American Campaign against Apartheid Gets under Way

American Campaign against Apartheid Gets under WaySource: Africa Today, Vol. 12, No. 3 (Mar., 1965), pp. 11-13Published by: Indiana University PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/4184613 .

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mination, Spanish control of this territory has been motivated in good measure by cultural and religious concern. Until recently, a grave shortage of foreign exchange in Spain made commercial arrangements with Equatorial Guinea good business as well: the subsidies paid for Guinean products helped to insure a regular flow of tropical necessities to the Peninsula without foreign exchange losses. Under an economic stabilization program, however, Spain's balance of payments-as well as the international acceptability of the peseta-has improved markedly, placing con- tinued subventions to Equatorial Guinea, especially an independent Guinea, in jeopardy. Independent Guinea might, at the same time, find different trade arrangements (especially for manufactured goods) more ad- vantageous.

The obvious difficulties attending the fortunes of any nation of fewer than 250,000 citizens-com- pounded by such substantial differences as between insular Fernando P6o and continental Rio Muni- raise doubts about the viability of Equatorial Guinea as a self-governing state. Joint or separate federation with a neighboring country is a possible alternative to independence, for export revenues rivaling those of several African states render both the island and the mainland attractive additions, despite the language

problem. Cameroun, a bilingual federation in close proximity to both Fernando Poo and Rio Muni, pos- sesses historical and tribal ties with each, and has indicated a willingness to consider the formation of a common state. Although Gabon, like Cameroun, has a tribal link with the dominant Pamue (or Fang) of Rio Muni, no open effort toward the annexation of continental Guinea has been made by the Government of Gabon. Various labor and student groups in Nige- ria have advocated that Fernando Poo be absorbed by their country, but the Nigerian Government has never advanced a claim to the island. Because of Equatorial Guinea's strategic location-within 800 miles of Ac- cra, Lagos, Ft. Lamy, and Leopoldville-powers outside the immediate vicinity may share an interest in the future of this diminutive territory.

Spain, presently enjoying the confidence or indif- ference of most African 'states, remains fully respon- sible for the progress of Rio Muni and Fernando Poo to complete self-determination, whether by evolution or revolution. But if Spain falters, others will soon determine the nature of the first big news from Equa- torial Guinea.

BARRY E. MILLER is an International Relations grad- uate of Brown University.

Gets Under Way

Students Demonstrate at Chase-Manhattan

S TUDENT DEMONSTRATIONS protesting American business involvement in apartheid took place across the

country on March 19. All were organized by Students for a Democratic Society and co-sponsored by civil rights, peace, and other groups.

In New York some 600 high school and college students picketed the Chase-Manhattan Bank main office in the Wall Street area. A five-man delegation met with Chase Vice-Chairman of the Board Lawrence Marshall. Marshall rejected the students' demand that the bank cease to make loans to South Africa, insist- ing that a bank cannot afford to "take sides." He then

invited the delegates to "see the view from the 60th floor." The students chose to return to the picket line.

Shortly thereafter, 47 demonstrators sat-in to block one of the main entrances to the bank. All went limp when arrested. They were charged with disorderly conduct and resisting arrest, and were released on their own recognizance.

The action followed court proceedings instituted by Chase which attempt to enjoin SDS and all co-sponsors from any form of demonstration on or near Chase property. Legal action by SDS lawyers limited the scope of the injunction to bank property only.

In Boston, 100 students from Harvard, Tufts, MIT, and Brandeis met with First National Bank officials, later demonstrated at the office of Kendall Corp. and the United Shoe Co. Both companies are in business in South Africa.

In Detroit, 75 demonstrators assembled at the main plant of the Chrysler Corporation and distributed leaflets to workers. SDS delegates talked to Chrysler executives; the latter showed little interest in apartheid as such, business being too good for the time: being.

In Pittsfield, Mass., 60 students picketed a General Electric plant. In San Francisco, 100 were at the Stock Exchange and the South African Consulate. In Wash- ington, D.C., some 50 demonstrated outside the office of American tycoon Charles Engelhard.

SDS intends to continue demonstrations and leaf- letting in the future.

MARCH 1965 11



Campus Meetings Protest Apartheid Bonnie Brown, NSA

T HIS FEBRUARY AND MARCH, the United States Na- lI Student Association (NSA) reports, some 50

colleges in the US took a stand on the injustice of South Africa's law of "White Supremacy."

The student action took the form of educational seminars on campus and a National Student Week Against Apartheid, March 14-21.

In late January, NSA notified all its member schools, numbering about 300, of its plan for a national student program on Apartheid in South Africa. Schools were told that, on request, they would be sup- plied with sets of working papers prepared by NSA. Included in the two-volume reference work were a list of pertinent readings on apartheid, speaker and film lists, an outline of suggested discussion topics, a list of reference material, and general notes on action projects.

Student response was certainly greater than NSA had anticipated. From City College in New York to Berkeley, students took up the issue in open discus- sions, conferences with guest speakers, film showings, demonstrations, and fund-raising scholarship drives for South African students.

National Conference in Washington ALMOST A YEAR AGO a group of America-ns, each

representing a national or regional organization, came together to form a Consultative Council on South Africa. They were agreed that present US policy to apartheid could only lead to war, violence, and international disaster. The enormous power and influence of America must be brought to bear on the makers of apartheid.

An outcome of this concern was a National Confer- ence on the South African Crisis and American Action which took place in Washington, D.C., March 21-23. Chaired by the Rt. Rev. James A. Pike, Episcopal Bishop of California, and attended at its opening meeting by some 400 persons, the Conference divided its task into three parts: First, it reviewed, with the aid of papers prepared by specialists, current events in South Africa; second, also with expert assistance, the nature of American official, business, and private involvement was exaTnined; and lastly, participants discussed and recommended specific measures to assure change.

At the close of the Conference, delegations presented and discussed their recommendations with Special Presidential Assistant McGeorge Bundy, Sec- retary of State Dean Rusk, Senator Frank Church of

the Foreign Relations Committee, and Representative Barrett O'Hara, Chairman of the House Sub-Commit- tee on Africa.

A personal account by one of the participants in the Conference follows.

What Did Conference Accomplish? Mia Aurbakken

Methodist Office for the United Nations

"We are what we do" and "We shall overcome" were the themes of the First National Conference on the South African Crisis and American-Action. And, while the apparent consensus was not only to condemn the apartheid policies of the Republic of South Africa but to accept a responsibility for eliminating this evil system, the participants of the Conference realized that both the United States Government and the American people were yet to be persuaded of the urgent need for their active involvement.

Leaders and representatives of the churches, the civil rights movements, community organizations, labor, students, and artists, left Washington with the words of Senator Moss of Utah ringing in their ears; "Until we can assure that there will be no more Selmas in America, we cannot, in good conscience,. be too critical of those in other countries who are also denying basic human rights to some of their citizens." Subdued hissing greeted his statement but each knew that it reflected the inevitable excuse used to justify a policy which contradicts the basic principles of the United States. Principles which, as were stated by several speakers, were being sacrificed, to the over- riding policy of anti-communism of the United States government and its people. Each knew that the United States was not yet impressed by the urgency of- the situation in the Republic of South Africa and would demand more proof before it accepted to act upon the recommendations adopted by the conference only an hour before the Senator's speech.

It is difficult for me *to give a fair opinion of a conference such as this one. One would have to look at it from several perspectives. For those who had followed the question of South Africa at the United Nations, at regional conferences and at other organizations and conferences, the Washington conference added little to their pool of information on the problem but gave some in'sights as to the approach which could be used to further the cause of the subjugated majority in South Africa in this country. For those who had less knowledge of -the intrica-te methods- em- ployed to apply the apartheid policies, of the Uniited States attitudes and inaction toward the Ve'rwoerd regime, and of United Nations resolutions" and activities concerning this basic denial of the principles and purposes of the Charter and the provisions of 'the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, this confer-

12 AFRICA TODAY



ence could not but add to their understanding and convince them that the situation will inevitably lead to violence and bloodshed and possible escalation into world conflict.

I personally was encouraged by several speakers as well as by the papers presented. The feeling that one was attending a mass rally was probably due to

the timing of the conference, as some of the participants were commuting between Selma and Washing- ton. But, the meaning of James Farmer's words may have an effect and, if taken seriously, change the course of the United States, for how long will "Our words of freedom, with respect to South Africa, have a hollow ring, for we are what we do."

Conference Recommendations

For Act;ion Against Apartheid W E BELIEVE THAT mCISM, whether in Alabama, It 7New York, or South Africa is an abomination in the eyes of God and men, an offense to human de- cency, and a gross violation of thte emerging common law of mankind. However, South Africa is the only country in the world officially dedicated to a policy of racism (apartheid) and, under that policy, has re- duced a majority of fourteen million non-whites to su,bjugation at the hands of a tyrannical government chosen by the minority of three million whites. This policy is maintained by a totalitarian system strongly reminiscenit of Hitlerism.

We have theref'ore come together on the fifth anni- versary of the Sharpeville massacre to consider thle extent of our responsibility for the perpetuation of the evil system of apartheid and the various ways in which we can contribute to the abolition of that system and to the return of South Africa to established principles of the community of nations as reflected in the Declaration of Human Rights.

We associate ourselves with and pledge ourselves to support the African-based movements for freedom and justice for all Africans.

Speaking as individuals and not necessarily on be- half of various organizations with which we are affil- iated, we find

THAT the various reasons offered by-the apologists of apartheid are totally without merit,

THAT the continuation of apartheid will lead inevitably to violence and bloodshed and possible escalation into world conflict,

THAT the survival of apartheid depends upon the maintenance of a garrison state resting on a largely self-sufficient economy, which South Africa has not yet achbieved, but is on the way to achieving,

THAT Americans, along with other peoples, are contributing to the maintenance of apartheid by gov- ernmental action,. economic involvement, and private non-economic contact. We therefore make the follow- ing recommendations for American action against apartheid:

1. The US Government should adopt full economic sanctions against the South African Government, in accordance with the recommendations of the UN Spe- cial Committee on Apartheid, and should prepare to enforce such sanctions by all necessary means authorized by international law. Pending the adoption of such action, wve specifically recommend that our Gov- ernment:

a) discourage private American loans to and investments in South Africa,

b) discontinue guarantees of American exports to South Africa through the Export-Import Bank,

c) discontinue loans to South Africa through the US-conitrolled International Monetary Fund and World Bank,

d) provide incentives for the withdrawal of Amer- ican investments from South Africa,

e) discontinue allocation of any sugar quota to South Africa,

f) stop encouraging American investments in and trade with South Africa through assistance rendered by the Department of Commerce,

g) discontinue the purchase of gold, uranium, and other strategic materials from South Africa, and

h) enforce the sanctions provided in federal fair employment legislation against American companies wvhose subsidiaries abroad discriminate on the basis of race or color.

2. We believe that the US should initiate and support any action authorized by international law to bring an end to the policies of apartheid in South and South West Africa, not excluding collective mili- tary action.

3. We favor reduction in our diplomatic represen- tation in South Africa and, if circumstances warrant, the United States should not hesitate to break relations completely. WVe recommend more than token integration in social activities in American diplomatic posts in South Africa, increasing contacts with non- white South Africans by our diplomatic and consular personnel, and the enrd of discrimination against Ne-

MIARCH 1965 13



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American Campaign against Apartheid Gets under Way