American Hegemony and Business Education in the Arab World

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DOI: 10.1177/1052562906297075Sep 19, 2007;

2008; 32; 38 originally published onlineJournal of Management EducationMark Neal and Jim L. Finlay

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38

AMERICAN HEGEMONY AND BUSINESS

EDUCATION IN THE ARAB WORLD

Mark Neal

Sultan Qaboos University, Oman

Jim L. Finlay

Lebanese American University, Lebanon

To what extent is American business education hegemonic in the Arab world?

To answer this, the authors examine whether Lebanese people exposed to

American-style business education share the values implicit in their textbooks

and teaching resources. Finding evidence for such values among Lebanese busi-

ness students and working people alike, they argue that American business edu-

cation is not only externally dominant; it is also internally hegemonic in its

influences on local Arab values. The authors examine the problems American

hegemony causes in Arab classrooms and discuss how problem-based learning

provides an alternative and more relevant learning experience for Arab students.

Keywords: hegemony; problem-based learning; Arab; Lebanese; leadership

Contemporary discussions of globalization often center on the ongoing

influence of the United States of America on the economic, political, and

social systems of developing countries (Augelli & Murphy, 1988; Chomsky,

1987, 1999a, 1999b; Robinson, 2005). Much of this discussion is framed in

terms of hegemony: domination through sustaining values and ideologies

sympathetic to, or isomorphic with, those of the dominating body or hege-

mon (Gramsci, 1971, 1975). Americas influence on the developing world

has been cast in this wayas domination through the propagation of eco-

nomic and political values (such as accountability, transparency, choice) and

Authors Note: We would like to thank Kathy Lund Dean and the anonymous reviewers fortheir insightful and helpful comments, and for their encouragement throughout the develop-

ment of this article. We would also like to thank Evangelos Afendras of Sultan Qaboos

University, Oman, for leading the way in problem-based learning.

JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION, Vol. 32 No. 1, February 2008 38-83DOI: 10.1177/1052562906297075 2008 Organizational Behavior Teaching Society

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Neal, Finlay / AMERICAN HEGEMONY 39

ideologies (such as free trade, consumerism, democracy) that encourage

dependency on U.S. systems and institutions (Goodstein, 1981; OBrien,

2003; Panitch & Gindin, 2004).

Mir (2003) has argued that American business education is hegemonic

in such terms. Although American textbooks, journals, and institutions nowdominate business education throughout the world, Mir (2003) and Grey

(2004, 2002) have observed that business education is rarely value neutral

but is infused with procapitalist, probusiness values (see also Engwall,

2004; Kieser, 2004; Schlie & Warner, 2000; Tiratsoo, 2004). As the rise of

Business Ethics as a core subject attests, however, the kind of capitalism

implicitly espoused by American-style business schools is not capitalism in

the raw: the unbridled, amoral exploitation of free markets to maximize

profits. The kind of capitalism encouraged is gentler than thatmore eth-ical. Business education throughout the world is thus suffused in what can

best be termedprogressive Western business valuesthose values feted by

business ethics as a discipline: transparency, accountability, consultation,

tolerance, and equity.

The notion that value-infused American business education is increasingly

dominant throughout the world raises the question of its influence on indige-

nous business values. Most regions of the world are not at all like the West,

with its values (if not always its realities) of transparency and account-ability. Many parts of the world are characterized by nontransparency and

nonaccountability evidenced by endemic corruption and runaway criminality

(Transparency International, 2005). Many people labor under conditions of

despotism, that is, the absence of consultation or accountability, and most

parts of the world are characterized not by gender equity but by high levels

of discrimination and violence against women (Pillinger, 2005). With the ongo-

ing domination of value-infused American business education throughout

the world, it is thus important to ascertain not only its scope but its effects

on those involved in it. There is little doubt that American business education

is externally hegemonic, in that it renders overseas educational systems

accountable to its standards, resources, and practices. But is it also internally

so, in that its influence extends to altering peoples values as well? In other

words, does the spread of American business education involve the spread of

progressive business values to unprogressive parts of the world?

To address this question, this article looks at American business educa-

tion in the Arab World,1 a region often defined as being at odds with many

progressive Western values (Huntingdon, 1993; Laffin, 1975). We focuson the case of Lebanon, where rampant corruption means that transparency

and accountability are often in short supply (Transparency International,

2005), and widespread gender discrimination means a lack of equity for

many women (International Labour Organization [ILO], 2004; Khalaf, 1993a,

1993b). By examining the views of those exposed to American business



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education in Lebanon, it is possible to see to what extent such peoples val-

ues are supportive of the progressive ideals infused in their education.

Doing so, we are able to determine whether Americanized business educa-

tion is not merely externally hegemonic but whether it is also internally so.

Does American Business Education Involve Changing Values?

Our job as business educators is to change attitudes . . . particularly

those towards leadership. Thus spoke an American-educated Arab female

faculty member with long-standing experience of teaching management in

the Arab world. These words succinctly reflect the views of many educators

working in the Middle Easta group well known to the authors, who have

worked in American-style business schools in the region for 6 years and

8 years, respectively, in Lebanon, Oman, and the United Arab Emirates (UAE).

In dealing with colleagues on a daily basis, the authors noticed that faculty

of all backgrounds often talked of the importance of education in social

change, particularly with reference to (a) the role and perceptions of women

and (b) the broad issue of corrupt leadership. There was a conviction among

most educators that they could, and were, changing attitudes and values in

these two areas, leading to greater concern for accountability, gender equity,

transparencyeven democracy.Such views are understandable. In Middle Eastern countries such as

Lebanon, students are taught business using American ideas, case studies, and

texts. Although these are often comparative and international in nature, the

ethos and ideologies running through their presentation and analysis are over-

whelmingly and uniformly progressive. Although students are increasingly

asked to take relativist and critical positions on modern business issues, edu-

cational discourses tend to be absolutist on issues such as equality of opportu-

nity for the sexes, accountability, transparency, and the overall merits ofconsultative/democratic forms of leadership (see Kjonstad & Wilmott, 1995).

It is understandable, then, that many educators feel that three or four years of

exposure to such ideas will have an effect, perhaps resulting in attitudinal

changes that challenge local mores. The prognosis implicit in such views is

that enlightened students will then enter the workplace and change things

for the better by creating a more gender-equal, transparent, and equitable

workplace. Although the problem is thus defined as Arab traditional values,

the solution is seen at least partlyto lie in American business education.

The ProblemTraditional Arab Values

What, then, is the nature of this problem? Scholars such as Muna (1980),

Ali (1990, 1995, 1996, 1998), Ali and Azim (1996), and Weir (2001) have

40 JOURNAL OF MANAGEMENT EDUCATION / February 2008



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done much to dispel the stereotypical view of Arab business managers as

being mere autocrats. Arab countries do have high power distance levels

(Hofstede, 1980; Hofstede & Hofstede, 2005; Ronen, 1986), but to interpret

this as a cultural predisposition for linear top-down power relations is mis-

leading. Arab business cultures are highly complex, having their roots intrade, tribe, family, desert conditions, and religion. The resultant sustained

nexus of power and authority relations has been characterized by Ali (1995)

as sheikocracy:

The characteristics of sheikocracy include hierarchical authority, rules andregulations contingent on the personality and power of the individuals whomake them, an open-door policy, subordination of efficiency to humanrelations and personal connections, indecisiveness, informality among lower-

level managers, and a generally patriarchal approach. Nepotism is oftenevident in the selection of upper-level managers, but qualifications areemphasized in the selection of middle- and lower-level personnel. Chain ofcommand . . . and division of labor are also characteristics of the sheikocracy.They are not as strictly observed as in the West. (p. 7)

Sheikocratic power distances can thus be high. However, power and

authority relations between ruler and ruled, leader and follower, are sys-

temic and multifactorial rather than dyadic and linear. For instance, aBedu

(Bedouin) tradition common to the Arab world is that any tribe member, nomatter how humble, is able to secure an audience with the sheik. At such

interviews, the supplicant seeks favor, money, marriage, or action, and it is

understood that the sheik will do everything in his power to oblige. This

supports Hofstede and Hofstedes (2005) observation that Arab culture is

highly collectivist, scoring 38 on their individualism dimension, as opposed

to 91 for the United States (see Gillespie & Riddle, 2003). Conversely, the

sheik is expected to consult with fellow tribe members on important deci-

sions. The relationship between ruler and ruled then is one of mutually con-sultative paternalism. The sheik is afforded power and authority by the tribe

but is obliged to consult and to allow petitioning within an overall obliga-

tion to secure or enhance the well-being of subordinates. As the great Arab

polymath Ibn Khaldun observed, although an Arab leader is afforded

absolute power and authority, it is in everybodys interest that he uses this

for the benefit of all: Excessive harshness harms the State and in most

cases leads to its decay (Ibn Khaldun, 1967, pp. 188189; see also Ahmed,

2002; Chapra, 2003, p. 23).We can thus distinguish betweenpowerand authority in the Arab world.

The power of an Arab leader depends very much on situational variables:

personal wealth, family, contacts, willingness to use force, and the avail-

ability of people willing to act in his name. Authority, however, rests pri-

marily not on situational resources but on the historical and cultural




6/47

definition of the status and role of the Arab leader. I have power because

I can force my will on you. I have authority because I am the Sheik. In

traditional Bedu societies, the ruler was the locus and source of secular

power and authority. The concentration of these in one man sustained a

complex web of secondary power and authority networks. In particular, theabsence of the secular and systematic regulation of power and authority

relations in traditional Bedu societies encouraged the evolution of wasta

(Abdalla, Maghrabi, & Raggad, 1995; Hutchings & Weir, 2006; Weir,

2001), power or authority secured and sustained by personal relationships

with powerful others. What would be characterized as patronage or nepotism

in Western societies was secured primarily through family relations

brothers, cousins, and so onand, secondarily, through personal friend-

ships with members of other families who in turn had relationships withthose close to the power source. Members of the extended family of the

sheik thus had high levels of power and authority, whereas the power of

those below was determined by whether this network of family and friends

extended to them.

This historical-cultural prototype (Dunning, Perie, & Story, 1991;

Gerster & Day, 1994; Khadr, 1990; Lord & Maher, 1991) of Arab leader-

ship and authority is a key to understanding contemporary Arab business

values. The Arab understanding of work is very much an open-systemsanalysis, where external collective factors such as family, tribe, friendships,

and wasta can take precedence over procedures, practices, and action

within the organization (Ali & Wahabi, 1995). It is not surprising, then, that

Ali (1989) found that to get things done, Arab executives used traditional

management styles that were highly influenced by history and culture.

State and economic activities in Arab countries are highly bureaucratized

(United Nations Development Program [UNDP], 2003). This fits in with

Hofstede and Hofstedes (2005) characterization of Arab societies as having

high uncertainty avoidance, scoring 68 versus 46 in the United States (see

Gillespie & Riddle, 2003). Within bureaucratic organizations there exists a

technocratic division of labor, and procedural rules and regulations mediate

functional activities (Weber, 1947). Arab organizations are, however, any-

thing but bureaucratic in the classic Weberian sense, for power and authority

rarely correspond directly to functional and hierarchical divisions of labor.

External factors ensure that a second web of power, influence, and authority

overlaps with, and often overrides, bureaucratic structure and procedure:

People are parachuted into jobs because of familial connections; promotionsfavor the dominant tribe, whereas those without wasta may be repeatedly

passed over (Abdalla & Al-Homoud, 2001, p. 511; Abdalla et al., 1995). Such

are the negative aspects of sheikocracy.

Some writers have written more positively about the system. Weir (2001)

in particular has characterized the Arab system as a fourth management




7/47

paradigm, a coherent and locally effective alternative to the other dominant

paradigms (American, European, and Japanese) (Ohmae, 1990). According

to Weir (2001), Arab management is personalized, loyal, and networked,

with rapid dissemination of information and influence throughout the nexus;

the sheikocratic imperative to consult subordinates encourages consultativedecision making, and the custom of open access to the sheik sustains open-

door policies at all managerial levels. As Weir (2001) pointed out:

There may be a radical and fundamental change occurring in managementstructures throughout the world as a whole. These changes are mirrored inequally fundamental philosophies of management development. But the stylesand approaches of management in the Arab world may be nearer to the epi-center of this new way of doing things than we have hitherto realized. (p. 17)

Arab leadership and management thus possess both positive and nega-

tive characteristics. Weirs (2001) characterization of Arab management as

consultative, open-system, networked, and personalized is largely accurate.

So is the characterization of it as being corrupt, inefficient, nepotistic, and

unfair (if you happen not to have wasta) (Abdalla et al., 1995). As with the

other three management paradigms (Weir, 2001), Arab management thus

has pros and cons at both the situational and macro levels. There is no

doubt, however, that Weir is right to characterize Arab management as acoherent socioeconomic open system rooted in tribe, family, and religion.

Indeed, its systemic nature and deep historical-cultural roots suggest that

although it may be flexible in practice, it is unlikely to change without fun-

damental transformations of the wider societal institutions that sustain it.

This casts doubt on the belief that we in business education are indeed able

to change traditional attitudes. If Arab peoples views on gender and cor-

ruption are sustained at the broader cultural and institutional level, then

enhancing approval of gender equity, accountability, and transparency may

be more difficult than previously thought.

Webers Ideas About Authority and Their

Implications for the Arab World

One of the key areas of difference between Western and Arab business

cultures, then, concerns the traditional role and authority of the Arab leader.

We thus chose this key issue as an analytic prism through which to view busi-ness values in Lebanon. To do this, the authors operationalized Webers ideal

types of authority: rational-legal, charismatic, and traditional (Weber, 1947),

categories with proven theoretical depth and analytic scope. A common prob-

lem with some modern classifications of leadership authority is that they can

leave unexamined patterns of authority that do not correspond with current




8/47

Western conceptions of modernity or postmodernity (see Bass, 1997). Weber

developed categories that go far beyond Western modernity and modern man-

agement practices (Hunt, 1999). Indeed, that is the strength of his concept of

traditional authority, a category that turns out to be extremely powerful in the

analysis of developing regions such as the Arab world (see Ali, 1989).Traditional authority, according to Weber, refers to premodern power

relationships that are rooted in culture and custom, and are embedded in

social institutions such as family, tribe, and religion. Such systems are not

simple top-down power vectors but are complex nepotistic systems of

patronage, usually within overall conditions of paternalism and patriarchy.

The leader enjoys authority through the customary veneration of his role

and through subordinates expectations of symbolic, spiritual, or material

benefits. Such systems can be highly dynamic, as subordinates jostle forpower and influence through ingratiation or networking with those close to

the leader, usually through familial networks.

Rational-legal authority, as envisioned by Weber, is firmly rooted in

notions of Western modernity; indeed, it is defining of it (Kelly, 2004). Weber

observed that this form of authority was reflexively related to what he called

zweckrational action: the impersonal, rational pursuit of goals that are them-

selves rationally determined. Like Webers other categories, rational-legal

authority and its related form of zweckrational action are ideal typesextremetheoretical constructs to which reality is unlikely to correspond fully or exclu-

sively. Following Weber, we used the category rational-legal to refer to author-

ity systems based on technocratic divisions of labor, the rules that mediate

between and systematize the various organizational functions, and rule-

governed zweckrational actions and policies that are applied impartially, with-

out reference to nontechnocratic factors such as gender, family, influence,

race, wealth, or age.

Charismatic authority, as envisioned by Weber, is often misrepresented

because of a conceptual blurring of the relationship between transformational

or charismatic leadership and charismatic authority (Bass, 1997; Bass &

Avolio, 1993). Weber was writing primarily about domination and authority,

not leadership styles, so analyses of Webers charismatic leadership are

bound to result in confusion (see the debate between Bass [1999], Beyer

[1999], Shamir [1999], and House [1999]). Although Weber acknowledged a

relationship between charismatic leadership and authority, he saw it as con-

tingent on particular leadership styles, characteristics and action, wider

socioeconomic institutions (state, legal systems, family, systems of produc-tion), and followers needs and authority values. For the purposes of this

study, we decided not to expand the charismatic category to stress actual or

embedded interaction with others, for to do so would have gone beyond

Webers meaning. Charismatic authority does notnecessarily involve actual,

embedded interaction with subordinates: One can be reclusive, distant,




9/47

interactively incompetent, and nonparticipative and still have high levels of

charismatic authority (consider the hermit saint). We thus decided to

restrict our use of this ideal type to Webers original conception of it: to refer

to the possession of appealing, compelling, or attractive personal qualities

that sustain authority over subordinates, or rather, followers.Interactive authority was employed by the authors because of the restric-

tions they placed on charisma. Weber was writing before the rise of human

relations (Roethlisberger & Dickson, 1939; Mayo, 1945) and its evolution

into the participative/transformational ideologies of today. The subsequent

rise of delayering, teamwork, and flexible management structures (Ebadan &

Winstanley, 1997) has encouraged a recognized shift in authority patterns

away from rational-legal (du Gay, 2000; Boggs, 1997), but towards what?

Implicit in charismatic/transformational leadership studies is the notion thatauthority is based on a combination of charisma and interactive skills

(Charbonneau, 2004). As we have seen, however, interactive skills are in no

way a prerequisite for charismatic authority. As those same transforma-

tional/charismatic studies of leadership attest, authority in many sectors now

rests primarily on embedded social interaction, rather than charismaon such

things as participation and consultation (Bass, 1997; Bass & Avolio, 1993;

Charbonneau, 2004). Having decided to leave the ideal type of charismatic

authority true to Webers original vision of it, we thus decided to introduce afourth category, interactive authority, to capture residual non-Weberian ideas

about authority, centered primarily on embedded, contingent, social interac-

tive practices such as participation and consultation. In this way, the study

operationalized and expanded Webers original analytic framework, resulting

in the four categories of authority.

Progressive Values Embedded in

American Business Education

An overriding point of interest in this investigation was the extent to

which Arab students, embedded in Arab culture, were sympathetic to the

progressive values advanced in their American business courses. To deter-

mine the extent to which such values were accepted by Lebanese people,

the authors first had to identify and define the values typically advanced in

American-style business courses. For the purpose of this investigation, the

authors identified five progressive ideals commonly espoused in Americanmanagement texts and teaching resources: equity, tolerance, accountability,

consultation, and transparency.

Equity is a cornerstone of modern progressive business practices, enshrin-

ing fairness, impartiality, and equality of opportunity. Notions of equity have

driven many political and policy debates about gender, race, disability, and




10/47

religiosity, and the ideal thus underpins much Western law. As previously dis-

cussed, the progressive imperative of gender equity appears to be at odds with

prevailing cultural norms in Lebanon, where many women still find them-

selves accountable to traditional patriarchal cultural expectations (see Jamali,

Sidani, & Safieddine, 2005; Joseph, 1996).Tolerance is another commonly advanced ideal in American business

textbooks and teaching materials. This ideal fueled the inclusiveness move-

ments that swept through the United States and Europe from the 1960s

onward, resulting in the advancement of groups traditionally experiencing

discrimination and the acceptance of previously unlawful or stigmatized

activities (see Davies, 1975). This secular ideal is at least partially consistent

with those Islamic teachings and practices that sustain the toleration of

other religions and customs as a core Muslim virtue (see Asali, 1994; Kurtz,2005). Given that most Lebanese are indeed Muslims, this ideal would thus

seem to be at least partially consistent with their cultural beliefs. As such, the

possibility exists that values concerning tolerance are held by undergraduate

students and employees alike.

Accountability is the ideal that decision makers actions should be

answerable to rules, regulations, or guidelines that apply impartially to all.

In a leadership context, this not only means answerability to such laws, reg-

ulations, and guidelines but also to ones subordinates, providing an imper-ative that decisions are made for the benefit of those in ones charge. Such

principles are codified in Western law, as well as in management training

and educational resources, and they have become ideals within the business

community. Self-interest, criminality, and corruption, however, remain prob-

lems throughout the world (Transparency International, 2005). In Lebanon,

this is particularly so, and the practice of wasta remains endemic in the

workplace. To that extent, accountability appears to be inconsistent with

undergraduate student expectations and business realities.

Consultation is the ideal that leaders inform people of decisions that

affect them; that they listen to their opinions, concerns, and advice; and that

they proceed to make decisions in light of what they have learnt. In modern

management texts and training resources, this ideal is highly feted, and it

infuses many discussions about what constitutes ethical decision making

and employee relations. Given that the prototypical rule of the Arab sheik

is based at least partially on consultation and the consensus of the ruled

(Hutchings & Weir, 2006; Neal, Finlay, & Tansey, 2005), there is reason to

believe that this ideal is to some extent consistent with prevailing attitudesand expectations regarding decision-making processes in Lebanese busi-

nesses (Ali, 1993; Welsh & Raven, 2004).

Transparency is the ideal that information, decisions, and processes that

affect people are freely and accurately communicated and open to scrutiny.

As such, it is closely related to the ideals of accountability and consultation,




11/47

and antipathetic to unilateralism, obscurantism, deceit, and backstage cor-

ruption.2 Embodying this issue are organizations such as Transparency

International (TA), which rates countries on the basis of the impartial and

public exercise of the law, and the free availability of accurate and timely

information. In a recent study by the World Bank, Lebanon was ranked 13thamong 19 nations in the Middle East and North Africa (MENA)3 region in

terms of its efforts to control corruption (Bank Audi sal, 2005). For the pur-

poses of this study, our assessment of transparency is limited to the ways

that leaders communicate with their subordinates. Given that Arab man-

agement styles generally dictate that the word of the leader is law, there

has not been a tradition of sharing information with subordinates except on

a need-to-know basis. As a result, it seems that prevailing Arab values are

inconsistent with Western expectations regarding transparent relationshipswith employees.

Development of the Hypotheses

After several years of exposure to such progressive ideas about work and

organizations, it might be reasonable to expect the presence of some of

these ideas in students own values and attitudes. Years of teaching in

Lebanon, Oman, and UAE, however, led the authors to question whetherthis was indeed so, encountering views and opinions in essays, seminars,

and lectures that raised persistent doubts as to whether exposure to

Organizational Behavior, Business Ethics, or International Management

changed students values and attitudes at all. Certainly, students mastered

the concepts and models concerning leadership and gender issues, and they

reproduced and discussed these in essays and classroom discussions.

However, once in a while, a comment here or there followed by agreement

by the rest of the class indicated that although students had learntthe ideas,they might not actually believe in them. Whereas American business edu-

cation dominated the classroom in terms of what students needed to know

about ideas, systems, and models for the purposes of attaining grades, we

were alerted to a risk at least that American hegemony could be partial

not extending to the hearts and minds of the students.

Here then was a confused picture: Theories of hegemony (Augelli &

Murphy, 1988; Chomsky, 1987, 1999a, 1999b; Robinson, 2005) and the

everyday discourse of educators on the ground pointed to a convergence ofstudent values with progressive business valuesthe attainment of hege-

monic influence at both external and internal levels. Our own observations,

however, suggested only partial hegemony: the prospect that although

students were learning textbook systems and ideas, they might be resistant

to the values underpinning them.




12/47

ADDRESSING DIFFERENCES BASED ON

GENDER AND EMPLOYMENT STATUS

Lebanese society has been characterized as a patriarchal system wherein

gender roles are defined differently and women experience high levels of dis-

crimination (ILO, 2004; Sharabi, 1988). As a subset and test of the broader

question of hegemonic influence, this patriarchy raised the question of the

impact of American business education on gender-related attitudes and values.

If the broad commonality of educational backgrounds strongly overrode

gender-specific cultural differences, then one might expect few significant dif-

ferences between the sexes. We were of a mind, however, that because gender-

related values were so deeply embedded in Lebanese society (Sharabi, 1988),

we would see some evidence of sustained gender differences. That said,

because of the gender discrimination sustained in Lebanese traditional values,it was expected that those experiencing the discrimination (i.e., women) would

be more receptive to the antitraditional progressive values of American busi-

ness education. As a result, the authors drew the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 1: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to gender,with men being more likely to support statements associated with traditionalauthority.

As we have observed from working in the Middle East, the realities of the

Arab workplace are very different from the value-infused theories and case

studies described in American textbooks (see Cameron, Ireland, Lussier,

New, & Robbins, 2003; Sidani & Gardner, 2000). It would not, then, be sur-

prising if undergraduate business students were to adopt such progressive

business values less critically, and more naively, than those working full-time

in organizations characterized by discrimination and corruption. This led the

researchers to develop the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 2: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to employ-ment status, with undergraduate students being more likely to support state-ments associated with the more progressive ideals embodied in interactiveauthority.

Next, we considered the possibility that gender and workplace realities

played a joint role in shaping attitudes toward leadership authority. There

was a possibility that Lebanons traditional status as a bridge between East

and West (Gates, 1998), coupled with the exposure of some employees toWestern business values and their hegemonic underpinnings, meant that

Western values had begun to find their way into the traditional Arab work-

place. Meanwhile, the strong emphasis that university educators placed on

engaged and consultative management suggested that undergraduate students

would be more likely than their working counterparts to embrace interactive




13/47

authority, with women again being more receptive to such progressive

ideas. This led the authors to draw another hypothesis concerning leadership

authority:

Hypothesis 3: Leadership authority values will differ with respect to the interac-tive effect between gender and employment status, with female undergradu-ate students being more likely to support statements associated with interactiveauthority.

TESTING WHETHER HEGEMONIC VALUES STICK

Lebanese cultural values define the roles of men and women differently,

and they thus appear to be at odds with the ideal of gender equity that per-

vades American business texts (ILO, 2004; Khalaf, 1993a, 1993b). Theauthors thus expected that gender discrimination would not automatically

be erased by exposure to Western progressive business values. As a result,

the authors drew the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 4: Western expectations of gender equity will be inconsistent withthe expectations of undergraduate students and employees.

Writers such as Asali (1994) have portrayed Islam as a religion of toler-

ance. Although Western perceptions of Islam are currently caught up in the

antipathy between Arabs and Israeli Jews, this is actually a very recent and

atypical conflict, dating back to the formation of the state of Israel in

Palestine in 1948. Prior to this, both religions lived side by side for more

than 1,000 years with relatively little conflict. In fact, when Jews suffered

persecution in Spain in 1492, Sultan Beyazit II, the ruler of the Ottoman

Empire, invited them to take refuge in Turkey (see Altabe, 1992). Although

the Western understanding of Muslims is currently influenced by what has

come to be known as radical Islam, the fact remains that Muslims havetraditionally viewed themselves as being tolerant and compassionate

(Kurtz, 2005). Given that the vast majority of Lebanese are Muslims, the

authors thus drew the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 5: Western expectations of tolerance will be consistent with theexpectations of undergraduate students and employees.

As Makhoul and Harrison (2004) have observed, influences such as per-

sonal wealth, family associations, and contacts have meant that the tradi-

tional practice of wasta persists in Lebanon. In fact, it is openly accepted

that knowing the right person can be more important than credentials

when searching for a job. Although this is not exclusively an Arab phe-

nomenon (nepotism exists in the United States too), its prevalence in the




14/47

West pales into insignificance when compared to its all-embracing influ-

ence throughout Lebanon (Makhoul & Harrison, 2004). Having the right

connections and feting more powerful others are crucial for personal suc-

cess, meaning that people are not accountable to impartial standards of

practice or procedure. The prevalence and strength of these factors thus ledus to draw the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 6: Western expectations of accountability will be inconsistent withthe expectations of undergraduate students and employees.

As Ali (1995) observed, the prototypical Sheik is traditionally expected

to seek the counsel of his fellow tribal members on important decisions.

The result is a form of consultative paternalism in which the leader is

afforded power and authority by the tribe but is obliged to consult with, and

ensure the well-being of, his subordinates. Weir (2001) thus suggested that

such a system may be consistent with current progressive interactive pat-

terns of leadership authority. This led us to draw the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 7: Western expectations of consultation will be consistent with theexpectations of undergraduate students and employees.

Lebanon is renowned for deeply entrenched public corruption; a lackof clearly defined, equally enforced laws; and high levels of bribery

(Transparency International, 2005). Much political and business activity is

thus carried out secretly, indicating a widespread lack of transparency in

terms of the way leaders communicate with their subordinates. Although

Arab management styles may be consistent with limited degrees of sheikoc-

ractic consultation, this does not mean that leaders decisions are open to

scrutiny or challenge, nor does it mean that subordinates are necessarily enti-

tled to information other than that which affects them directly. On the basisof this knowledge, we thus drew the following hypothesis:

Hypothesis 8: Western expectations of transparency will be inconsistent with theexpectations of undergraduate students and employees.

Research Method

DEVELOPMENT OF THE INSTRUMENT

The statements in Appendix A were designed to comply with the forms

of authority first discussed by Max Weber (1947) as well as the inquiries

regarding implicit leadership theories (ILTs) conducted by Eden and Leviatan

(1975) and den Hartog, House, Hanges, Ruiz-Quintanilla, and Dorfman

(1999). The pretest instrument was developed in the UAE and subjected to




15/47

review by a multidisciplinary panel of professors with experience in attitu-

dinal research. It was then administered to two convenience samples of

20 student respondents from separate universities in Europe and a Gulf

Arab state. The resulting analysis revealed similar standard deviations for

all statements with the significant differences in mean location being associatedwith nationality.

DATA COLLECTION

Given that this study was exploratory in nature and that the authors did

not intend to generalize their findings to the entire Lebanese population,

convenience samples of undergraduate students and full-time employees

were used. For analysis purposes, demographic information was collectedfrom the respondents, including gender, age, nationality, and employment

status. In addition, data were also obtained on the type of business or orga-

nization in which they were employed and whether they had prior direct

supervisory experience over subordinates. A complete listing of the demo-

graphic characteristics of the respondents is provided in Table 1.

The undergraduate student portion of the database was drawn from the

two largest universities in Beirut (both self-proclaimed American univer-

sities) and was composed of individuals who were expected to enter the

workplace within the next 2 years. The sample of full-time employees was

drawn from persons of both subordinate and managerial ranks who were

employed in a variety of organizations in Beirut. The respondents were

self-selecting in that they completed the instrument on a voluntary basis.

The undergraduate students were either in their sixth or seventh semester of

study and were enrolled in advanced marketing courses. Based on the

requirements of their curricula, this meant that they had already taken a

variety of business courses that included, but were not limited to,

Introduction to Business, Introduction to Management, and Introduction toMarketing.

Full-time employees were either enrolled in MBA courses or were col-

leagues of these students. The MBA students constituted 55% of the

employee database, and although they were not necessarily former under-

graduate business majors, all were required to show evidence of completion

of such basic courses in management, marketing, and economics. We do

not have data on the extent of business training of the non-MBA employ-

ees, but the fact that they were employed in business careers is suggestiveof some level of business training. Furthermore, because virtually all

Lebanese universities follow an American model of education, it can be

assumed that they had been exposed to many of the same Western business

values as the MBA respondents. Classroom distribution was accomplished

by leaving the instruments on a desk for the students to obtain as they




16/47


wished. In all cases, it was stressed that participation was voluntary, anony-

mous, and not subject to any form of reward mechanism.

Because the respondents were all volunteers, a response rate could not

be computed. A total of 297 usable questionnaires were received, and, in

terms of the independent variables of interest, they were divided as follows:

undergraduate students, 146; full-time employees, 151; women, 176; men:

121. The above sample was relevant to the topic under study because theundergraduate students constituted the next group of potential employees,

and they may have had an academic view of the workplace that differed

substantially from the realities under which full-time employees were

working. The two groups thus represented discrete spheres in terms of their

full-time experience of existing management cultures in Lebanon.

TABLE 1

Overall Demographic Characteristics of Respondent Groups

Demographic Characteristic %

Age (all participants,N= 297)19-20 16.7

21-22 23.4

23-24 17.7

25-26 12.6

27-30 9.2

31-35 8.5

36-44 7.8

45-over 4.1

Nationality (all participants,N= 297)

Lebanese 92.3Non-Lebanese 7.7

Gender (all participants,N= 297)

Male 40.7

Female 59.3

Employment status (all participants,N= 297)

Students (nonemployed) 49.2

Full-time employees (including MBAs) 50.8

Employment area (employees, n = 151)

Banking and finance 14.8

Import/export 26.2Outside sales 15.9

Travel/tourism 23.6

Retailing 10.4

Public sector/other 9.1

Managerial experience (employees, n = 151)

Yes 31.3

No 68.7



17/47


STATISTICAL ANALYSIS

The obvious problem in a sequential univariate analysis, such as that nor-

mally conducted with ANOVA, is the potential for an increase in Type I error.

Not only do the series of individual Ftests inflate the Type I error rate; they

also ignore the possibility that a combination of the independent variables may

provide evidence of differences in the dependent groups (Hair, Anderson, &

Tatham, 1995). Because the possibility of a multivariate interactive effect was

a matter of concern to the researchers, MANOVA was selected for statistical

purposes. The MANOVA technique automatically corrects problems relating

to sequential analysis and provides a new model based on both main and inter-

active effects. As the data in Table 2 reveal, 14 of the 33 statements had

significant mean differences, indicating a rather high degree of impact of the

test variables that were distributed among all four research constructs andacross both employment status and gender. A complete listing of all mean

ratings and standard deviations is provided in Appendixes B and C.

Research Results: Analysis of Leadership

Authority Preferences

GENDER-BASED COMPARISONS: HYPOTHESIS 1

Lebanese culture is highly Arab influenced and exhibits strong patriar-

chal tendencies (Sharabi, 1988). Given this, the authors felt that an analy-

sis of the statements and underlying constructs should be conducted with

respect to gender. As previously mentioned, of the 297 participants in this

study, 176 were women and 121 were men, and although the women may

have been slightly overrepresented, this did not have an impact on the sta-

tistical analysis, nor does it diminish the importance of the findings.

Table 2 provides a list of the statements relating to leadership authority,with significant differences being noted in 10 of these when the partici-

pants responses were compared on the basis of gender. In the five cases

where men showed a higher level of support, four of these were associated

with a higher level of agreement with statements associated with traditional

forms of leadership. The women also provided significantly higher ratings

for 5 statements, with none of these being associated with the traditional

approach. Although 19 of the 33 statements showed no significant variation

in terms of gender, the difference in support for traditional leadership sug-

gests that gender did have a measurable impact on the participants levels

of agreement with the individual statements regarding leadership. Although

the results are somewhat mixed, the authors concluded that Hypothesis 1

(Leadership authority values will differ with respect to gender, with men

being more likely to support statements associated with traditional author-

ity) was supported, at least partially, by the data.



18/47

54

TABLE

2

ComparisonsofLeadershipStatementsWithSignifica

ntDifferencesintheCorrectedMANOVAMo

del

No.

Aneffectiveleader

Women

Men

UniversityStudents(S)

Employees(E)

SignificanceLevel

Construct

1

Changesb

ehavior

3.886

3.975

4.075a

3.775

.016

Interactive

tosuitsituations

9

Iscarefulnotto

3.369

3.504

3.576a

3.278

.006

Interactive

upsetpe

ople

24

Keepsemployees

4.256a

4.223

4.158

4.185

.037

Interactive

informed

2

Isfromar

ichand

1.807

2.083a

2.075a

1.768

.002

Traditional

powerfu

lfamily

4

Iswillingtoshow

2.716

3.141a

2.951

2.828

.002

Traditional

anger

7

Isconcernedwith

2.301

2.620a

2.473

2.391

.043

Traditional

ownsuc

cess

11

Promotescolleagues

3.449

3.339

3.706a

3.113

.000

Traditional

basedonloyalty

25

Maintains

aformal

2.744

3.182a

2.980

2.868

.001

Traditional

distance

8

Treatsallsubordinates

4.261

4.240

4.390a

4.119

.036

Rational-legal

equally

13

Likesroutine

1.983

2.174a

2.247

1.881

.000

Rational-legal

andhabit

14

Advancessubordinates

4.455a

4.223

4.253

4.464a

.000

Rational-legal

onperfo

rmance

32

Providessubordinates

4.534a

4.331

4.418

4.483

.003

Rational-legal

withcle

argoals

28

Inspiresco

lleagues

4.483a

4.281

4.377

4.424

.022

Charismatic

withav

ision

29

Isenthusia

sticabout

4.614a

4.479

4.555

4.453

.045

Charismatic

work

a.Significantlylargermeanvaluenotedinpairedcomparisons(maineffects).



19/47

COMPARISON BASED ON EMPLOYMENT STATUS: HYPOTHESIS 2

As was previously mentioned, the 297 participants were divided in the fol-

lowing manner in terms of employment status: undergraduate students, 146;

full-time employees, 151. In reviewing the mean values in Table 2, the authors

noted fewer instances where the participants responses varied with respect to

employment status. In those seven instances where significant differences

were noted, six of these were in cases where undergraduate students exhibited

higher levels of agreement. Unlike the analysis undertaken with respect to

gender, no clear construct was identifiable that could explain these variations.

An interesting item that was noted concerned the diversity of impressions

regarding employee advancement. In opposition to what they had been taught

in class, undergraduate students clearly expected promotions to be based on

loyalty (Statement 11), whereas those respondents already in the workplaceindicated that advancement should be performance based (Statement 14).

From a human resource management perspective, this perception on the part

of undergraduate students might be expected to cause difficulties for them as

they enter the workplace. Overall, however, the authors rejected Hypothesis 2

(Leadership authority values will differ with respect to employment status,

with undergraduate students being more likely to support statements associ-

ated with the more progressive ideals embodied in interactive authority)

and concluded that undergraduate students did not have expectations ofperformance-based promotion.

INTERACTIVE EFFECTS: HYPOTHESIS 3

In terms of the MANOVA results for interaction between employment

status and gender, the values of Wilkss Lambda statistic, Hotellings Trace,

and Pillais Trace were all insignificant. Only one additional case attained a

significant interactive effect in the corrected model, that being Statement 32

(provides subordinates with clear targets and goals). On the basis of these

findings, the authors rejected Hypothesis 3 (Leadership authority values

will differ with respect to the interactive effect between gender and employ-

ment status, with female undergraduate students being more likely to sup-

port statements associated with interactive authority), concluding that there

was no difference between the participants ratings in terms of support for

interactive authority.

Research Results: Measuring Hegemonic Influence

When the authors framed the individual statements, an overriding point of

interest was whether Lebanese undergraduate students were accepting the

modern values and business practices being taught in their American-style




20/47

business education. If not, they would be subsequently unlikely to employ

such values and practices in the workplace. Therefore, the authors identified

individual statements that were consistent with the hegemonic values being

extolled in Western texts (see Appendix A). The rationales for the hegemonic

values assigned to each individual statement in Table 3 are explained inAppendix D. In total, 25 of the 33 statements on the leadership questionnaire

were construed to be either positively or negatively associated with the pro-

gressive ideals taught in Western-style business and management classes.

On the basis of the 5-point scale used in this instrument, the authors clas-

sified mean values below 3.0 as rejection, and above 3.0 as acceptance. As

the data in Table 4 reveal, 20 statements showed similar levels of support in

terms of the mean ratings of the undergraduate students and employees. Of

these, 6 were traditional, 3 of which were associated with mean valuesbelow 3.0. The remaining 14 statements were classified as progressive, with

all of these having mean values above 3.0. This similarity between under-

graduate students and employees suggests that many of the progressive val-

ues that are embedded in American business courses may already exist in

the Lebanese workplace.

EQUITY: HYPOTHESIS 4

In examining the progressive ideals summarized in Table 4, we see that

differences between the employee and student groups were primarily limited

to the issues of equity and tolerance. However, the mean ratings of the indi-

vidual values reveal thatpro-equity statements were generally supported by

both undergraduate students and employees, whereas antitolerance state-

ments were correspondingly rejected. Appendix B also shows that where

gender equality was concerned, both groups gave the pro-equity Statement 30

(treats men and women equally) the highest mean rating of all of the state-

ments. Although both groups supported the pro-equity Statement 14(advances subordinates based on their performance), the rating by employ-

ees was significantly higher. It was interesting to note that the antiequity

Statement 11 (promotes colleagues based on their loyalty) was supported

by both groups, with the students providing a significantly higher rating. To

a certain extent, this mirrors what is widely considered to be typical Arab

business behavior, where loyalty is prized above performance, and position is

valued over qualifications (Abdalla & Al-Homoud, 2001; Weir, 2001).

Therefore, although the Lebanese workplace may be showing evidence ofWestern values, it appears that the tradition of loyalty, central to sheikocracy,

mayat least to a limited extentbe alive and well. Although the overall rat-

ings were mixed, the consistent support for the pro-equity ideal led the

authors to conclude that there was general support for Western-style expecta-

tions of equity. As a result, the authors rejected Hypothesis 4 (Western




21/47

57

TABLE

3

Lead

ershipStatementsWith

UnderlyingLeadershipAuthorityConstructs

andProgressiveIdeals

Myideaofaneffective

L

eadershipAuthority

leade

risonewho...

Construct

ProgressiveIdeal

Reference

Significance

Cause

1

changes

hisorher

Interactive

None

N

one

behav

iortosuit

differentsituations.

6

iswillingtoaccept

Interactive

Consultation

P

ro

ns

teamdecisionmaking

when

itisappropriate.

9

iscarefu

lnottoupset

Interactive

None

N

one

people.

10

consider

sthepersonal

Interactive

Equity

P

ro

ns

welfareofallemployees.

12

embrace

schange.

Interactive

Tolerance

P

ro

ns

16

consults

withhisorher

Interactive

Consultation

P

ro

ns

staffb

eforetakingaction.

19

hasasenseofhumor

Interactive

None

N

one

andsmilesalot.

22

canbep

ersuadedtochange

Interactive

Consultation

P

ro

ns

hisor

hermind.

23

regularlywalksaround

Interactive

Consultation

P

ro

ns

talkingtostaff.

24

keepssu

bordinates

Interactive

Transparency

P

ro

ns

inform

edofanyactivity

thatcouldaffectthem.

21

makesfirmdecisions

Traditional

Consultation

A

nti

ns

andstickswiththem.

31

isopenwithinformation.

Interactive

Transparency

P

ro

ns

(continued)



22/47

TABLE3(continued)

Myideaofaneffective

L

eadershipAuthority

leade

risonewho...

Construct

ProgressiveIdeal

Reference

Significance

Cause

58

33

acceptsdisagreement

Interactive

Consultation

P

ro

ns

fromsubordinates.

2

isfromarichorpowerful

Traditional

Accountability

A

nti

.002

S>E

family.

3

practicesstrongreligious

Traditional

Tolerance

A

nti

ns

values.

4

iswillingtoshowanger

Traditional

Tolerance

A

nti

ns

with,andpunish,

emplo

yeeswhenneeded.

7

ismostconcernedabout

Traditional

Accountability

A

nti

ns

hisor

herownpersonal

success.

11

promote

scolleagues

Traditional

Equity

A

nti

.000

S>E

based

ontheirloyalty.

18

iswillingtomake

Traditional

Consultation

A

nti

ns

unpop

ulardecisions.

20

takesruthlessactions

Traditional

Tolerance

A

nti

ns

withh

isorherenemies

when

necessary.

25

maintain

saformaldistance

Traditional

None

N

one

fromsubordinates.

5

hasacle

arstrategicvision

Rational-legal

None

N

one

ofthe

future.

8

treatsallsubordinates

Rational-legal

Equity

P

ro

.013

S>E

equally.



23/47

59

13

likesrou

tineandhabit

Rational-legal

Tolerance

A

nti

.000

S>E

14

advancessubordinateson

Rational-legal

Equity

P

ro

.000

E>S

theba

sisoftheir

performance.

17

demandsthatallrules

Rational-legal

Accountability

P

ro

ns

arefollowed.

26

isalwaystruthfulwith

Rational-legal

Transparency

P

ro

ns

emplo

yees.

27

ismoreconcernedabout

Rational-legal

Accountability

P

ro

ns

organizationgoalsthan

individualgoals.

30

treatsmenandwomen

Rational-legal

Equity

P

ro

ns

equally.

32

provides

subordinateswith

Rational-legal

Accountability

P

ro

ns

cleartargetsandgoals.

15

hasgreatcharismaand

Charismatic

None

N

one

personalpresence.

28

inspires

colleagueswitha

Charismatic

None

N

one

vision

ofthefuture.

29

isenthusiasticaboutwork.

Charismatic

None

N

one



24/47


expectations of gender equity will be inconsistent with the expectations of

undergraduate students and employees) and concluded that the Lebanese

participants shared Western expectations regarding gender equity.

TOLERANCE: HYPOTHESIS 5

The mean ratings in Table 4 for the statements associated with tolerance

were consistent with hegemonic expectations, with the progressive state-

ments associated with antitolerance being rejected. In all five cases, the

mean values were less than 3.0, with the only significant variance being

noted on Statement 13 (likes routine and habit), which had a significantly

TABLE 4

Analysis of Overall Mean Values of Progressive Ideals

Progressive Overall

# Ideal Mean Significance Cause Indicates

11 Antiequity 3.445 .000 S > E Higher Acceptance by S

8 Pro-equity 4.252 .013 S > E Higher acceptance by S

10 Pro-equity 3.996 ns Mutual acceptance

14 Pro-equity 4.360 .000 E > S Higher acceptance by E

30 Pro-equity 4.593 ns Mutual acceptance

24 Pro-transparency 4.172 ns Mutual acceptance



2 Antiaccountability 1.919 .002 S > E Higher rejection by E

7 Antiaccountability 2.431 ns Mutual rejection17 Pro-accountability 3.832 ns Mutual acceptance

27 Pro-accountability 4.216 ns Mutual acceptance

32 Pro-accountability 4.451 ns Mutual acceptance

18 Anticonsultation 3.640 ns Mutual acceptance

21 Anticonsultation 3.845 ns Mutual acceptance

6 Pro-consultation 4.394 ns Mutual acceptance




33 Pro-consultation 4.145 ns Mutual acceptance6 Pro-consultation 4.394 ns Mutual acceptance





3 Antitolerance 2.340 ns Mutual rejection


13 Antitolerance 2.061 .000 S > E Higher rejection by E





25/47


higher mean rating among the undergraduate students. This rejection of

antitolerance is consistent with Islamic values and coincides with the

authors expectations that the Lebanese participants would find common

ground with Western values in regard to this issue. As a result, the authors

concluded that Hypothesis 5 (Western expectations of tolerance will beconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees)

was supported by the data.

ACCOUNTABILITY: HYPOTHESIS 6

When the mean ratings with respect to accountability were examined, they

were also found to be consistent with hegemonic expectations. All of thepro-

accountability statements were accepted with mean values from 3.832 to4.451, whereas the antiaccountability statements were rejected with mean

values below 3.0. Although Statement 2 (is from a rich and powerful fam-

ily) received significantly more support from the student group, it still

received the lowest overall mean rating (1.919). We feel that despite the

prevalence of wasta within the Lebanese business community, the Lebanese

participants did have high accountability expectations, which may, in years to

come, challenge the tradition of favoritism in appointments and promotions.

These findings led the authors to reject Hypothesis 6 (Western expectations

of accountability will be inconsistent with the expectations of undergraduate

students and employees) and to conclude that the Lebanese participants did

indeed support the progressive ideal of accountability.

CONSULTATION: HYPOTHESIS 7

Table 4 also shows that there was broad support for thepro-consultation

statements. All of the mean ratings exceeded 3.0, with 8 of 10 being above

4.0, with no significant differences being noted between undergraduatestudents and employees. At the same time, however, the two anticonsulta-

tion statements, Statement 18 (is willing to make unpopular decisions)

and Statement 21 (makes firm decisions and sticks with them), were also

found to be supported by both undergraduate students and employees. We

fully expected the sheikocratic traditions of consultation within the tribe to

prevail and for the progressive ideal of consultation to be fully supported.

Thus, the high level of support for the two anticonsultation statements was

inconsistent with the consultative aspects of sheikocracy and not entirely inagreement with our original expectations. Although levels of support for

consultation were unquestionably high, this inconsistency led us to con-

clude that Hypothesis 7 (Western expectations of consultation will be con-

sistent with the expectations of undergraduate students and employees)

was only partially supported.



26/47


TRANSPARENCY: HYPOTHESIS 8

The three statements relating to transparency were strongly supported by

both the student and employee groups. Contrary to the literatureand in

opposition to our expectations in regard to a lack of openness in the Arab

style of leadershipthe statements relating to transparency received over-

all mean ratings exceeding 4.0. Although transparency generally refers to

the consistent application of the rule of law, the statements contained in this

instrument were not designed to deal with this issue. Rather, they addressed

the issue of internal transparency within the organization. Although the lit-

erature suggests that Arab leadership is not fully open, it is clear from these

findings that both the participants and employees had expectations of open-

ness that mirrored modern expectations. As a result, we rejected Hypothesis

8 (Western expectations of transparency will be inconsistent with theexpectations of undergraduate students and employees) and concluded that

Lebanese expectations of transparency were consistent with those being

taught in the classroom.

Limitations and Suggestions for Further Research

This study is limited to the case of Lebanon. Building on this research, it

would be interesting to see if similar patterns are discovered in other Arab

countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Egypt, and the UAE, where American busi-

ness education is also influential. Concerning the Lebanese data, few differ-

ences were found to exist between participant groups in terms of their

preference for leadership styles (see Appendix E). Although there was limited

evidence that men were more supportive of the traditional forms of leadership

associated with Arab management (Ali, 1993), the data did not show vari-

ances in support of other authority types. Similarly, the hypothesized vari-

ances in progressive values failed to materialize. Indeed, there were fewinstances in which the values of the Lebanese subject groups differed from

progressive Western business values. A useful next step would thus be to fur-

ther investigate the source of these values, given that they appear to be some-

what inconsistent with both the literature and with traditional Arab values. It

would also be useful to investigate further the practical implications of find-

ing progressive values in traditional circumstances for business educators and

those seeking to understand workplace relationships.

Although the data revealed much commonality between the mean ratingsof students and employees, additional research is also needed to discern

between their values. One way of doing that is to make the instrument more

discriminating by introducing a 7-point scale. In addition to the values

already embedded in the instrument, it would be useful to expose business

students to further questions designed to reveal both their attitudes toward the



27/47


progressive values taught in their courses and their views on the compatibil-

ity of these values with their immediate culture and business communities. It

is further suggested that the employee sample be broadened to make it more

representative of the workforces surveyed and that the undergraduate student

sample be made more consistent in terms of educational background by lim-iting respondents to individuals in their final year of study.

Discussion

As we mentioned earlier in the article, during our own time working

in the Arab World, we observed that many business teachers understood

regional discrimination and corruption as being sustained by the problem

traditional Arab cultural values sympathetic to such practices. Such educa-

tors also believed that business education was the solutionthat exposure

to American business ideas was changing studentsvalues toward more pro-

gressive Western values. Although corruption and discrimination are indeed

regrettable realities throughout the region (Salem, 2003; Transparency

International, 2005), this study found that both undergraduate students and

employees did notbroadly hold values that supported or upheld such prac-

tices. Indeed, in most cases, they clearly opposed them. With the exception

of undergraduate students approval of rewarding loyalty (Statement 11),both groups broadly concurred with the progressive secular values found in

American business education.

There are three possible explanations for this:

The first is that Lebanese values are not what we thought they were. In line

with the work of Hutchings and Weir (2006), Weir (2001), and Ali (1995), we

had assumed that Lebanese participants would broadly uphold the traditional,

patriarchal values associated with the sheikocratic prototype. Of course, as

Weir (2001) suggested, sheikocratic authority is not merely traditional but isa highly interactive form of authority rooted in consultation. Following

Hutchings and Weir (2006), Weir (2001), and Ali (1995), we thus hypoth-

esized that undergraduate students and employees alike would hold pro-

consultation valuesand indeed they did, if only partially. The enormous

influence of Islam in the region could also be expected to engender values sup-

portive of tolerance (Asali, 1994). Following the work of Asali (1994) and

Kurtz (2005), we thus hypothesized that this would also be supported among

both groupsand this again proved to be so. Even after adopting and opera-tionalizing these arguably progressive sheikocratic and Islamic influences, we

did not, however, expect people under these dual influences to be strongly sup-

portive of accountability, transparency, and equity, and we hypothesized

accordingly. Each of these antiprogressive hypotheses was rejected.

This raises the possibility that Lebanese values toward leadership

authority are different from those documented elsewhere in the Arab world.



28/47


For instance, whereas Abdalla and al-Homouds (2001) work on Gulf Arab

managers identified traditional leadership values sympathetic to corrupt

and discriminatory practices, in the case of Lebanon, there is at least the

possibility that although corruption and discrimination are also endemic,

many in Lebanese society hold values that do not concur with such prac-tices and thus depart from the wider sheikocratic ethos.

Another possible explanation for these results lies in the fact that the

data were mainly gleaned from the two top universities in the country, both

of which are expensive private institutions. Families who are able to fund

education at such institutions are bound to be wealthier than the majority of

the Lebanese population, and, as is the case throughout the world, the urban

educated middle classes in Beirut might well be more progressive in their

values (Johnston, 2003). There is a possibility then that we polled westward-looking middle-class radicals (Johnston, 2003), whose values differ

from those of the majority of less wealthy and less educated people in their

societywho might well hold views sympathetic to regional forms of dis-

crimination and corruption.

The third explanation is that we are indeed seeing American hegemony

in operationmeaning that most of the respondents originally held tradi-

tional Arab values but exposure to American business education changed

their views on issues such as leadership. If this is the case, it could indeedbe argued that American business education is changing the hearts and

minds of its students, causing them to adopt progressive business values.

It could also be argued that such influence on a place such as Lebanon is

for the good of the country and its people.

Whichever is the case, this study found strong similarities between the

values espoused in American education and those existing among undergrad-

uate students and employees. Such progressive values are thus either

comprehensively hegemonic in educational and business settings, or they

preexisted the introduction of American or Western values, albeit perhaps

only among the radical middle classes. In assessing which of these scenarios

is the more likely, it is worth considering the work of Geertz (2000), who

observed that cultural values, and wider societal systems and institutions, are

mutually definitional and sustaining: Local values legitimate institutions and

systems, whereas such institutions and systems propagate and sustain local

belief systems and values. The mutually reinforcing, systemic nature of cul-

tural values thus ensures an inertia or resistance to abrupt change without

equivalent transformations in the systems and institutions that sustain them.Accepting Geertzs systemic analysis of cultural values, the fact that

organizations in Lebanon are so notoriously corrupt and discriminatory

would strongly suggest that values sympathetic to such features do persist

among the powerful elites in Lebanese business and/or more widely

throughout Lebanese society. As a relatively high proportion of undergrad-

uates and MBAs are destined for successful careers in Lebanese businesses,



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one could thus speculate that American-style education is indeed having an

impact on a traditionally corrupt and discriminatory developing economy,

leading to a gradual influx of employees with progressive views that con-

flict with those of previous elites. To add weight to this argument, we would

highlight the finding that educated full-time employees in potentially cor-rupting Lebanese organizations still held views broadly sympathetic to pro-

gressive Western business values.

To sum up, whether American business education changes students val-

ues or simply reinforces preexisting progressive values is unclear from the

data. This notwithstanding, this research study clearly shows that both

undergraduate students and business employees broadly share the progres-

sive values espoused in American management texts. This is good news for

those concerned with eliminating corruption and discriminatory practicesin the region.

IS AMERICAN BUSINESS EDUCATION, THEN, HEGEMONIC?

Throughout this article, we have raised the prospect that the progressive

values expounded in American business education systems may be hege-

monic. But to what extent is this true? The American system that now domi-

nates world business education is arguably externally hegemonic. Following

Chomsky (1999a, 1999b), this hegemonic nature could be characterized neg-

atively in the sense that it renders majority world academics and students

reliant upon American systems, ideas, and institutions. Following Fukuyama

(1989), on the other hand, this hegemony could be characterized more posi-

tively in the sense that it is promoting accountable systems of accreditation,

and high quality models and resources that can only benefit students through-

out the world. Whichever is the case, there is strong evidence that American

business education is externally hegemonic, in that people throughout the

world are adopting its institutions, systems, and practices.Whether American business education is internally hegemonic is less

clear. To assess whether it is so, two issues arise: The first is that of the

Wests ownership of progressive values (see Sharrock, 1974). The second

is whether American business education is indeed changing cultural values

throughout the majority world such that they are becoming more progressive.

As we have seen, the ideals of consultation and tolerance arguably preexisted

in the dual Arab traditions of sheikocracy and Islam, and so the claim that such

values are American or even broadly Western is difficult to sustain. In thisstudy, however, we found that undergraduate students and educated employ-

ees in an Arab Muslim country agreed with all five progressive ideals. There

is a chance thenindeed it is likelythat American business education rein-

forced the preexisting ideals of tolerance and consultation, while changing

the nonprogressive traditional cultural values with respect to transparency,




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accountability, and equity. This raises the interesting prospect that other coun-

tries cultures may display differing configurations of preexisting values with

respect to such progressive ideals; with some sustaining preexisting equity

values (for instance), while supporting intolerance and nonconsultation.

American business education in such countries will reinforce preexisting pro-gressive cultural values, while challengingperhaps changingother less

progressive values. Like the Arab region, it is likely that other parts of the

world also display some preexisting progressive values, while upholding tra-

ditional values that conflict with the progressive ethos. Returning to the ques-

tion of whether American business education is internally hegemonic, it thus

seems likely that it is so, in that it reinforces students progressive values, and

challengesor even perhaps changesthose traditional values antipathetic to

the progressive business ethos.

Lessons for Business Teaching

PEDAGOGICAL PROBLEMS ASSOCIATED WITH AMERICAN HEGEMONY

As business teachers, we are

Documents

American Hegemony and Business Education in the Arab World