 MAGNES, JUDAH L., 198 MAGNIN, EDGAR F., 109

2 16 AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 19 59

MAGNUS, LADY KATIE, Outlines of Jewish History, I 5, 2 1

MAILER, NORMAN, I 2 I, I7 I, 175; T h t Naked and the Dead, I 70-7 I

MALTZ, ALBERT, 166; The Underground Stream, I 66

MALTZER, A., 203 MANDELBAUM-MORRIS (family), I 09 MANNHEIMER, LEO, 106, I I 6 MANNHEIMER, PINHAS, 107 Manual workers, I 88 MARCUS, JACOB R., 109, I I 2, 188, 204;

review of The Standard Jewish Ency- clopedia, I 89-90

MARGOLIES, WOLFRED L., I 19 MARGOLIS (family), I I 5 MARIENTHAL, I., 202-3

Marriage, 146 Marxism, I 57-58, I 65; see also Left-wing

movements MARX, KARL, 158, 168, 170; A World

Without Jews, I 99-200 MASLIANSKY, ZVI HIRSCH, 109 Masonic Order, Masonry, Masons, 105 MATTUCK, ISRAEL I., 46 MAYER, E., 2 0 3

MAYER, SIMON, I I4 Medad Lodge No. 2 16, I.O.B.B., New

York, 105 MEINHART, ISAAC, I 10

MEINHART, MRS. ISAAC, I 10

Memphis, Tenn., 108 MENCKEN, HENRY L., 107 MENDES, ABRAM DE SOLA, 109 Menorah Society, Rice Institute, Houston,

I 08 Menorah (New York), I I 8 Merchant-shippers, I I 8 MERZ (family), 109 MERZ, LOUIS, 109 MESQUITA, JOSEPH BUENO DE, I I 6 MESSING, MAYER, 10, 18-20 MESSING, MRS. MAYER, 58-59, 61 Methodists, Methodist Church, 88, 91,

128-31 METZLER, ADOLPH, 106 Mexican Bureau, I.O.B.B., New York, 105 MEYERS, LAWRENCE C., I 19 MEYERS, WILLIAM B., I 14 MICHELBACHER, MAX J., I 16 Mickve (Mikve) Israel Congregation,

Savannah, I I 7-1 8 Middle class, 166, 188 Middle East, too

Middle West, Midwest, I I 8, 142 Mikve Israel Congregation, Curasao, 109 Mikve (Mikveh) Israel Congregation,

Philadelphia, I I 7-20 MILIUS, F., 203 MILKMAN, JEROME F., 109 MILLER, GEORGE J., 109 MILLER, JUDEA B., I 19 Milwaukee, Wis., 104 Mining, mines, 193, 195 MINIS (family), 109 MINIS, ABRAHAM, 106 MINIS, EUGENIA M., 106 Mixed marriage; see Intermarriage Mixed Marriage and the Jewish Future, 199 Mobik Registe~; see Registe~ (Mobile) Modern D ~ a m a , The, 143 MOHRING, M. E., 203 MOISE, PENINA, I I o MOLINA, MOSEH DE, I 10

MOLITOR, JOSEPH, 107 Monongah, W . Va., I I 5 MONSKY, HENRY, 67 Montana, I I I

MONTEFIORE, CLAUDE G., 46 Monterrey, Mexico, I I 5 Montgomery, Ala., 177, 179-80 MONTOR, HENRY, I I 4 Montreal, I 04; see also Canada MOORE, HENRY, 106 MORDECAI, ALFRED, I 10

MORDECAI, BENJAMIN, I I 0

MORDECAI, JACOB, I 16, I 18 MORDECAI, SOLOMON, I 16 MORE, PAUL ELMER, 144 MORGENSTERN, JULIAN, 6 I , 69-7 I, I 14 MORGENTHAU, HENRY, JR., I 10

MORGENTHAU, HENRY, SR., I 10

MORING, JOHN, 106 MORRIS (family) (Mandelbaum-Morris

family), 109 MORRIS, J. M., I 1 2

MORRIS, ROBERT, I 08, I I I

MORSE, LEOPOLD, 107 Moscow Trials, 169 MOSES, ADELINE, 108 MOSES, BARNARD, I I o MOSES, HYMAN, 203 MOSES, ISAIAH, I 10

MOSES, JUDAH, 106 MOSES, L. J., I 10

Moses, Prince of Egypt, I 72 MOSES, RACHEL, 108 Mount Olive Cemetery, St. Louis, I 15

Mount Zion Congregation, St. Paul, I I z MUSY, JEAN MARIE, I I I MYERS (family), I I 8 MYERS, MORDECAI, 109 MYERS, MOSES, I 10, I 19 MYERS, NAPHTALI HART, 109 M y Glorious Brothers, 172

N NAAR (family), I I 5 NAAR, DAVID, 197 Naked and the Dead, The, I 70-7 I

Naked God, The, I 7 2

NAPHTALI HART & CO., 108 Nation (New York) , I 44 National Conference of Charities and

Corrections, 35 National Conference of Christians and

Jews, Dallas, 92-93 National Council of Jewish Women,

Charleston, S. C., 105 National Federation of Temple Youth, 79 National Jewish Hospital for Consump-

tives, Denver, 195 National Jewish Welfare Board, I I 2, 199 National Social Welfare Assembly, I 12

"Native Americanism," nativism, I 22, I 57 ; see also American Party

NATTIV, ELISHA, I 19 Naturalization, 109, I I I Nazism, Nazis, 63-64, 66, I 3 3, 167, 2 0 1 ;

see also Fascism; Hitler, Adolf Nazi-Soviet Pact, 169 NEUBRIK, FRANK, I 14 NEUMAN, ISAAC, I I 9 NEUMANN, EMANUEL, 198 Neumann Memorial Publication Fund, 2,

I 2 2

Neuzcit, I 84 Newark, N. J., 105 Newark, Ohio, 104 N e w Bridge, The, 166 New Deal, 103 New England, I 34-36, I 39 New Hampshire, 182 New Jersey, 197, 204 NEWMAN, SIMON, I 20

New Orleans, La., 106 Newport, R. I., 198 News and Courier (Charleston, S. C.) ,

131, 141 New Testament, I 29, 186 New World, 149 New Year; see Rosh Hashanah

New York (City), 43, 47-49, 62, 102, 104-5, 109, 115, 118-20, 132-33, 136, 140-41, 144, 155, 158, 160, 162, 171, I 7 3 ; Stock Exchange, I 3 6

New York Lodge No. I , I.O.B.B., New York, to5

NIETZSCHE, FRIEDRICH WILHELM, I 2 5 , 132, 1449 147

Nine-Tenths, The, I 60 NOAH, MORDECAI MANUEL, I 10

Non-Jews; see Christianity, Gentiles NORDAU, MAX, 76 Norfolk, Va., I 18-19 North (U. S.), 183 North Carolina, I I 6 Novels, 12 3-24, 148-50, 153, 157-72,

I 7 5; see also Fiction "Novels, American Jewish, of the I ~ ~ o ' s ,

The Jew as Portrayed in," 148-54 NOVICH-ADAMS (families), I 14 NUNEZ, JOSEPH, I09

0 Occident (Philadelphia), I I 7 OETTINGER, ABRAHAM, 1 14 OFFENBACH, JACQUES, O r p h e ~ in America:

Offenbach's Diary of His Jaurney to the N e w World, zoo

OGDEN, CHARLES KAY, 69 Ohave Emuna War Relief Committee of

World War I, Cleveland, 105 Ohev Israel Congregation, Newark, Ohio,

104 Ohio State University, Columbus, Ohio,

'259 '43 Oklahoma, 1 1 6 OKO, ADOLPH S., I 1 2

OLAN, LEVI A., I 10, I 20

Old Northwest, I r 8 Old World, 149-50 OLES, M. ARTHUR, 119 O n i m and Cucumbers and Plums: 46

Yiddish Poems in English, 197 Only in America (review), 98-99 "On Novel Reading," I 2 3-24 "On the Religious Proscription of Cath-

olics," I 76-8 3 OPPENHEIM, JAMES, The Nine-Tenths, 160 ORNITZ, SAMUEL, I 2 I , I 75 ; Haunch Paunch

and Jowl, 164 Orphan Society of Philadelphia, 108 Orpheus in America: Offenbach's Diary of

His Jaurney to the N e w World, zoo Orthodox Judaism, Orthodox Jews, 27-29,


34, 36, 85-86, 88-89, 1 2 1 , 150-51, 188-89, 194, 196

ORWELL, GEORGE, I 57 OSTERMAN, ROSANNA, I 14 "0 Workers' Revolution. . . The True

Messiah," I 57-72? 175

P PACHECO, RODRIGO, I 06 Pacifism, pacifists, 3, 55, 63 PADOLL, BURTON L., I 19 PAINE, THOMAS, I 19 Palestine, 28, 76, 188, 198-99; see also

Israel PALNICK, ELIJAH E., I 19 Paramount Pictures Corporation, I 2 0

Parent Teachers Association, Dallas, 91 PARKER, MARIE LINE, I 19 Passover, I I , 45, I 28-29 PATAI, RAPHAEL, Sex and Family in the

Bible and the Middle East, zoo Paterson, N. J., 104 Patriotism, I 19 PAULL, JOSEPH, I I4 Peace, 69, 158 Peace Heroes Memorial Society, 66 Peace Stories for Jewish Children, 3 Peddlers, 188, 193 PEIXOTTO, BENJAMIN F., I I 0

Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts, Philadelphia, 108

Petersburg, Va., I I 2

Philadelphia, Pa., 105, I 17-20, 177, 179, 181

Philanthropy, z8,93-95, 118, 188, 193-96 PHILIPSON, DAVID, I 10

PHILLIPS, NAPHTALI, I 10

PHILLIPS, PHILIP, I 2 2 ; "On the Religious Proscription of Catholics," 176-83

PICKENS, FRANCIS W., I I o PICKETT, CLARENCE E., 64 PIERCE, FRANKLIN, I 8 2

PIKE (family), I I o PIKE, NETTIE, I I o PIKE, SAMUEL N., I 10

. . . PINSKY, ABRAHAM, I 14 Pioneers, Peddlers, and Tsadikim (review),

1907 '93-96 Pioneer Women, 88 Pioneer Women's Organization, Cleve-

land, 105 Pittsburgh, Pa., I 20

PIUS IX (pope), I 80 PLATNICK, NATHAN, I 14 PLATO, 2 0

Poets of Modern Frmce, The, 143 Polemics, I I 8 Polish Jews, 196; see also East European

Jews Politics, I 5 I "Pollaks," 27; see also East European Jews POLLER, H. LEONARD, I 19 Popular Front, I 69 Populist movement, Populists, 142, 157 Portland, Ore., 105 Portuguese Israelitische Community, Su-

rinam, I I 6 POSNER (family), I I 5 Prayers of the Jewish Advance, 3 Prescription for Heartache, I 98 PRESENT, ELMER EPHRAIM, I 14 President's Committee on Religion and

Welfare in the Armed Forces, I I z PRIESTLEY, JOSEPH, I 19 PRITZKER, NICHOLAS J., I 14 Professions, 193 Progress Club, Waco, Tex., 105. Proletarian movements, proletarians, pro-

letariat, 153, 157-58, 160, 165-67, 169; see also Left-wing movements

Promised Land, The, 40--42 PROSKAUER, JOSEPH M., 66-67, I I r Protestantism, Protestants, 96, 161, 166,

180; see also Christianity, Episcopalians, Lutherans, Methodists, Quakers

Providence, R. I., 46-47 Prussia, 106; see also East Pmssia, Ger-

mans, Germany Psychoanalysis, 62-63, 69 Psychoanalytic Study of Judaism, 3 Public office, I I I , 176-80, 182 Public schools, religion in, I I 2

Pueblo, Colo., 104 Puerto Rico, I O I

Purim (Feast of Lots), 193 Puritanism, I 3 3 PUTZEL, S. G., I07

Q Quakers, 64 Quest for Peace, The, 3 QUIMBY, MRS. NEHAMAH B., I I 3

R RAAB, DAVID, I 18 Rabbi Bums, I 5 I

Rabbinical Assembly of America, 204 Rabbis, 126 Radicalism, radical movement, radicals,

103, 121 , 144, 158, 162-63, 165, 167-68, 170-75 175

Railroading, 195 RANSOHOFF, JOSEPH, I 10

RANSOHOFF, NATHAN, I 10

RAPHALL, MORRIS JACOB, I 10

RAUH, GRACE N., I I 5 RAVITCH; MELECH, 197 Realities of Religion, The, 3 Reconstruction (post-Civil War), I 28 Reform Movement (American), Reform

Judaism, Reform Jews, z7,36,77,85-86, 88-89, 116-17, 150, 189, 196

Reformed Society of Israelites, Charleston, S. c., 176

Refugees, 20 I

Register (Mobile), 12 2, 1 76 REICH, JOSEPH M., I 17 Religion, I 77-78 Religion and Its Social Setting, 3 Religious education, I 28-29; see also Edu-

cation (Jewish) Religious equality, I 2 2 , I 83 Religious life, I 17-20 Religious prejudice, I I 7, 180-82 Religious schools, 8, 16, 25, 33-34, 54,

I 18, 128-29, 188-89; set also Education Religious tests, 177, 180 Republicanism, 182 Responsa, 107 Revolutionary War, Revolution, I 16, I z 3,

I79 Revolution, workers'; revolutionary move-

ments, 151, 153, 157-72, 175; see also Left-wing movements

RICHARDS, IVOR ARMSTRONG, 69 RIDEOUT, WALTER B., ''0 Workers' Rev-

olution . . . The True Messiah," I 57-72> 175

RILEY, JAMES WHITCOMR, I4 Rise of David I,evinsky, The, I 61-62, I 64 Ritual, 31-32? 35-37, 51, 68, 81, 127 RIVKIN, ELLIS, I 39 ROBINS, DAVID, I 19 ROBINSON, DAVID, I 10

ROBINSON, NEHEMIAH, t t al., Dictionary of Jewish Public Affairs and RelatEd Matters, 2 00

ROBINSON, WILLIAM N., I 10

ROBLES, E. A., 106 Rocky Mountains, 190

Rodef Shalom Congregation, Pittsburgh, I 2 0

Rodef Sholom Congregation, Petemburg, Va., 1 1 2

Rodeph Shalom Congregation, Philadel- la, I 19-20 ph'

Roman Catholic Church; see Catholicism, Christianity

ROOD, M., 107 ROOSEVELT, ELEANOR, 20 I

ROOSEVELT, FRANKLIN DELANO, I 10

ROOSEVELT, THEODORE, I I o ROSE, EMANUEL, I 19 Rose of Aragon, The, I 18 ROSENAU, WILLIAM, I 10, I 14 ROSENBERG, ETHEL, 3, 68, 7 1-75 ROSENBERG, JULIUS, 3, 68, 7 1-75 ROSENHEIM, PHILIP, I I o ROSENTHAL, FRANK, The Jews of Des Moines - The First Century (review), 190, 196

ROSENTHALL, WILLIAM A., I 19 ROSENWALD, JULIUS, 110; see also Julius

Rosenwald Fund ROSENWALD, MRS. JULIUS, I 10

ROSENWALD, LESSING J., 78 Rosh Hashanah (New Year), 27, 29, 32,

41-42? 557 59, 128-29 ROTH, CECIL, Editor-in-Chief, T h t Stand-

ard Jewish Encyclopedia (review), I 8 9 3 0 ROTH, HENRY, 175; Call It Sleep, 166,

168-69, 171 ROTHMAN, ROBERT A., I 19 ROTHSCHILD (family), I I 5 ROTHSCHILD, L., I 10

ROY, JACQUES, 106 Roy, N. Mex., 107 RUBENS, HAROLD L., 119 RUBINOW, ISAAC M., 64 RUNES, DAGOBERT D., translated by, A

World Without Jews, I 99-200 Run, Sheep, Run, 166 RUSH, BENJAMIN, I 10

RUSH, JAMES, 108 RUSH, MRS. JAMES, 108 RUSSELL, BERTRAND, 98 Russia, Russians, 56, 165, 169, 172; see also

East European Jews, Soviet Union Russian Jews, 157, 160-62, 193; see also

East European Jews Rutherford B. Hayes Papers, I 10

S SABATH, ADOLPH J., I 10

Sabbath (Jewish), 11, 27, 38-40, 46,

z LO AMERICAN JEWISH ARCHIVES, OCTOBER, 1959

497 51-54, 65, 68, 779 88-89, 128, 1 89

Saginaw, Mich., I 16 St. Jacques River, Canada, 106 St. Joseph, Mo., 104 St. Louis, Mo., I 15, I 19 St. Matthews, S. C., I 27-29 St. Thomas, Virgin Islands, 104, 106, I I 5 SALOMON, HAYM, 109, I I I Samuel Gompcrs: American Statesmm (re-

view), 102-3 SANDBURG, CARL, 98 SANDMAN, ALEXANDER HENRY, I I 8 Sandusky, Ohio, I I 5 San Francisco, Calif., 105, I I 2, I 19 SAPINSLEY, ELBERT E., I zo Saratoga, N. Y., 184 S~sso , MOSES D., 104 Savannah, Ga., I I I , I 16-18 Savannah Jewish Council, Savannah, I 16 Say It in Yiddish, Z O I

Scarsdale, N . Y., 41 SCHAALMAN, HERMAN E., 106 SCHAPIRO, MAURICE ALEXANDER, I 14 SCHIFF, HUGO B., I I I

SCHLAMME, MARTHA, 73 Schlesinger Collection (LatterS~hlesin~er

Collection), I 16 SCHMIDT, SAMUEL M., I I I

SCHNEIDER, ISIDOR, From the Kingdom of Necessity, I 66

SCHOLEM, ABRAHAM, I I I

SCHOLEM, JACOB, I I I

Schools, I 28; see also Education, Religious schools

SCHORR, OSIAS, 107 SCHUCHAT (family), I 14 SCHUCHAT, SARA S., I 14 SCHWABE, I. B., I I I

SCHWARTZ, BESSIE, I 14 SCHWEIG, JULE AUGUST, 1 14 Science, I 3 I SEARS, ROEBUCK CO., 99 SEASONGOOD, I., 203 Seattle, Wash., I 17 SEAVER, EDWIN, The Company, 166; Be-

tween the Hammer and the Anvil , 166 Second International, 163 Second World War, 56, 66, 170, 188 SEGAL, ALFRED, 3, I

SEGAL, HENRY C., I 14 SEGAL, MAX, I I4 Segregation, 98 SEIXAS, ISAAC B., I 14

SELIGMAN, JOSEPH, 184, 186 Seligman J. Strauss Lodge No. 139,

I.O.B.B., Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 105 SEMAN, PHILIP L., I I I

Semantics, 69 Sephardim, Sephardic Jewry, I I 8-20 Sex and Family in the Bible and the Middle

East, zoo Shaaray Tefilla Congregation, New York,

1 2 0

Shahar Ashamaim Congregation, Kingston, Jamaica, I I 5

Shearith Israel Congregation, Montreal, '04

Shearith Israel Congregation, New York, 109, 118-19

SHEFTALL (family), I I I

SHEFTALL, LEVI, I I I SHEFTALL, LEVI S., I I I

SHEFTALL, MORDECAI, 106, I I I

SHEFTALL, MOSES, I 10-1 I

Sherith Israel Congregation, San Francisco, I I9

SHERMAN, ROGER, 177 SHERMAN, STUART PRATT, 144, 146 SHINEDLING, ABRAHAM I., I I I ; History

of the Los Alamos Jewish Center, zoo SHINEDLING, JULIAN M., I I I

Shirtwaist makers, I 62 SHRODER, WILLIAM J., I 20

Shulchan Aruch of Columbus, I I 8 SILVER, ABBA HILLEL, 3 I , 198 SIMON, JOSEPH, I 10-1 I

SIMON, LOUIS, 106 SIMONS, ALGIE, 143 SIMONS, LEONARD N., I 14 SIMSON. TOSEPH. I I I , - Sinai Congregation, Champaign and Ur-

bana, Ill., 104 Sinai Temole. Chicago. 28

1 . " . SINGLAIR, UPTON, 16 I SINGERMAN, BEN, 107 SKIRBALL, HENRY F., I 19 Slavery, slaves, I I 7 SLESINGER, TESS, The Unpossessed, 1 5 1-

52 Slow Vision, I 66 SOBEL, HERBERT RUSSELL, I 14 Social Democracy, I 58 Socialism, Socialist Party, Socialists, 102-

3, 142-43, 157-66, 172; see also Left- wing movements

Socialist Labor Party, 158 Social justice, 161

INDEX 2 2 1

Social life, 120, 139, 143, 148, 150-53, 164, 16748, 170, 194, 196

Social welfare, I 06-7 Society; see Social life SOKOLOW, NAHUM, 107 Soldiers, 106, 123 SOLIS-COHEN, JACOB, I07 SOLOMON, BARBARA M., I 39 SOLOMONS, ADOLPHUS SIMEON, I 14 Sons of Israel Congregation, Cincinnati;

see Bene Israel Congregation, Cincinnati South (U. S.), 117, 128-29, 183 South America, 109; see also Surinam South Bend, Ind., 23,26-35, 37.-40,43-44,

46, 48, 56; Associated Char~t~es, 34-35 South Carolina, I 27-28 Southern Methodist University, Dallas, 91 Soviet Union, I 65, I 7 2 ; see also Russia Spanish-American War, 55 SPINDLER, LOUIS, 197 S r r ~ o z ~ , BENEDICT, 62, 168 Spirit of Modern German Literature, T h t , 143 SPIRO, E., 107 SPIRO, MRS. E., 107 SPIRO, JACK D., I 19 SPITZ, MORITZ, I I I

SPIVAK, CHARLES D., I I z SPIVAK, JOHN L., Georgia Nigger, I 66 SPRINGER, ALFRED, I I I Springer, N. Mex., 107 Standard Jewish Encyclopedia, The (re-

view), 18930 STANTON, EDWIN M., 108 STARKOFF, BERNARD, 2, I 2 2

STEIN, PHILIP, I I I STEIN, SAMUEL W., I 14-1 5 STEINBACH, ALEXANDER ALAN, 199; Faith

and Love, 201

STEINER, RUDOLF, 42 STEINHEIMER (family), I I I

STEINHEIMER, ANSELM, I I I

STEINHEIMER, ISAAC, I I I

Stephen Escott, 140 STERN, HENRY, I I 5 STERN, JACOB, 106 STERN, NATHAN, I I I

STERNE, ERNESTINE, I I I

STERNE, JACOB, I I I

STEVENSON, ADLAI E., 98, 100

STEWART, A. T., 184, 186 STOLZ, JOSEPH, I I I

STRASBURGER, ISADORE, I I I

STRASBURGER, MRS. RACHEL, I I I

Sugar-beet industry, 195

Sukkoth (Tabernacles), 29-30, 60 Sulzberger Papers (Gratz-Sulzberger Pa-

pers), 108 Summer Soldier, The, I 66 Sunday, 178 SUNDHEIM, FRANK N., I 19 Supreme Court (of the United States), 176 Surinam, I 16 SUTRO, ADOLPH, I I I , I I 5 Sutro Library, I I I

Sweatshops, 160; see also Garment industry, Labor, Workers

SWETT, ZACHARY, I 15 Swiss Treaty, 106 SWOPE, JOEL, I Z O

T Tabernacles; see Sukkoth Talmud, talmudic references, 39, 51, 68,

81, 102, 158, 161 Talmud Yelodim Institute, Cincinnati, I 19 . Tampa, Fla., I 16 "Tampa" (transport ship), I I 6 TASK, ARNOLD, I 19 TAXON, JORDAN I., I I 7 Temple Aaron, Trinidad, Colo., 104 Temple Beth El, Utica, N. Y., 188 Temple Emanu-El, New York, I I 5 Temple Emanuel, Pueblo, Colo., 104 Temple Israel, Akron, Ohio, 57 Temple Israel, Long Beach, Calif., 108 Terre Haute, Ind., 104 Texas, 83 THAYER, GEORGE A., 65 THOMAS, CALVIN, I 32, 141 THORNE, FLORENCE CALVERT, Samuel

Gompers: American Statesman (review), 102-3

Those Who Perish, I 5 2, I 66-67 300,000 Neur Americans: The Epic of a

Modern Immigrant-Aid Service, to I Tifereth Israel Congregation, Cleveland,

I 18 Time to Remember, A , I 66 TOBENKIN, ELIAS, I 64; Witte Arrives, I 6 I TOBIAS, JOSEPH, 106 T o Bigotry N o Sanction: A Jewish Shrine

in America, 1658-1958, I 9 7 3 8 Torah: see Bible Totalitarianism, I 65, I 7 I ; see also Fascism,

Moscow Trials, Nazism T o u ~ o , ABRAHAM, I I I

Touro Synagogue, Newport, R. I., 198 Town Club, Los Angeles, 105


TRACHTENBERG, JOSHUA, I I 6, 204; review of Pioneers, Peddlers, and Tsadikim and The Jews of Des Moines - The First Century, 190, 193-96

Trade unionism, 103 Traditional Judaism, traditional Jews; see

Orthodox Judaism, Orthodox Jews TRAIN, ARTHUR, I 10

TRAUBEL, HORACE, 65 Tree of Life Congregation, Pittsburgh,

I 2 0

TRENT, WILLIAM PETERFIELD, I 32-34, 140-4 I

~ rdn ton , N. J., I I r Triangle Waist Company, New York,

I 60 Trinidad, Colo., I 04-5 TRONSTEIN, !mrnuR J., I I I -I 2

TRUDEAU, EDWARD LIVINGSTON, I 5 TRUMAN, HARRY S., 108 TUCK, EVA C., I I

Tucker's People, I 7 I TUMULTY, JOSEPH P., I I o Turnschule, Indianapolis, I z TUSKA, BENJAMIN, I I 5 TUSKA, SIMON, I I 5

u UCHILL, IDA LIBERT, I 12; Pioneers, Ped-

dlers, and Tsadikim (review), 190, 193- 96

ULLMAN, MORRIS, I I

Underground Stream, The, I 66 Understanding Judaism, 197 Union County, N. J., 197 Unionism, unions, 162 Union of American Hebrew Congrega-

tions, 104 Union Prayer Book, 17, 36 United Daughters of the Confederacy, 106 United Hebrew Congregation, St. Louis,

I I9 United Hebrew Trades, 102-3 United Nations Association, Dallas, 9 I United Service for New Americans

(USNA) , 20 I

United Service Organization (U. S. O.), I 1 2

United States, 66, 78, 106, 117, 127, 142, 157-58, 177, 181, 185, 190; see also Amerlca

United States Volunteer Service, 108 United Synagogue, 204 University of Cambridge, England, 3 3, 43

University of Chicago, 1 r 7 University of Cincinnati, 19-20, 22, 25-

26, 379 63, I 17 University of Illinois, I 17, r 35 University of Washington, I I 7 University of Wisconsin, 141, 143 Unpossessed, The, I 5 1 -5 2

Unquiet, 149 UNTERMEYER, LOUIS, I I 2

"Uprising of the Twenty Thousand" (garment industry strike), I 60

U p Stream, 125, 143, 145-47 Urbana, Ill., 104 URBANSKY, VIRGINIA ASH, I I 5 Utah, 107 Utica, N. Y., 188-89

v Victorianism, I 3 3 VIERECK, GEORG SYLVESTER, I 3 3-34 VILLARD, OSWALD GARRISON, I#

Virginia, 105, 183 VOORSANGER, ELKAN C., 61 Vorschule, Berlin, I 26

W Waco, Tex., to5 WALDROON, BENJAMIN, 109 WALKER, V. B., I I 2

WALSER, THEODORE D., 68 War, 55, 63, 69, 165; see also First World

War, Second World War WARBURG, FELIX M.; see Felix M. War-

burg Collection WARREN, EARL, 98 Washington, D. C., 176 Water companies, 195 WATERMAN, SIGMUND, I 10

WAYNE, J. M., I I I

WEBSTER, DANIEL, 106 WECHSLER, JUDAH, I I

WEHLE (family), I I 5 WEHLE, BERTHA, I I 5 WEIL, FRANK L., I I z WEIL, ISAAC, I I WEIL, LEOPOLD, I I 2

WEINBERG, ARTHUR, 204; review of Life Plus 99 Y ~ U T S , 99-101

WEINREICH, URIEL and BEATRICE, edited by, Say It in Yiddish, 2 0 1

WEISKOPF, I., I I z WEISKOPF, JACOB, I I 2

WEISS, RAYMOND L., I 19-20 WEISS, ZELDA STEIN, I I 5

WEISSKOPF, GUSTAV, I I

WEIZENBAUM, JOSEPH S., I 20

WEIZMANN, CHAIM, I I 2, 198 West European Jews, 193 WESTHEIMER, MILTON F., I I 5 West Indies, 104, 106, 109-1 I , I I 5, 1 2 0

West Point, Ga., 109 Whigs, 182 WHITE, LYMAN CROMWELL, 300,000 N e w

Americans: The Epic of a Modern Im- migrant-Aid Service, 20 I

WILEY, LOUIS, 108 Wilhelm Meisters Lehrjahre, 10

Wilkes-Barre, Pa., 104-5 William J. Shroder Junior High School,

Cincinnati, I 2 0

WILLIAMS, KARLA L., I I 7 WILLIAMS, KATHLEEN, I 17 Williamsburg, Brooklyn, I r 7 Williamson, W . Va., 104-5 Williamson Lodge No. I 040, I.O.B.B.,

Williamson, W. Va., 105 WILSON, WOODROW, 107, I I 2

WINOGRAD, LEONARD, I 20

WISE, EDWIN J., I I 5 WISE, ISAAC MAYER, 18-19, 26, 63, 109,

112-15, 117, I 2 0

WISE, LEO, I I WISE, STEPHEN S., 31, 33, 47-49, 67,

1 1 2 Witte A rrives, I 6 I WOLF, SIMON, I I z WOLFERT, IRA, 17 I , 175; Tucker's People,

'7' WOLK, SAMUEL, 42, 112, 114 Women, 95, 117, 146, 186 WOOG, BENJAMIN B., 106 WOOG, EDMUND S., 106 Worcester, Mass., 54 Workers, working class, 160, 166-67;

see also Labor, Unionism Workers' revolution, I 5 3, I 57-72> 175 ;

see also Left-wing movements World of Jo Davidsm, The, 199

World War I; see First World War World War 11; see Second World War World Without Jews, A , 199-200 Worshippers, I 62-63

Y Yankee Talmud, The, I I 8 YEDWAB, STANLEY, 120; "The Jew as

Portrayed in American Jewish Novels of the IP~o's," 148-54

Yellow fever epidemic, 108 YEZIERSKA, ANZIA, All I Could Never Be,

'49 Yiddlsh, Yiddish language and literature,

29, 102, 119, 145, 1649 1949 199, 2 0 1 Yiddishe Tageblatt (New York) , I 19 Yishuv (Palestinian Jewry), 198-99; see

also Palestine YMCA, Indianapolis, I 7 Yom Kippur (Day of Atonement), 27,

29, 55, 59, 126, 128 YoungLadies CooperativeSociety, Albany,

Ga., 105 YULEE, DAVID L., I I 2-1 3

z ZAFREN, HERBERT C., 199 ZAGER, MELVIN R., 1 2 0

ZEITLIN, JACOB, 134-35, 147 ZELDIN, ISAIAH, I 18 ZEPIN, GEORGE, 104 ZIMMERMAN, ROBERT L., I 20

ZIMSKIND, NATHANIEL H., I 20

Zionism, Zionist movement, Zionists, 76- 78,84> 93-94, 119-21, 153, 188, 198-99

Zionist Idea, The: A Historical Analysis and Reader, 198

Zion Widow and Orphan Society, New York, Boston, Newark, Chicago, and Portland, Ore., 105

ZIRNDORF, HEINRICH, I I 3 ZUGSMITH, LEANE, A Time to Remember,

I 66; The Summer Soldier. I 66 ZUNTZ, JUDAH, 109

IN FUTURE ISSUES

A documentary account of the reaction of American

Jews to anti-Jewish sentiments voiced in California in I 85 5

by William W. Stow, a well-known California political

figure during the mid- I 800's.

An article dealing with the role of the East European

immigrant Jew in the American socialist movement at the

turn of the century.

A study of Jewish merchants in pre-Civil War New

York's men's apparel industry and of their pioneering

efforts to open new markets in the South and West.

A reprinting of an article published in 1843 in Isaac

Leeser's Occident, in whose pages Mordecai Manuel Noah,

America's most distinguished Jewish layman during the

I ~ ~ o ' s , appealed for the founding of a Jewish college.

Publication of a number of documents dealing with

Jewish life during the period of the Civil War. The

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