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Amado Carrillo Fuentes (December 17, 1956 – July 3, 1997) was a Mexican drug lord who seized control of the Juárez Cartel after assassinating his boss Rafael Aguilar Guajardo. Amado Carrillo became known as "El Señor de Los Cielos" (Lord of the Skies) because of the large fleet of jets he used to transport drugs. The U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration described Carrillo as the most powerful drug trafficker of his era.He died in a Mexican hospital after undergoing extensive plastic surgery to change his appearance. He is regarded as one of the wealthiest criminals in history, with an estimated net-worth of US$ 25 billion."He may be the richest man who has ever walked the earth. He is a business genius and a murdering sociopath. His income more than $10 billion per year results from controlling the distribution of most of the cocaine that comes into our country. He lives two miles from our southern border. His name is Amado Carrillo Fuentes, and his story demonstrates that everything we've been told about progress in the war on drugs is a lie."
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Amado Carrillo Fuentes (December 17, 1956 – July 3, 1997) was a Mexican drug
lord who seized control of the Juárez Cartel after assassinating his boss
Rafael Aguilar Guajardo. Amado Carrillo became known as "El Señor de Los
Cielos" (Lord of the Skies) because of the large fleet of jets he used to
transport drugs. He was also known for laundering over US$20 million via
Colombia to finance his huge fleet of planes. The U.S. Drug Enforcement
Administration described Carrillo as the most powerful drug trafficker of his
era.
He died in a Mexican hospital after undergoing extensive plastic surgery to
change his appearance. He is regarded as one of the wealthiest criminals in
history, with an estimated net-worth of US$ 25 billion.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Amado_Carrillo_Fuentes
GQ magazine
April 1997
The Killer Across the River
By Charles Bowden
*Carrillo Fuentes died shortly after this article was written.
He may be the richest man who has ever walked the earth. He is a business
genius and a murdering sociopath. His income more than $10 billion per year
results from controlling the distribution of most of the cocaine that comes
into our country. He lives two miles from our southern border. His name is
Amado Carrillo Fuentes, and his story demonstrates that everything we've
been told about progress in the war on drugs is a lie.
Rocio Aguero Miranda went for a ride at about the same time the tiger broke
free. Juarez, check-by-jowl across the Rio Grande from El Paso, baked under
the sun, twisted in the withering winds and lost belief in rain. At 4:30
a.m. on July 20, 1996, two travel-all-type vehicles pulled up to a fine
house in one of the city's nicer districts. Fifteen men armed with AK-47s
got out. To the neighbors awake at that hour, they looked exactly like
federal police, right down to the black ski masks they sported. The large
dogs protecting the grounds backed off as the men entered. The maid fled
into the bathroom with Rocio's 8-week-old baby, and when the officers took
Rocio, 36 years old, she was wearing a bra and panties. Blood was found on
the
walls of her home. The maid's account was confused, and then, after a day or
so, she disappeared from the newspaper articles. The authorities said the
armed men were not really police but imposters. Next came something as
persistent as drought in the Mexican north: a vast silence. It was as if the
kidnapping had never occurred and an 8-week-old baby had not been left
wailing. No one in the media said who was suspected of this act.
Just about the same time, a tiger suddenly stalked the streets of the city.
Garrets has no public zoo, so officially the tiger's appearance was a
mystery. The beast was captured and supposedly sent to the state zoological
garden in the capital, Chihuahua. Across the river in the United States, in
El Paso, Garrets's sister city of 700,000, neither event received much
notice in the newspapers. Garrets, brooding on the border with around 2
Million souls, is the kind of place that does not exist for North Americans.
Nor does the man generally credited with offering Rocio Aguero Miranda a
ride and owning the tiger who broke free. His name is Amado Carrillo
Fuentes, and until very recently mention of him almost never occurred in the
newspapers of either city or on their radio or television. His primary
residence is in Garrets. In September 1995, when Ross Perot finished a
narcotics briefing at the Drug Enforcement Administration (DEA) intelligence
center buried in the bowels of El Paso's Fort Bliss, an agent took Perot to
the installation's parking lot and pointed toward Carrillo's house, a few
miles away, hunkered near the Rio Grande. Perot said in disbelief, " You
mean he's right there and we can't do anything?" No one is certain what
Carrillo looks like or how old he is or how well educated. Only four
photographs exist, and they are
nearly a decade old at best. What we know is that he heads a business that
earns a profit of $200 million a week, a number that spins out to more than
$10 billion a year. He does not advertise his business: he makes no stock
offerings, floats no junk bonds, seeks no government subsidies. He is
publicity shy. He has never experienced a strike or a boycott. He has been
the cause of hundreds of murders in Garrets in the past two to three years
but, of course, that is his carnage in only one city.
Like any transnational businessman, he mocks the boundaries of
nation-states. He controls the cocaine coming into Mexico, and this makes up
50 to 80 percent of the cocaine coming into the United States. He is a huge
part of Mexico's drug industry, an economic activity that, at minimum, earns
that country $30 billion a year in profits, a sum more than quadruple the
revenues from its largest export, oil, and a sum sufficient to service the
entire $160 billion government and private foreign debt.
Carrillo thrives because of the consent of the Mexican government. He gives
the police and the highest government officials an estimated $500 million to
$800 million a year for protection. And he thrives with the knowledge and
tolerance of the United States government, though officially Washington
wants him on a drug-trafficking charges in Dallas and Miami. In Mexico he is
known as El Senor de los Cielos, " the Lord of the Skies," perhaps because
he is the silent owner of the largest charter-jet service in Latin America
and because he moves his coke from Columbia in ten-to fifteen-ton lots in
727s, which land at Mexican airports and are unloaded by the federal police.
In the United States, you have never heard of him until February, when his
profile was suddenly raised: It turns out that Carrillo had in his employ
the Mexican government's drug czar, General
Jesus Gutierrez Rebollo. As a result, after decades of massive Mexican
participation in drug trafficking, the Clinton administration and our
newspapers of record suddenly acknowledged that there was a problem. And
they gave that problem a name: Amado Carrillo Fuentes. But Carrillo is only
the current manifestation of a major, long-term problem called Mexico.
Here is the gist of the problem: We can't stop drugs from entering the
United States, because our border with Mexico is the most heavily crossed
one on earth and, at 1,995 miles in length, unpoliceable. We can't stop
Mexicans from illegally entering the United States, because that nation is
poor , overpopulated and growing, and if the poor do not come north, Mexico
implodes. We can't force the Mexican government to seriously crack down on
the drug trade, because the country is dependent on drug money for its
survival.. And we can't stop money laundering or the transfer of billions of
narco-dollars back and forth across the border because of the North American
Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) and because of the sheer velocity of modern
capital flows. And we can't discuss any of these matters, because for years
both parties have made it an act of faith that the war on drugs, the 1986
Immigration Reform Bill, NAFTA and a steel wall here and there on the border
are taking care of the problem. And you cannot believe what I have just
written, because, well, you haven't read it before. We're left with a very
strange world where a man we'd never heard of makes more than General Motors
and where a man we cannot officially find lives in plain view of our largest
drug-intelligence center.
I first encountered Carrillo's name at the drunken wedding of a
narcotraficante in May 1993. The groom had a warm smile, and I became the
court historian of his fiesta. I was leaning against a wall, drinking a
Tecate on the second or third day of a five day bender, when a Mexican
friend whispered three words: Amado Carrillo Fuentes," and then added,
"never repeat this name out loud." The groom had just come from a meeting
with Carrillo in Mexico City. I recall clearly that when the man mentioned
his name the parrots in a nearby cage screamed. Carrillo is a kind of
management genius. Just about the time Ross Perot stood in the parking lot
at Fort Bliss and stared in disbelief toward Carrillo’s mansion across the
river in Garrets, El Senor appeared in one of that city's most favored and
public venues for a meeting with the local head of the Mexican federal
police. When Carrillo arrived for his social belt with the authorities, he
naturally came with his customary bodyguards: twelve federal police. The
public appearance was simply to show he was still in charge. To survive in
the drug world, one must make a public appearance from time to time, a
reality understood by monarchs everywhere.
His story is not simply a tale of Mexican corruption. He is also a creation
of the United States. What I mean is simple: We tolerate the drug world
because a serious attack on it would destroy the economy of Mexico and the
stability of its government, and by this tolerance we make an Amado Carrillo
Fuentes inevitable. His real, singular achievement is that he is far better
at his job than we could have imagined in our worst nightmares. According to
U.S. intelligence and to the man who was in charge of Mexico's
drug-enforcement effort for a year and a half under president Carlos Salinas
Gortari, Carrillo has organized the
various gangs and cartels of Mexico into a business federation, much as the
five families in New York once found that peace was good for business. He is
the managerial talent who was inevitable, and now he has arrived.
Periodically, the U.S. government leans on the Mexican government and the
Mexicans offer us a prize, such as the deportation of Juan Garcia Abrego,
the head of the Gulf cartel, in early 1996. But such arrests do not change
the drug world; they merely create an opening in top management. So for the
moment, Amado Carrillo Fuentes flourishes, and he is probably one of the
richest men who has ever walked on this earth. Amado Carrillo is our guy,
and we don't know what to make of him. Rocio Aguero
Miranda can answer that question. No doubt the tiger can also. Now it is our
turn.
I carry a coded number I am to use to reach the agent. He will get back to
me that is the way it must be done. He is a DEA agent, and we rendezvous in
a saloon. He heads instinctively for a chair under a purring television. Our
talk must always be drowned out. He sits with his back to the wall you can
never be too careful. His eyes never cease scanning the room you must never
feel safe. He puts a leather pouch on the table in front of him the gun must
always be within reach. He speaks softly and when he says something he
considers confidential, he unconsciously speaks out of the corner of his
mouth. He has been with Carrillo in the past. And that is why I am talking
with him. Despite the $15 billion we throw at the war on drugs each
year, despite the massive police presence we have created to battle drugs,
we have very little information from people who have spent time with Amado
Carrillo. He lives barricaded behind family members, and he kills anyone who
arouses his suspicion. We drink light beers as we talk blood, and I brush my
fingers against the dark wood of the tabletop as the agent's purrs next to
me. There are things he and I both know, details our government has
collected. Carrillo sometimes disappears into coke and freebasing. When he
parties, he'll rent a floor or two at a hotel and invite a crowd, and nobody
leaves until he does and he may roar for five or six days straight. He likes
to fuck American beauty queens and is no doubt grateful that we
have fifty states.
ALL this the agent and I skip over lightly, like the notes of a familiar
piano composition. Amado (the name means "loved one") was born in !950, 1954
or 1955 to a dirt poor farmer in Sinaloa. He was one of eight or nine
children, according to his mother. He was formed in and by a geographic
triangle where the states of Chihuahua, Sinaloa and Durango meet, an area
American narcs call Jurassic Park. His uncle, Ernesto Rafael Fonseca
Carrillo, known as Don Neto, was A key figure in the drug cartel based in
Culiacan and Guadalajara. In the '70s, Don Neto sent his nephew to tend a
marijuana field in Zacatecas. The young Amado was successful at agriculture,
so next his uncle sent him to Ojinaga, Chihuahua, a mere dot on the Texas
border, to work with a man called Pablo Acosta Villarreal. Acosta was a
charismatic wizard at dope smuggling, and for a short while in the '80s
Ojinaga became the major bridge between the coke laboratories of Columbia
and the noses of North Americans.
Carrillo thrived as Acostas lieutenant; he built a church in the community.
He and Acosta whiled away hours freebasing. He gave Acosta a gold Rolex
watch and a small gold ingot, which his boss wore around his neck. In April
1987, choppers took off from Fort Bliss, Texas, ferrying FBI agents and
Mexican federal police to Acostas hideout across the Rio Grande from Big
Bend National Park. The troop was led by Comandante Guillermo Calderoni, a
sophisticated man who spoke French and English and the most renowned
enforcer in the employ of the Mexican government. Pablo Acosta, wearing his
little gold ingot, was slaughtered, Amado Carrillo had earlier departed with
Acosta's Columbian connections etched in his head. American intelligence now
believes Carrillo paid the comandante $1 million to perform the operation.
The FBI took credit for wiping out Acosta, the American press headlined
another victory in the war on drugs, and the drug business continues to
thrive. And nobody paid much attention to this punk named Amado Carrillo.
Next he popped up in Torreon, Coahuila, working with the Herrera
organization, a family business based in Durango that provides heroin,
marijuana and cocaine and that had deep Columbian connections. The Herreras
had a lock on drugs in Chicago and Buffalo. The organization totaled more
than 3,000 members (at the time, a force greater than all of DEA), and
almost everyone in the outfit was kin. That was the point, in 1987, when the
agent talking to me in the bar entered Carrillo's life. He and his colleague
had been trailing Carrillo for two and a half weeks in Mexico. "We're after
Jaime Herrera," he says with a smirk. "This punk [Carrillo] didn't have
shit. Jaime had the Colombians. We asked ourselves, "who the fuck is this
fat fucker?" In part Carrillo turned out to be the owner of a one-story
house where he lived and which also functioned as a stash pad. One night
they were watching the house. Three women came out with kids, got in a car
and left. OK. that doesn't matter. Then three guys came out and got in a
truck. This does matter. Carrillo also came out and drove away by himself,
but, fuck him, he's nothing. They followed the men in the pickup. The U.S.
agents were accompanying Comandante Calderoni and his team of federales. The
truck was pulled over, and a federale walked up to the driver's side. He was
immediately killed by a blast from the driver's AK-47. Another federale
crept up undetected on the other side of the truck. He capped two of the
occupants with a .45 . The driver took off running. Calderoni's assistant
dropped the man with a .45 . When they rolled him over, they discovered he
was the local army commander, there for his payment. Then they all went for
Jaime Herrera, the custodian of Columbian connections in the Mexican drug
world, and busted him.
Carrillo once again escaped. In those few months of 1987, Carrillo managed
to make two great Rivals disappear, and he scampered off with their
Rolodexes to the Columbian cartels. The rest is arithmetic.
Carrillo, in his quiet, nondescript way, advanced through this world of
violence and deception. There were bumps in the road: one of his brothers is
said to have committed suicide in Sonora in 1989. The DEA notes this suicide
was accomplished with fifteen or so rounds from an AK-47 into his mouth. It
is said that at his wedding in the late '80s, Carrillo lost his temper and
slaughtered a relative. In 1989 he was arrested and briefly detained in
Guadalajara on a minor weapons charge and lost a million dollar mansion when
the government confiscated it. Sometime in the early '90s , Carrillo showed
up in Garrets, a city nominally under the command of Rafael Aguilar
Guajardo, a former Mexican official in internal security who had married
into a fine family, built a hotel and given it his wife's name. It was a
place where, it is said, he maintained a torture chamber for moments of
leisure. Aguilar owned the Shah of Iran's former estate
in Acapulco, plus $800 million more in gewgaws. He was murdered in Cancun in
April 1993, on a day when his bodyguard happened to skip work. The same
bodyguard subsequently showed up in Carrillo's employ, and the DEA assumes
Carrillo was behind the killing, for Garrets is now his.
In November 1993, while Carrillo and his wife and children dined in a fancy
Mexico city restaurant, gunmen entered and raked the place with
automatic-weapons fire. Carrillo and his family dove under the table, but
several of his people perished , including his number two man, who was
sitting next to him. The DEA believes he survived because none of the
killers knew what he looked like. As the gunmen fled the place, a cop tried
to stop the car. They ran him over. Carrillo stormed out of the restaurant
and pumped the downed officer full of rounds. No one has gotten close to him
since that date. Where earlier drug leaders Acostaa in Ojinaga; Caro
Quintero in Sonora, Sinaloa and Guadalajara; Aguilar in Garrets sought fame
and press clippings, Carrillo seeks the shadows. He no longer carries a gun.
He owns banks, television stations, newspapers, this and that. And though
the man is unrecognizable, he does have one signature flourish. When he
loses a load, he has everyone connected with that load killed to make sure
he gets the weak link, the snitch. I asked the DEA agent I'm drinking with
what one thing I should know about Amado Carrillo.
Everybody wants to be ruthless," he finally responds," but Carrillo has the
balls to be ruthless."
In October 1996, an odd thing happened. El Paso has a relatively low
homicide rate because it has been the local custom to take people into
Garrets, where their slaughter will attract little attention. But there were
signals that this decorum was coming to an end. There was an unseemly
contract on a DEA agent stationed inside the United States. Then an American
electronics and communications expert who was doing some consulting in
Garrets (and was also believed to be handling a few chores for the American
agencies) disappeared, along with his wife. Then, in late September, an El
Paso stash house with more than two tons
of coke was discovered by American authorities. It was Carrillo's, and the
coke was awaiting sale through his people in Albuquerque, New Mexico.
Shortly After that, the odd thing happened, the bad moment at El Kumbala. El
Kumbala is a working-class bar in El Paso. In early October, some guys
drilled five guys in the chest there. A number of them from Alberquerque,
with alleged narcotics connections. What was striking about these
assassinations was that they could easily have been done out in the big
emptiness of the West Texas desert and no one would have been the wiser.
Someone wanted the act known, just as someone wanted the DEA to know that it
was no longer immune and just as someone wanted the American intelligence
world to know that its electronic snoops were no longer welcome. Someone
clearly no longer gave a fuck about making waves or drawing attention.
The man is trying to explain something simple to me: why the government of
the United States ignores the fact that Mexico is collapsing, that
narco-dollars are propping up its staggering economy, why illegal
immigration will grow, and why no major party or official in the United
States will talk about it. His voice is even, his words exact. He says, "
We're like a deer paralyzed in the headlights. Mexico is our biggest
foreign-policy problem, but no one has a solution to it. It begins with a
political problem: The last three presidents of the United States have sold
us on the proposition that Mexico is a developed, stable country and the way
we should relate to it is by opening our borders and developing trade. Now
they find it difficult to come back and describe the reality. The reality of
the moment is, serious questions as to whether democracy even exists in
Mexico; the question of corruption going to the very top of the government;
that we have a next-door neighbor whose principal export is narcotics. Once
you accept the problem, you wind up saying that you can't do anything about
it. You can't solve it."
His name is Jack A. Blum, and he is one of the uncelebrated people who make
Congress hum and hearings happen. He worked with the Senate Judiciary
Committee 1965 to 1972, and with William Fulbright at the Senate Foreign
Relations Committee from 1972 to 1976, and then returned for another bout at
Foreign Relations from 1987 to 1989; he ran the committee's hearings on
drug-law enforcement and foreign policy, which meant Manuel Noriega, the
Contra War and the flood of dope coursing through each. Since then he has
had a private Washington law practice specializing in ferreting out money
laundering and has been a consultant on laundering for various clients,
including the government of Columbia. For him Amado Carrillo Fuentes is the
current name on a long-term condition. Blum is a harsh critic of U.S. policy
and a passionate defender of U.S. policy makers: " What do you do? What is
the solution? Every time you want to criticize someone in the government for
not acting, the question is, OK, smart guy, what would you do?"
Mexico's drug economy is untouchable because it runs $30 billion a year
("conservatively," Blum notes) into a cash-short nation. Intervening in
Mexican politics by demanding action against the drug cartels blows up in
our faces and fuels Mexican nationalism. Money laundering cannot really be
contained because the same avenues used by criminal organizations are used
and protected by U.S. corporations for tax evasion.
He rolls on and on, ticking off forgotten efforts, as when during Richard
Nixon's administration the border was shut for sixteen days and all hell
broke loose because of the economic losses; and the spraying program of the
'80s, when CIA reports allegedly revealed that the Mexican government's drug
eradication program was using U.S. helicopters to spray fertilizer instead
of herbicide on fields of marijuana, which kept getting greener and bigger.
" We are married to Mexico," he finally explains. "You can't sever a head
from a body." His account of the seeming hopelessness is like a tonic for my
system. One of the experiences of trying to explain the drug economy is that
everyone you talk to acts as if you are crazy or, in Blum's words, " from
Mars." He remembers drinking with DEA agents in Florida when he was
investigating Noriega and marveling that they could still risk their lives
in a cause that was "hopeless."
"All the options are bad," he states flatly. "Everything you want to do
doesn't work. How do you live in a world like that?" His words are familiar
to me. And his question how do you live in a world like that? feels like a
slap in the face. Since, that is precisely the world we do live in.
Two poor boys were walking along the sewage canal in Garrets on July
30,1996, when they saw a barrel floating in the filth. They thought, We can
fish that barrel out and sell it for a few dollars. So they fished it out.
When they pried off the lid, a leg floated up. The police arrived and poked
the fifty gallons of acid with poles. Rocio Aguero Miranda was finally
identified by her surgeon from the registration numbers on her breast
implants. A day later, the physician had second thoughts and recanted his
identification. She was a successful woman who had allegedly done some drug
deals and taken a professional car thief and killer as a lover. In the fall
of 1995, Rocio leased nice quarters for nightclub, a place she named "Top
Capos", "Top Bosses." The children of the rich came to the club to buy
drugs, and on the weekend Rocio had major entertainers up from Mexico City
at a reported $20,000 to $30,000 a night. Things began to go bad on May 3,
1996, when her two key employees, one the father of her unborn child, were
kidnapped. Their bodies turned up a day later, tortured, bound hand and foot
and bleeding from the anus. She closed the club, went off, had the baby and
returned. Then she was kidnapped on July 20, only to reappear on July 30 in
fifty gallons of acid. In the spring of 1996, the DEA had shared the names
of some of its informants with Mexican Authorities. the list had evidently
made it to Carrillo. No one in the DEA officially places Rocio's name on
this list or officially denies that it was there. For months executions
clogged the streets of Garrets, and by August somewhere between forty and
sixty people had been dispatched. Sometimes the bodies would be found bound
with gray tape, the heads wrapped in bandages or gauze, with paper stuffed
in their mouths. Sometimes a cheap wall tapestry of, say, a tiger would be
draped over the face. Styles change. For a while a few years ago, Carrillo
was having the bodies of informants tied up with yellow ribbon and a bow.
There is an attitude that what happens over there does not concern people
over here. I travel a lot, and you can go to any small town anywhere in the
United States and find drugs. Our banking system slops over with
inexplicable money $50 million to $70 million a month in El Paso, $3 billion
a year in Dallas, and so forth. It is an article of faith that the United
States is immune to Mexican corruption. It is not our thing. Every day of
the year, there is enough cocaine stored in northern Mexico to supply a line
for every man, woman and child on earth. It all comes here. We are 5 percent
of the planet's population and consume 50%
of the planets illicit drugs. I remember standing in El Paso and looking
across the river at Carrillo's house with a DEA agent who said to himself as
much as to me, " He's sitting over there laughing at us." On another day,
I'm standing with a big official in the DEA and looking out at Mexico from
El Paso. Garrets's international airport lurks in the dust smudge of the
horizon. I say, " You know, Carrillo has a compound at the airport, and he's
landing full-body jets full of coke. The federales have a compound there
also and help unload the planes." The man stares ahead and says without
looking at me: You think I don't know that?"
I've become a bit petulant about secret agents nodding yes, then shrugging
about matters of state. I'm losing my tolerance for talk of drug lords, as
if these men were some kind of new gentry. I'm sick of official government
analysis of the state of the Mexican economy and of our own that never
mention drug money. Imagine a business in the United States that generates
tens of billions of dollars a year in profits. Now imagine that this
business has no hand in our banks, owns no one in Congress, influences no
policies. Imagine it simply operates largely out of sight and never touches
your life or mine and never exercises any
power except in its own dank corners of the world. Oh yes, one more thing
you must master. Every time some awkward moment occurs a particular horrific
killing or embarrassment in the banking community occasioned by the brother
of the president of a neighboring country or a foreign official who seems
swell but turns out to be deep into the drug world you must sigh and say,"
Well, yes, there are exceptions, but look at the big picture." We can do it.
We've been doing it for a long time.
Phil Jorden knows the big picture. Phil Jorden gave thirty years to DEA,
rose from the streets to a top position in the bureaucracy: head of the El
Paso Intelligence Center (EPIC). the DEA's 350-agent bunker, gathering dope
secrets from around the world. He made his early bones in the '70s, doing
raids with Comandante Calderoni in Mexico. He has watched the gangs mutate
into cartels and the cartels fuse into the machine they call the Federation,
which is largely dominated by Amado Carrillo Fuentes.
On January 20, 1995, Jorden's brother Bruno, 27 years old, was murdered
during a carjacking in the parking lot of an El Paso K-Mart about two miles
from the barrio home where he and Phil had been raised. this was the first
carjacking death in the history of El Paso. Two days later, Jorden
officially took over command of EPIC. To this day, Jorden tortures himself
over whether Amado Carrillo orchestrated his brother's death. He is a large
man, a former college basketball star, who seems invisible. He is a quick
study who likes to appear befuddled. He is the man you never notice until he
slaps the cuffs on you. And he is a man with his brother's blood pooled
around his life. In January 1996, he retired, and he now runs a
private-security venture in Dallas. But he cannot leave the drug world any
more than he can he can escape the crack of the nine-millimeter cutting down
his brother in the K-MART parking lot. I have talked long with Phil Jordan.
I have wandered the tomb of EPIC, peered down at the room full of computer
monitors
churning endlessly through the intelligence files of the DEA, the CIA, the
FBI, the IRS and the Department of Defense and the narcotics reports of
twenty nations. I've heard Jordan tell of briefing Attorney General Janet
Reno, Senator Phil Gramm, Ross Perot and other visiting firemen. I've looked
out with him at Amado Carrillo Fuentes's house and practically heard his
teeth grind I've sat late at night with his aged father while the old man
explained how he would gladly go to prison for it, listened to this flat
statement of the hunger of vengeance as we sat in the family home not far
from thee Rio Grande and a few miles from where Amado Carrillo likely sat
and talked at that very moment. I have seen Phil Jordan enter rooms and
dominate them with a natural air of authority and the confidence of a star
athlete. But I have not seen any movement on the murder of his brother or
any ability to force the U.S. government to act. I have heard him snap at me
when I asked him why the DEA does not say what it knows about Carrillo,
about his brothers murder, about the war on drugs " They've told us not to
talk." By "they" he means the executive branch of the United States
government.
And I have to wonder: If a man of such force and a man with a brother's
blood splattered across his conscience can not act, who will and who can? So
I know this man who knows more than I do, and I know this man who said in
court that his brother's murder killed his whole family, and I know this man
who leaned over his brother's open casket and said before his family, "
Bruno, I promise I'll get whoever
did this to you." And I know that just across the muddy river a man is
making at least $10 billion a year, and no one and nothing stops him. And I
have sat in the house of Phil Jordan"s parents in the barrio by the river in
El Paso and listened helplessly as his mother wept. And I know that when
Bill Cosby's son was murdered in January, a local television crew descended
on Phil Jordan's parents who also had lost a son in an apparently
meaningless death.
And I know that making death meaningless is a way to make us all feel safe.
It takes time for him to open the door, what with the lock, the chain, the
dead bolts, all securing his entryway. Finally, the door swings open to the
night, and he appears, shirtless, a generous beer gut spilling over his
belt, and waves us inside. A red sign with a circle and a slash is fastened
to the door of the downstairs bathroom: NO FIREARMS PERMITTED IN THIS
ESTABLISHMENT. Evidently, even in exile, Eduardo Valle has kept a sense of
humor. He is finishing a bottle of Jack Daniel's, smoking Camel filters and,
a traditionalist at heart,
using a Zippo lighter. He looks to be around 50, has a grizzled three-day
beard, a black shock of hair and the trademark glasses that when he was a
boy earned him the nickname El Buho, "the owl."
Eduardo Valle, El Buho, is a survivor of the night of October 2, 1968. That
evening 10,000 students gathered in a square in Mexico city to hear speeches
in favor of democracy and human rights. The Mexican
army opened fire and killed at least 325 of them. Ten days later, the
Olympic games opened, and Mexico City and the world acted as if nothing had
happened. El Buho was a leader of the protest and got out of
prison two and a half years later. In the early '90s, after a career in
journalism, he was made the special advisor to two successive Mexican
attorneys general, a post from which he commanded an elite counter-narcotics
force and read all the secret reports on drugs and the capos created by his
government and ours. In 1994 he fled Mexico with documents that spell out
the ties between the government of President Carlos Salinas and the drug
capos and the cartels in Mexico. At that time as Salinas' six-year term was
ending, the American government was trying to peddle Salinas as its
candidate to head the World Trade Organization, the Vatican of global free
trade. Imagine the U.S. drug czar Barry McCaffrey fleeing the country and
proclaiming that our president was in cahoots with drug cartels and you get
the feel of El Buho's situation.
El Buho is the living body through which the violence of Carrillo, the
corruption of the Salinas presidency and the impotence of U.S. policy have
coursed. He is the man who has seen the connection between the drug world
and the official world and lived to tell the tale. El Buho and Carlos
Salinas go back a long way. They met in 1966, when both were studying
economics in Mexico City. Salinas was the scion of a wealthy and powerful
family; his father was a member of the president's cabinet in the '60s. Back
in their students
days, Salinas was marginal in El Buho's circle, a small, intense man plowing
through Mao Tse-tung, the architects of the budding European Community and
the theorists of American free trade. To El Buho, Salinas was a man " with
a dark face."
When Salinas became president in 1988,El Buho met with him as a leader of
the journalists' union. This was all very normal. Mexico is a nation of 100
million ruled by a small and incestuous set of the educated and the rich and
the powerful. In 1992, when Salinas was four years into his term, he had to
placate the United States if he was to ensure the success of NAFTA, and
drugs were always an official flash point in dealing with the gringos. So
he placed El Buho, A dissident known to be independent of the government, in
the Mexican justice department and put in charge of fighting drug
traffickers but warned him, El Buho recalls, that he wanted " no
adventures."
Much like the DEA, El Buho largely ignored Amado Carrillo at first. He
focused on other men who he believed were more important. El Buho targeted
the Gulf cartel, then headed by Juan Garcia Abrego, a man who had amassed
$15 billion moving cocaine from Columbia to the United States through the
northeast sector of Mexico, the home ground of the Salinas family. At that
time, Carrillo was a blip on El Buho's radar screen. El Buho's second
research he kept to himself: the investigation of La familia Salinas.
In the matter of Juan Garcia Abrego, who was on the FBI's Most Wanted List,
President Salinas thwarted all of Buho's efforts to capture him. The bribe
offers from drug traffickers came to El Buho quickly $2 million to release
an Abrego brother-in-law from prison, then $400,000 " for a little, little,
little man. For a nothing." Documents crossed El Buho's desk showing that
Abrego was often in the United States, that the FBI and the DEA knew when he
was there and where, and that they did nothing. "You think your government
didn't know? " El Buho asks. I am not surprised. DEA agents had told me of
staking out Abrego in Chicago and other places and then doing nothing.
Abrego had been wanted on U.S. warrents since 1989. But then agents have
also told me that Carrillo comes and goes in the United States. Once, I told
them I had stood in front of a house in the United States while Carrillo
was staying there. They didn't ask for the address. They simply said,
"Doesn't sound surprising." El Buho arrested a bunch of Abrego's smaller
capos, but what he really relished was his research into the Salinas family.
He found the president's chief of staff and the man's beautiful lover
functioning as the Salinas administration's connection to the Colombian
cartels. he discovered the president's brother hobnobbing with Abrego. He
saw a Salinas cabinet studded with men known to have narcotics links going
back to the previous presidency of Miguel de la Madrid. (In 1982 the Mexican
economy collapsed, and it was widely believed in Mexico that de la Madrid
cut a deal with the narcotrafficantes to bail the nation out. Carlos Salinas
was de la Madrid's fair-haired boy, and in the eyes of many Mexicans he took
over real control of the country beginning in 1985. " De la Madrid," El Buho
says," took the drug money for his country Salinas took the drug money for
himself.")
We have been talking for hours now, shifting to beer and then wine. El Buho
is on a roll. "A week or ten days before I crossed the border in June of
1994," he explains, "the press adviser to Salinas tells me to come to Los
Pinos. I go, and he asks, 'Buho, what's happening with your life?" "I say,
'I have my notes."
The adviser replied by handing him a book, Chronicles of the Dead. El Buho
said," Thank you." He under-
stood the warning: They are going to kill you. "I began to move fast then,
rapidly, rapidly, rapidly," he remembers. "I drove during the day and made
it to the border in eleven hours."
Now El Buho lives by his wits a column he faxes to a Mexican newspaper and a
book he publishes in Spanish that is stuffed with revelations of government
corruption and which sold 65,000 copies in Mexico, a very big sale.
Meanwhile, Amado Carrillo, El Buho, notes, has not been wasting time. El
Senor de los Cielos has expanded his reach beyond Colombia, into Peru,
Bolivia and Equador. He has recently begun to handle Golden Triangle heroin
from Asia. And for the last few years, the man with free access to Mexico's
international airports has been trying to reduce the combat of the drug
world. Just before he left Mexico, El Buho learned that Carrillo had hosted
a meeting of all the major capos. It took place in Puerto Morales, Oaxaca,
in June 1994. A second meeting took place near Cuernavaca that November. His
policy proposal was simple: Carrillo would import the drugs and wholesale
them to anyone who wanted to move them into the United States. To hell with
this fighting and killing over territory, to this old-fashioned vertical
structure with soldiers, chiefs, branch offices and the like. Amigos, we're
going to downsize, get lean and mean, be flexible. Carrillo would retain his
retail here, his routes there, but he was shifting into a higher sphere. It
was a reasonable plan.
I have seen organizational charts of this new beast of commerce, which the
US agencies call the federation, and I have had them explained to me, at
length, by DEA analysts. I have gone over the endless nuances
of this structure how it is not like G.M. or the Pentagon, how it is more
fluid and how it almost always wins. It is like Mexico itself, an apparent
shambles it does not die and, despite our disbelief keeps going.
Even as an outcast, a man on the run from a date with his own violent death,
El Buho is not tough enough to be cynical. The rebel of '68 who did two and
half still casts off flickers of hope in the room full of cigarette smoke.
El Buho survived the night the Mexican Government machined gunned hundreds
of students in a public square in Mexico City, and then he disappeared into
the secret jails of the rulers.
His mother used all her family connections and found him two weeks later
stumbling down a staircase "like a mole," she later recalled. El Buho had
been beaten almost to death. Naturally, his glasses had perished in the
experience, so he blindly staggered toward his Mother guided by a voice, and
she looked into a face she could hardly recognize and believe he was her son
only when she heard his voice. I keep this moment in my mind when I listen
to El Buho, because deep within his hustle and his loud talk and a sense of
drama, there is this man who saw the naked face of power and survived and
who carries that memory with him always as a bleeding wound.
"The shit" El Buho suddenly roars, "is not only in Mexico; the shit is in
the US too. We need respect for the US we need, both of us, for the shit to
be the light. "If you don't clean the shit you eat the shit".
Later, as I prepared to leave, El Buho says, Almost by way of apology, "It's
a dirty world. I'm sorry." I have lived in two worlds for several years. One
world goes like this: In 1993 the Economist calls Carlos Salinas "one of the
great men of the twentieth century" Time Magazine had him as one of the five
finalist for "man of the year" in 1992. Henry Kissinger, in 1993, wrote that
Salinas "quelled corruption and brought into office and extraordinary group
of young, highly trained technocrats. I know of no government anywhere that
is more competent"
The other world I live in goes like this: In the election for the President
of Mexico in 1994, the one anointed by American observers, and celebrated by
the American government as the cleanest ever, the one that elected Ernest
Zedillo a man hailed by President Clinton as a reformer, (all Mexican
Presidents are reformers to American Presidents), there was a new twist in
campaign financing. Beginning in 1993, and allegedly at the direction of
President Carlos Salinas, fifty secret bank accounts were set up around
Mexico. Accounts were slush funds for the candidates of the ruling party.
The fifty secret bank accounts were nourished by drug cartels in Columbia
and Mexico, and when the election falderal ended in late August, 1994, as
much as three-quarters of a billion had cascaded through the slush fund. In
early 1996, Alvaro Cepeda Neri, a Mexican lawyer and civil rights advocate,
published an account of the buying of the election. In May of that year, he
was severely beaten and hospitalized.
I have a photograph of the first world, the official world. It's of
President Clinton at the El Paso airport. During the tail end of his recent
presidential campaign. He was in the city for 17 and 1/2 minutes. He
expressed his friendship for the Mexican people. And he did tackle drugs. He
said we have to marshal our forces against the enemy: the tobacco interests.
The other world I have lived in goes like this: I'm am in a rooms with
government analysts, and they say I cannot mention their names. They foist
an analysis on me so that the drug world will have the look of order and
reason. They sketch this beast in Mexico called the Federation. A thing
pouring at least $30 Billion dollars of profit into Mexico. ($10 Billion
more than the U.S. gave in 1995 to bail out the collapsing Mexican economy).
They say it is invincible, but they do not say where all the money goes. I
sit with one analyst who has spent nearly two decades devouring everything
thing there is to know about the Mexican drug war. For an hour or two, he
talks on a global scale, for all that cash being used to buy up industries,
of shopping for cheap steel mills in the fire sale atmosphere of Eastern
Europe, of the penetration and purchase of legitimate corporations in
Mexico. He mentions one Mexican financier who bought a big chunk of the Del
Monte corporation and was negotiating for the rest when he disappeared in
1994. He is widely believed by U.S. intelligence to have been a front for
drug money. I doubt that anyone will ever conclusively prove this, because
under the new ways of global capitalism it is hard to determine who exactly
owns any particular thing. So the man simply shrugs after all his years of
research, "It's too late." We have a major international economic force
whose public face is a crack addict we believe must be busted or
exterminated to ensure our safety. We never see
the billions of dollars, the huge international banking system, the silent
collusion of nations, the utter dependence of Mexico, or a barrel
containing a woman floating in a sewage canal. We flounder with rhetoric
about a war on drugs and present pie charts and analysis about some
federation of thugs even as we willfully ignore the scale, the nature and
the vitality of the thing we are confronting. And this is true whether we
think we should legalize drugs or toughen prison sentences, whether we use
the stuff and love it or know nothing about the stuff and dread it.
Imagine it is night and we have poor jobs and little money and we are
walking down a lonely city street with garbage strewn about the sidewalk and
suddenly out of nowhere a huge fleet of limousines races past, the long
stretch bodies gleaming, the windows tinted and the occupants obscured. The
tires slash through puddles and splash us. And then they are gone, and
instantly we forget it ever happened. Later, we feel our
wet clothing and think there must have been a light shower we did not
notice. That is the walk we all now make each evening. When you finish this
story, everything you have read will cease to exist. Then the vast silence
will return again and sucker each and every one of us.
In the gray light of morning, I do not believe in the existence of a Amado
Carrillo Fuentes. I stand on a porch near the border in El Paso and listen
to the traffic hum of the two cities. The air is a brown paste of pollution,
and until I take that first sip of coffee, Carrillo has no reality for me.
This happens every dawn.
In December six tons of coke was found in a warehouse in Tucson within a
mile of my home. The newspapers played the story for two days and then
dropped it, never identifying where the coke
had come from. I checked with the DEA, and they said it had come from
Juarez. A few weeks after
this load was lost, the executions began in Juarez. During the time this
fist full of murders took place,
Amado Carrillo's name never came up. On any given day, I'd check with
friends and be told matter of
factly that Carrillo was in Juarez or not in Juarez. And yet he could not be
found. Sometimes I pretend to live inside Carrillo's mind. He is in a trap.
He cannot retire with his billions; he is too notorious. But if he stays in
the life, he will eventually be slaughtered. He cannot ratchet back the
volume of his business because if he tries to do this, he will be replaced.
He cannot stop buying the Mexican government he
needs its assistance to run his business but this very act makes him a
threat to the ruling elite, an inevitable target. So he must continue
moving, killing and gathering power. He is intelligent, ruthless and
exacting in his plans. These traits cannot save him. So I think of him and
wander through his mind. He is much like the
U.S. government, the agents of the DEA he shares an understanding with Phil
Jordan. He can know everything but still not control the outcome.
Amado Carrillo came into my life not as a subject, a man to be researched
and written about, but as violence. I still remember the wide smile and the
quick happy eyes of the groom at the wedding where the parrots screamed. In
April 1995, the groom at that wedding was slaughtered in front of this
family. In a
resort on a Sonoran coast. I remember standing there several days later and
looking at his blood on the pavement. Then, in September 1995, a DEA told
me that the groom was believed to have been murdered on the order of Amado
Carrillo for losing a load.
Carrillo has taken up residence in my mind, and I need to comfort myself
with the knowledge that
he is human, a man, and not as El Senor De los Cielos.
I am drunk in the midnight hour when I arrive at what is said to be the
private club of Amado Carrillo in Juarez. Inside glows an exact copy of a
section of Michelangelo's mural in the Sistine Chapel, the detail where God
reaches out to an all but comatose Adam and gives him a hit of the new drug,
life.
The outside of the club is marble, the doors are brass, and the gatekeepers
loom before me as the standard human refrigerators. The club has been opened
since December 1995 a bevy of rich, light skinned women and powerful, light
skinned men attending that inaugural was celebrated in a full page of color
coverage in the Juarez morning paper. But there was no mention of the man who
spent the night at a table, front and center, snorting coke and being his
wonderful self Amado Carrillo Fuentes. In fact, the newspapers never
mentioned who really owned the place.
So I wield down to this finer district, where Carrillo's club gleams,
literally as bold as brass. I'm a bit testy about the air of mystery
cloaking the man. Where is he? What does he look like? What's he up to?
Across the river in El Paso is a big bank, and, according to the DEA, he
owns it. No one mentions this. He owns factories in this city. No one
mentions this either. I'm stuffed with the lore of my government's research.
There are hundreds of pages of files on Carrillo, but they still leave him a
ghostly presence. Cops like tactical information license plates, business
fronts and the like and don't concern themselves much with the intellect or
personality pulsing behind these artifacts. Well, Carrillo's sitting in his
club right now, and I aim
to pay a visit.
I know he's in there, twenty feet away, his face a blank, nostrils twitching
from the coke the man no one knows, the man no one can find. Inside the
club, he exists. Outside, on the street where I now stand, he is name never
mentioned, an invisible ten billion dollar man.
But as usual, I fucked up. The doorman says the club is closed. I pointed
out there are loud and merry voices coming from within. The doorman says
yes, but this is a special club, a very refined place,
and I failed to measure up to the dress code. My shirt he explains has
pockets, and this is a violation of the standards.
Charles Bowden is the author of "Blood Orchid: an unnatural history of
America", which was recently
awarded the Lannan Literary Award, which came with a big check.