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SPACE, SUBJECTIVI TY AND POLITICS David Howarth* Department of Government, University of Essex Colchester, Essex, UK, C04 3SQ e-mail: <[email protected] > ABSTRACT This article questions the m ore exaggerated c laims of a free-standing “spatial heuristic” in explaining,  just ifying and criticizing social practices, not least because the category of space remains under-theorised and conceptually indeterminate. Building-upon the work of Jacqu es Derrida, Michel Fouc ault, Martin Heidegger, Ernesto Laclau, and others, the article clarifies the category of space, showing pre cisely how and why it is important for understanding politics, subjectivity and ethics. It calls for the envisaging of  “spaces of heterogeneity” that are compatible with radical democratic demands for equality and a “politics of becoming”, and which can form the basis of a post-structuralist conception of  cosmopolitanism. KEY W ORDS: ethics, politics, space, subjectivity, ti me, radical democracy

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    SPACE, SUBJECTIVITY AND POLITICS

    David Howarth*

    Department of Government,University of Essex

    Colchester, Essex, UK, C04 3SQ

    e-mail:

    ABSTRACT

    This article questions the more exaggerated c laims of a free-standing spatial heuristic in explaining,justifying and criticizing social practices, not least because the category of space remains under-theorisedand conceptually indeterminate. Building-upon the work of Jacques Derrida, Michel Foucault, MartinHeidegger, Ernesto Laclau, and others, the article clarifies the category of space, showing precisely howand why it is important for understanding politics, subjectivity and ethics. It calls for the envisaging ofspaces of heterogene ity that are compatible with radical democratic demands for equality and apolitics of becoming, and which can form the basis of a post-structuralist conception of

    cosmopolitanism.

    KEY W ORDS: ethics, politics, space, subjectivity, time, radical democracy

    mailto:[email protected]:[email protected]
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    Space, Subjectivity and Politics

    David Howarth

    The face of the earth is continually changing, by the increase of small kingdoms into great empires,

    by the dissolution of great empires into smaller kingdoms, by the planting of colonies, by the

    migration of tribes. Is there any thing discoverable in all these events bu t force and violence?

    Where is the mutual agreement or voluntary association so much talked of?

    David Hume, 19931

    It is widely acknowledged that our conceptions and experiences of space have changed considerably in

    recent times. They have been transformed by the development of new or more sophisticated

    technologies, such as the internet, the jet-plane, and the mob ile phone, which bring things and people

    that were once distant closer, while simultaneously rendering others further away. An electronic version

    of an academic journal article available on the internet and accessible on ones computer screen is far

    closer than the hardcopy resting on the shelves of the university library, even though the source of the

    former might be many thousands of miles away. Similarly, an out-of-town shopping mall reachable by2

    motor car is widely perceived to be nearer than the local shop to which one can walk or cycle, even

    though the physical distance of the former far exceeds the latter. Air travel has made the cities and

    places of other countries more accessible to many citizens than the regions, towns and rural areas of

    their own countries.

    It is also alleged that alongside these altered subjective experiences correspond important

    objective changes in the character of space itself. Firstly, the globalization of financial markets accelerates

    economic exchanges, bringing spatially dispersed agents and institutions closer together to trade and

    invest, while intensely affecting social actors and processes across the globe. Secondly, the increasing

    mobility of individual capitals, which are able to re locate their firms in order to offset falling profits

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    and/or to secure relative locational advantage, triggers an ongoing dialectic of deterritorialization and

    reterritorialization as competing social forces seek to fix the spatial positioning of plants and businesses.

    And lastly the rapid development and spread of new techno logies in the fields of commun ication and

    transportation has resulted in what Marx called the annihilation of space with time, as once fixed and

    seemingly natural spatial barriers and boundaries such as territorially delimited frontiers - are eroded

    by increases in the speed of sending material goods, information, and people. All that is solid melts into3

    the air, Marx wrote famously in The Communist Manifesto, and his prophecy is as prescient as ever. In

    short, a whole host of phenomena, ranging from the weakening and porosity of national territorial

    boundaries, the actual and potential globalization of contingency in the form of global pandemics and

    the spectre of environmental catastrophe, to the backlash of increasing territorialization as new forms o f

    imperialism, international isolationism, political fundamentalism, ethno-nationalist particularism or

    projects for a fortress Europe seek to reverse these trends, point to the increasing salience of

    changing conceptions of space and time in our contemporary globalizing world.

    In social and political theory, the so-called spatial turn is equally well-established. Social

    theorists and political economists such as David Harvey, Bob Jessop and A lain Lipietz employ concepts

    such as spatial and spatio-temporal fixes to explain the way crisis tendencies in the logic of capital

    accumulation are offset and displaced in the capitalist mode of production. Urban social theorists such4

    as Manuel Castells, Henri Lefebvre, and Jean Lojkine s tress the spatial determinants of social and political

    processes, such as the provision of means of collective consumption. The historian Benedict Anderson5

    incorporates spatial dimensions of analysis into his account of the power of nationalist ideologies to

    forge political identities.6

    There have also been efforts to connect reflections about space directly to politics. In For Space,

    for instance, Doreen Massey challenges the widespread fact that space has so often been excluded

    from, or inadequately conceptualised in relation to, and has thereby debilitated our conceptions of,

    politics and the political, and then develops an argument for the recognition of particular

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    characteristics of space and for a politics that can respond to them. Similarly, Margaret Kohns Radical7

    Space puts spatial concerns at the centre of democratic theory by examining different sites of working-

    class and popular mobilizations in Western Europe. She focuses on the creation of case del popolo8

    (houses of the people) as sites of resistance and transformative political practices in turn-of-the-

    [twentieth]-century Italy. For her, political groups created distinctive places to develop new identities

    and practices, while using such public spaces to democratize ever-widening se ts of social relations.

    And if these affirmed re lations are not as stark as Henri Lefebvres bold assertion that Space is

    political, that is, not a scientific object removed from ideology or politics, but always political and

    strategic, then it is still regarded as integral for analyzing social reality and political practices today.9

    Viewed in this light, it is unsurprising that Hardt and Negris widely discussed books Emp ire and

    Multitude put issues such as space, territorialization, and deterritorialization at the heart of their

    analyses. In sum, it is fair to say that in contemporary political theory, at both the explanatory and10

    normative levels of analysis, locutions such as private and public spaces, the conception of a plurality

    of political spaces, the public sphere as a space of opposition and accountability, quasi-public space,

    spaces of resistance, territorialization and deterritorialization, public spaces of freedom, dialogic

    spaces, and so forth, continue to flourish in our attempts to come to terms with the late modern

    condition.11

    Despite this proliferating theoretical and empirical discourse, however, the precise meaning of

    the category of space has not been rendered more perspicuous. To the contrary, not only is there

    significant dispute about the different meanings of space, but there has b een much debate about its

    importance for social and political analysis. In this article, I begin by considering these ambiguities and

    disputes, after which I endeavour to develop a category of space which can inform our understanding of

    social and physical space, while profitably addressing a number of pressing questions in contemporary

    political theory. I then explore the ethical and political implications of this conception by addressing a

    series of pressing concerns in our contemporary world. Here I focus especially on the construction of

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    political boundaries, the inner composition of social space, and the question of political subjectivity.

    (How) Does Space Matter?

    Let me begin with two opposed accounts of space. On the one hand, Doreen Massey argues that

    Geography matters in both its senses, of distance/nearness/betweeness and of the physical variation of

    the earths surface (the two being c losely related) is not a constraint on a pre-existing non-geographical

    social and economic world. It is constitutive of that world.12

    In a later exchange w ith Laclau she goes on to claim that Spatial form as outcome ... has emergent

    powers which can have effects on subsequent events. Indeed, the claims of Massey and those13

    sympathetic to her project have been generalised into what Ed Soja calls a socio-spatial dialectic, in

    which the structure of organized space is a dialectically defined component of the general relations

    of production, relations of production which are simultaneously social and spatial. In a similar fashion,14

    Anthony Giddens argues that space is not an empty dimension along which social groupings become

    structured, but has to be considered in terms of its involvement in the constitution of systems of

    interaction.15

    On the other hand, other theorists strongly question the relevance, indeed the coherence , of

    Masseys claims, and they dispute Kohns call for a spatial heuristic, or David Harveys project to

    construct a historical-geographical materialism. A strong version of this critique is put forward by16

    Peter Saunders, who a rgues that social theory is necessarily non-spatial in the sense that space is not

    and cannot be an object of theoretical inquiry. The search for a political economy theory of space, or a

    sociological theory of space, is a non-starter. This critique is a variant of the argument from17

    redundancy or triviality: the addition of the adjective spatial to social relations, social forms or

    social processes, or the qualification of any practice with the adverb spatially, or indeed the verb to

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    spatialize, adds little or nothing substantive to our understanding and explanation of social phenomena.

    Saunders strongly sceptical position is shared by theorists such as Michel de Certeau, Frederic Jameson ,

    Ernesto Laclau and Rob Walker, who in their different ways play down or are critical of the valorisation

    of space.18

    This basic division is characteristic of much reflection on space. Indeed, the dichotomy is often

    inscribed into the very accounts of space themselves. It is evident, for example, in the work of both

    Massey and Kohn. In these conceptions, the category of space is split between a stronger set of claims in

    which space is conceded emergent properties and causal powers that bring about social and political

    effects, and a much weaker position in which space refers to the specific spatial contexts and spatial

    conjunctures (or better: social contexts or structures) wherein soc ial and political processes simply

    take place.

    Exemplary in this regard is Kohns intervention, which moves us directly to the political and

    normative/ethical aspects of space. On one side, her book is replete with claims about the determining

    power and function of space and spatial forms: Space affects how individuals and groups perceive their

    place in the order of things. Spatial configurations naturalize social relations by transforming contingent

    forms into a permanent landscape that appears as immutable rather than open to contestation. By

    providing a shared background, spatial forms serve the function of integrating individuals into a shared

    conception of reality. And Kohn goes on to isolate a number of distinctive, positive properties of19

    space, which include the function to initiate, maintain, or interrupt interaction; to encourage or

    inhibit contact between people; and to determine the form and cope of contact. These reflections20

    culminate in the advocacy of what she calls a spatial heuristic, which can illuminate domains of

    political experience that have hitherto remained obscured in a culture that emphasizes visual and

    linguistic knowledges.21

    In other statements, space is simply the site or place wherein processes and practices take place.

    In this much weaker ve rsion of the argument, space is depicted as a terrain of struggle for control over

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    bodies, movement, labour, meaning and sociability, and the radical democratic project is enriched by

    looking at the diverse places where politics takes place: festivals, town squares, chambers of labour,

    mutual aid societies, union halls, night schools, cooperatives, houses of the people. What is of interest

    in this version is a relational connection or pattern of interaction between space and social practice.22

    One significant implication of this undecidability and lack of conceptual clarity is that while the

    alleged benefits of connecting space to questions about politics, subjectivity and ethics are frequently

    alluded to, they are never properly explored and accomplished. Much is said in Kohns work, for

    instance, about the relationship between certain types of space and the possibility of radical democracy.

    However , the closest we come to exploring this connection in depth is the desire to construct

    particular spaces that can become liberatory places of identity formation vis--vis a particular form of

    domination (the construction of distinctive places within which to develop new identities and

    practices) and to criticize non-spatial social forms of organization that do not build dense,

    overlapping social bonds. In short, we are left ultimately with a set of aspirational statements about23

    the construction of spaces that can po tentially engender co-presence amongst subjects, thus advancing

    popular demands and solidarities, but little engagement with the theoretical and practical conditions for

    their attainment.

    The underlying reason for these ambiguities and vacillations is that the category of space is never

    really defined and constructed in a rigorous theoretical fashion. It is either derived from our everyday

    intuitions about space (extension, containment, boundedness, and so on), or made synonymous

    with concepts developed in various models of theoretical physics where space is equated with physical

    space. Equally problematical is a reliance on ordinary language, which focuses on the way the word24

    space is used for a variety of purposes in different contexts, some metaphorical and others not, thus

    sidestepping the task of articulating a theoretical concept of space from which analytical and empirical

    consequences can be drawn. For instance, in the introduction to Kohns book the concept of space

    receives a number of different predicates, ranging from locutions such as spaces of resistance and

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    political sites to definitions where space refers to an object or resource for political use. Indeed, the25

    term space is qualified in innumerable ways: social, political, conceptual, radical democratic, and

    so on. Alternatively, in the work o f Kohn, Harvey, and others, the category of space is often used

    interchangeably with concepts such as place, locale or even habitus. In short, while I am sympathetic26

    to those who question the more exaggerated claims about the role of space as an independent

    explanatory variable in analysing social relations, the value added amounts at times to little more than

    a formal acknowledgement that social practices occur within space.

    Nevertheless, it is also important not to throw the baby out with the bathwater. This is27

    because the different explanatory and normative language games that can and have been p layed with the

    category of space, especially its relationship with time, are multifarious and potentially illuminating.

    Indeed, I shall argue that the specific spatial mappings within which social processes take place, and in

    particular the political logics that structure such spatial mappings, are central for our understanding of

    contemporary politics. Equally, there is a prima facie case that the relation between our conception of

    space and questions about subjectivity and ethics are important for a rethinking of (radical) democratic

    politics. Of particular importance here is the way we construct boundaries between spaces; the inner

    constitution of social space; and the type of political subjectivity which can populate such spaces.

    However, in order for these phenomena and re lations to be explored, there is first a need for proper

    conceptual and theoretical clarification of space, and it is to this task that I now turn .

    Theorizing Space

    I will start with Ernesto Laclaus attempt to develop a notion of space by establishing a dialectical

    relationship between space and time. As he puts it, Temporality must be conceived as the exact

    opposite of space. The spatialization of an event consists of eliminating its temporality. He then28

    articulates these ideas by referring to Freuds Fort/Da game:

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    Through the game the ch ild symbolizes the absence of the mother, which is a traumatic event. If the

    child comes to terms with that absence in this way, it is because absence is no longer just absence but

    becomes the moment of the presence-absence succession. Symbolization means that the total

    succession is present in each of its moments. This synchronicity of the successive means that the

    succession is in fact a total structure, a space for symbolic representation and constitution.29

    In this view, then, to use terms borrowed from the early Heidegger, space is an ontological

    category that characterizes all social structures and any system of soc ial relations, and not an ontical

    category that refers to particular sorts of space, which are informed by an underlying set of ontological

    assumptions.30

    More precisely, space is defined as any repetition that is governed by a structural law of

    successions, whereas temporality refers to the pure effect of dislocation, that is, the ultimate failure

    of all hegemonization, so that only the dislocation of the structure, only a maladjustment which is

    spatially unrepresentable, is an event. Time is thus equated with an irreducible negativity and31

    conceptualised as dislocation; and by weaving the dimensions of space and time together, whilst rejecting

    the possibility of a final dialectical overcoming, Laclau adumbrates the concept of an incomplete

    ordering that articulates the spatial and the temporal in a new conceptual infrastructure. Thus it is in

    the interplay between order and disruption that we can specify the relationship between time and space,

    as well as thinking about the logic of spatialization, and the theorization of social and political spaces.

    Before deve loping this idea further, however, it is worth pointing out that Laclaus initial

    formulation is ambiguous between his stress on the absent mother, who is then represented (that is,

    spatialized) in a presence-absence succession, and the constitutive absence which haunts any structural

    relationship. In the case of the latter, the constitutive notion of negativity, any representation is but one

    link in an infinite supplementary chain designed to fill a primordial absence. The latter implies that a

    fully constituted space includes both structural succession and structural co-presence or co-existence, as

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    they both involve an occlusion of the temporal, which is here synonymous with primordial absence. In

    contrast to Laclau, then, I take the category of space to re fer to any law or order of relations that yields

    a structural regularity between objects, whether it take the form of succession or co-ex istence, and the

    key element in this conception is the fixation and represen tation of objects, the rendering visible of

    objects, whether they are literally or emp irically present or absent.

    Now, using Kants terminology, I take this category of space to be a regulative, rather than a

    constitutive idea. That is to say, it is an idea which serves only to direct the understanding towards a

    certain goal upon which the routes marked ou t by all its rules converge, as upon their point of

    intersection [It] is indeed a mere idea from which, since it lies quite outside the bounds of

    possible experience, the concepts of the understanding do not in reality proceed. In other words, the32

    category of space is a regulative idea because it can never be actualized in its pure form. Instead,

    borrowing from Derrida, any actual, concrete space is never purely repetitious (or purely regular), as

    every repetition is marked and contaminated by an alteration: repetitions are, so to speak, structures of

    iterability which are marked by a logic of diffrance (that is, both differing and deferring). This means33

    that all structure and all objectivity is marked by an absence, and is therefore lacking. Indeed, in this

    sense, negativity and dislocation the spectre of temporality and contingency, both as a generalized

    condition of disjointedness and as an event are constitutive features of space.

    This brings us to the second and related ontological category of spatialization, which refers to

    the logic of representing or symbolising an event by reduc ing its essential contingency to a repetitive

    structural form. In Laclaus words, The spatialization of the events temporality takes place through

    repetition, through the reduction of its variation to an invariable nucleus which is an internal moment of

    the pre-given structure. Again, however, such repetitions are always related to other appearances and34

    representations, as each element appearing on the scene of presence, is related to something other

    than itself, thereby keeping within itself the mark of the past element, and already letting itself be vitiated

    by the mark of its relation to the future element. This means, ultimately, that an appearance is always35

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    divided by an interval that separates the present from what it is not in order for the present to be

    itself. Crucially, this means that because the interval helps constitute the appearance itself, each

    appearance is internally divided between its identity and its difference. Derrida captures this movement

    of signification with what he calls a logic of spacing, which is the becoming-space of time and the

    becoming-time of space. In this conception, then, what we might term spatial practices (those social36

    practices that endeavour to construct and thus represent objects in certain ways) can be understood as

    specific drives to realise or actualise the impossibility of pure or full representation, and the divided and

    impure forms of representation that arise are nothing other than the (impossible) effects of such spatial

    practice.

    In this picture, then, practices of spacing and spatialization are constitutive of signification

    and meaning in general. However, there is a special sub-set of practices which are constitutive of spatial

    practices and the social spaces to which they give rise and then sediment. They are what I shall call

    political practices, and are governed by a logic of hegemony. The latter consists of two basic

    components, each of which represents a response to the dislocatory effects of temporality. In the first

    place, it can take the form of a logic of equivalence in which the making visible of temporality, where the

    latter is understood as the eruption of dislocatory events for example, entails the construction of

    antagonistic relations between subjects. Here the particularity of each identity in a system of differences,

    whether understood as demands or identities, is annulled and rendered equivalent by virtue of their

    differentiation from something which they are not. Typically, for instance, a national liberation struggle

    against an occupying colonial power will cancel out the particular differences of class, ethnicity, region,

    or religion in the name of a more universal nationalism that can serve as a common reference point for

    all the oppressed, and which in turn is defined only in opposition to the oppressive regime .

    The second component, the logic of difference, involves the representation or staging of

    dislocation (in general terms: its spatialization) by the construction of identities as merely different

    from one another. In this logic, equivalential or overdetermined identities can be articulated as

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    particularities within a se t of contrasting elements. In o ther words, to use Wittgensteins terminology, it

    involves the production of a system of family resemblances, where identities are related to one

    another by a set of overlapping similarities and differences. This logic consists, in turn, of different

    modalities. These include a modality of transformism in which the demands and identities of an ex isting

    antagonistic construction are disentangled, and thus tamed within an existing system of rules and

    institutions, either by being isolated from one another or addressed in a punctual fashion; a modality of

    containment or conflict management whereby antagonisms are played-off against one another (practices

    of divide and rule, for example) so as to blunt their political edge; and a logic of pre-emption in which

    the possibilities of conflict are forestalled before they are able to become antagonistic constructs (such

    as practices of cooptation, coercion, and so on).37

    As the construction of identity in the logic of equivalence is predicated on the positing of a

    purely negative identity, which through its active exclusion functions to forge an equivalential chain, it

    necessarily involves the division of social space into two antagonistic camps. In the case of the differential

    logic, by contrast, there is a complexification and multiplication of various social spaces, as identities are

    merely different from one another. Nevertheless, crucial to both aspects of the logic of hegemony is

    the establishment (or better: the re-establishment) of political frontiers (the drawing of boundaries

    between insiders and outsiders) which forge identity through the production of antagonistic

    relations between differently positioned subjectivities. This is clear in the logic of equivalence, where an

    empty signifier is required to represent the impossible fullness of an ultimately lacking system, but it is

    also evident in the logic of difference (with its various modalities), as the maintenance and reproduction

    of any order depends finally on the constitution and maintenance of a margin or boundary that separates

    the system from its other. In the contemporary state system, for instance, sovereignty is still the name

    for this spatial and social division, though the flaws and contradictions of this impossible fullness are

    increasingly evident.

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    Physical Space, Territory and Place

    The last issue brings us to the relationship between space, territory and state. One difficulty in

    Laclaus theorization is his tendency to privilege and thus naturalize one social space, the space o f the

    modern nation-state, wherein the logic of hegemony is seen to be operative. This is evident in his

    theoretical presuppositions about modern sovereignty, for example, which is for the most part vested in

    the territorial state, and is also present in the various examples that are scattered throughout his

    writings: references to the experiences of Thatcherism, Fascism, Peronism, and other popu list forms.38

    In an important sense this reflects the sedimentation and decontestation of the imagined commun ity

    of the nation in the contemporary world, and its seemingly natural, though usually contested,

    connection to the modern state. Indeed, historical research shows that the modern nation-state was a

    political construct that once sedimented became a template for other groups and peoples to organize

    their political communities and aspirations.39

    However, it is also true to say that this political articulation is historical and contingent, and that

    in todays globalizing world the nexus between state, nation and territory is much less tight than it has

    been, or indeed ever was, in the past. Instead, there has been a reactivation and reinscription of these40

    articulations in new forms. For one thing, the logic of globalization has resulted in a weakening of the

    sovereign state; brought about the construction of regional formations such as the European Un ion;

    strengthened local or sub-national spaces and places of power; and has seen the overlapping of global,

    national and local spaces in new configurations. We have also witnessed the emergence of41

    transnational networks, both of capital and labour, for instance, not to mention international NGOs, in

    what commentators call the development of a global civil society. Alongside these developments,42

    there has been the constitution of new global political spaces, as evident in the formation and practices

    of the anti-globalization movement. Such trends point to the ongoing need for new mappings of

    space, which do not simply prioritize the space of the modern nation state, but show how this space is

    contested, how its boundaries are constantly being forged and re-forged politically, and which brings into

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    territories and group areas. Secondly, it involves the more epistemological and methodological claim46

    that the analysis of space has to be related to social and political practices. For instance, the claim that

    large distances may hamper democracy or the building of social networks may be verified, but its

    verification is only true in relation to the latter that they matter: that is, conditions and limits to

    democracy. Ob jective space is thus a valid object of analysis, but in social and political theory it needs to

    be related to the subject and its practices. W ithout this linkage, the correlations and regulations that can

    be established, and the inferences that can be drawn, have to be treated with a good deal of

    circumspection.

    What, finally, of the relationship between space and place? Though often viewed synonymously, I

    take space to be a more abstract category than place. Using insights of the later Heidegger, the concept

    of place is best understood in relation to the more concrete practice of dwelling, and the latter is

    always relative to the specific locations and particular things articulated within what he calls the

    Fourfold, that is, the articulation of the thing in the gathering of earth, sky, mortals and divinities. In47

    Heideggers conception, classical dimensions of space, such as interval, distance, measurement and

    so on, are simply internal components of particular modes of disclosing things in certain locations. Places

    are thus spaces with a name and an identity, and these names and identities are shaped by a specific set

    of meaningful practices. Such practices are in turn informed by a particular conception of Being: the

    specific modes though which be ings are disclosed in the world. In most contemporary societies, any

    concretely articulated social space will thus be composed of a variety of different types of place, which

    have various and contested meanings for subjects. They include sacred places such as churches,

    mosques, and synagogues; commercial locations such as banks and markets; political spaces such as

    parliaments, international organizations, monuments and palaces; as well as private places such as homes,

    clubs and associations. The key e thical and political questions are how these places are related to one

    another; which places are permitted; and which (if any) are not. But these questions bring us directly to

    the ethical and political implications of space, and this requires a little further conceptual clarification.

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    The Question of Boundaries: The Outside is the Inside48

    Exploring the political and ethical implications of this conception of space involves the

    employment of its concepts and logics to address a series of problems that arise from the changing

    spatial circumstances of modern society. These include questions pertaining to how and where the

    boundaries demarcating social spaces are drawn and ought to be drawn (with respect, for instance, to

    trade boundaries, to the relationships between states, or to the scope of social justice); to the particular

    character of such boundaries and frontiers, such as their degrees of porosity (and the re lationship

    between inside and outside); to the inner composition and nature of the social spaces de limited by

    the institution of frontiers; to the relationships between such inner spaces and those excesses or

    surpluses that do not fit neatly into existent social spaces; and finally to issues arising about the

    appropriate subjectivities which can inhabit what I shall call heteroclitic spaces.

    In engaging with these issues, I shall seek to develop a decons tructive genealogy of social space

    in the current conjuncture. Th is double reading endeavours, first, to explain the formation and

    sedimentation of political boundaries, and then, secondly, to unpick the dominant logics with a view to

    disclosing excluded and novel possibilities in the way space is constructed and lived out in our late

    modern wor ld. This requires a more precise account of social space, and the relationship between social

    and political spaces. I begin by examining the political construction of boundaries, seeking ways to both

    criticize their institution and thus to disclose new ethical and political possibilities.

    Let us begin w ith the concept of social space, and its connection to politics. At the outset, I

    want to stress that social spaces are not neutral sites, but internally related to the social practices they

    make possible and sustain. In other words, they are social worlds that are organised around different

    social logics, where the latter are understood as the politically contested sets of rules which govern

    social practices in different sites. Thus the workplace, the university, the family, the nation-state, or a

    new wor ld order, are all social worlds that crystallise a series of competing and contradictory social

    logics. A second claim, which follows naturally from the conception of space ou tlined above, is that

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    social spaces are always bounded, marked by the exclusionary political acts that forge them. This is the

    case even if such exclusions have been concealed because their political origins have been forgotten

    or sedimented through the operation of ideological practices which cover over these violent

    impositions. It is equally the case if the exclusions are deemed legitimate because of the resu lt of

    authoritative decisions and practices, or if the boundaries are porous and not hermetically sealed.

    Indeed, as I shall go on to show, the precise ways in which boundaries are drawn and spaces constituted

    have important ethical and normative implications.

    This last claim touches upon the political construction of space, thus bringing us directly to the

    relationship between social and political spaces. In general, if social spaces are the arenas where

    practices are situated and shaped, then the ex istence of such spaces is engendered by the politicization

    and social construction of spaces. The latter logic is predicated on the emergence of po litical spaces,

    which are in turn brought about by the construction of social antagonisms. As I have suggested, the

    creation of antagonistic relations between subjects presupposes a logic of equivalence that divides an

    inside from an outside, and a successful logic of equ ivalence results in the establishment of political

    frontiers that split social spaces into two domains. Indeed, it follows from this claim that because the

    creation of any social space involves the creation of such a boundary, then the existence of an

    exteriority is partly constitutive of the inside. This constitutive outside, as Staten calls it, means that

    any social space is dependent to some extent on its excluded other for its formation and identity. In49

    short, what might be termed the politicization of social space involves practices of pu tting into question

    and then reconfiguring social spaces.

    If the first step of my deconstructive genealogy draws attention to the contingency and

    historicity disclosed by the politicization of space, and the latter is cons titutive of space itself, what

    alternatives are thereby disclosed? More precisely, as against the standard picture of social space in

    todays late modern world, which is divided neatly by clear, continuous and impermeable boundaries

    embodied, for instance, in the idea of state sovereignty how can we think of different ways to conceive

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    the relationship between the inside and outside? To begin with, it is important to render the

    dependency between inside and outside explicit. This is true of Derridas rethinking of inside and outside

    (the Outside is the Inside) through the elaboration of various conceptual infrastructures (such as the

    supplement, diffrance, pharmakon, instituted trace, and so on). In so doing, Derrida seeks to capture

    the undecidable play between two binary oppositions, inside and outside for instance, by articulating the

    play between the two poles in a new theoretical accounting. Thus an originary supplement for

    Derrida both comp letes a lack in the origin, while simultaneously adding something new to the origin.50

    Secondly, it is important to stress that the divisions and the relationships between inside and outside are

    essentially political, and thus contingent outcomes, which could be drawn and conceived differently. In

    other words, from this perspective, the conceptualisation of boundary making as a political logic implies

    that such divisions could be drawn differently with altered ethical consequences.

    What, prec isely, are these ethical and political implications? To begin w ith, whilst the inside can

    be constituted through excluding or demonising the outside (an enemy to be demon ised or a state of

    anarchy to be feared) the outside is not necessarily an Other, whose otherness threatens to subvert or

    overflow the inside. Rather, if the outside is acknowledged as a constitutive part of the inside, and the

    other a part of the self, then we can rethink our re lation to the outside and to the other . In more

    specific terms, we need to address where and howwe choose to draw boundaries, whichactorsare

    affected by drawing boundaries, as well as the character of the boundaries so instituted. Practically, our

    dependence on what is on the other side of the boundary, extends the scope of those affected by our

    decisions about boundaries. For example, the decisions about resolving disputes thrown up by

    intractably divided societies (such as Northern Ireland, Cyprus, Sri Lanka, Israel/Palestine, and so forth)

    require both sides of the divide both the political frontiers within such spaces, and the sedimented

    borders that divide social space into delimited territorial units to be included in the deliberations and

    discussions.

    These questions are not just questions about power and force, nor purely moral questions

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    about making the right or wrong decisions, which are usually thought to be resolvable through an

    abstract theory of justice. In crucial ways, they are ethical questions about the relationship between self

    and other, and the connected way we think of, and then deconstruct and re-construct, social and

    political spaces. More concretely, we need to envisage a conception of space and identity that

    acknowledges and is attentive to the claims and demands of what is outside and different. As we shall

    see, this requires an envisaging of blurred and porous social spaces, and a democratic (agonistic) ethos

    which recognises the interweaving of self and other.

    These e thical considerations also affect how decisions ought to be taken. Acknowledging the

    dependency of the inside on the outside, as we ll as the identity of self and other, can function as an

    important pre-requisite for renegotiating boundaries, as well as for successfully legitimising any redrawn

    boundaries. In practical terms, this involves a recognition that affected parties on bo th sides of a divide

    have to recognise themselves as affected parties, whose identities are mutually implicated. It also means

    that decision-making procedures and outcomes about boundary-making ought to be predicated on these

    ethical pre-conditions. It is no surprise that these thoughts po int in the direction of more deliberation

    and consultation, across a wider range of constituencies, about questions of boundary-drawing. They can

    thus be seen as contributing to growing calls for more deliberative forms of (democratic) decision-

    making. There is, however, an important proviso: it is unlikely that such deliberations will culminate in51

    a form of rational consensus amongst affected parties about boundaries, which will then bring

    deliberation to an end. Instead, the assumptions of this approach m ilitate against the final closure of

    deliberation, precisely because the drawing of boundaries is, necessarily, an ongoing political and thus

    contingent social practice.

    Finally, we need to consider the implications of these considerations for conceptualising and

    institutionalizing boundaries themselves. As I have suggested, classical and modernist conceptions of

    boundaries tended to represent them as absolute and impermeable. In Hobbess Leviathan, for instance,

    power and authority are vested in an absolute sovereign, who (or which) presides over a clearly

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    demarcated territory with hard and fixed spatial boundaries. Of course, these frontiers are no t

    absolutely impermeable, as Hobbes tolerates trade links, as well as exchanges of people, information and

    goods between sovereign states. Indeed, it is precisely this porosity which needs to be expanded upon52

    in what is termed our post-modern condition, emphasizing the fissures and gaps that inhere in the

    borders separating social spaces (whether understood as modern nation-states or other spaces more

    generally).

    Further, we need to emphasize the multiple boundaries that encircle subjects in most parts of

    the world today, a series of concentric and overlapping circles to which we are attached or owe

    obligations with differing degrees of force. It is by now commonplace to acknow ledge that subjects have

    multiple identities, being defined or defining themselves by their nationality, ethnicity, region, religious

    affiliation, cultural attachments, sexual orientation, and so on. But it is also true that modern citizens are

    subject to various and often overlapping juridical and political orders, with a result that their claims and

    representations involve the traversing of numerous boundaries and frontiers. Consider, for example, the

    case of enduring conflict in Northern Ireland. One possible way of reconciling opposed communities

    here is to reconsider the drawing of boundaries between Northern Ireland and the Republic of Ireland

    in the context of a European project that diverges from the standard model of the modern, territorial

    nation-state. Such a redrawing ought to involve the possibility of porous boundaries that allow for, and

    indeed foster, multiple political, juridical and cultural allegiances.

    The Internal Composition of Social Space

    Having examined questions surrounding the institution and character of boundaries, I now turn

    to the internal composition of social space, and its implications for ethical and normative matters. To

    begin with, the approach adopted here is opposed to a homogenous concept of social space, which is

    characteristic of certain forms of communitarian thought. Here we have the idea of social space being

    grounded upon, or at least aspiring toward, a substantive conception of the good. And the obvious

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    problem here is the plurality of ways of living, which do not cohere into a single conception of the good

    life. Even more so, we have a denial of the plurality of (mostly) overlapping social spaces within which

    subjects find themselves today. However, while accepting the contemporary fact of pluralism, the

    approach adopted here does not accept the essentially liberal idea that social space is composed of pure

    multiples or disaggregated individuals, divided between the pub lic and the private, whose overall

    regulation requires an independent conception of justice accepted by all. Such a conception denies the

    existence of different and overlapping social spaces, and stands against the idea of politics as the ongoing

    construction and dissolution of social spaces. Lastly, I would oppose the idea of a fully opaque social

    space, grounded systematically on a form of illusion or false consciousness, which can be completely

    overturned and thus emancipated. This grand dialectic is characteristic of Marxist theories of space, and

    suffers not only from the denial of plurality and heterogeneity, but also from the idea of a fully

    constituted space, whether systematically misleading or transparent.

    Instead, at least in our late modern world, we need to accept that social spaces are internally

    heterogeneous, that is, they are ontologically lacking, marked by absence, which means also that they

    are thus essentially plural and internally diverse. And this is so even if such heterogeneity is temporarily

    concealed or covered-over by ideology or the fantasy of wholeness. Secondly, as Massey suggests,

    especially in the age of globalization, social spaces are multi-layered and can be articulated together by

    different political practices around various nodal points. Once again, post-structuralist thinkers like53

    Derrida and Lacan, provide us with the conceptual means to conceptualise such spaces. In his

    deconstructive readings, for example, Derrida is at pains to detail the gaps, fissures and aporias residing

    within the Western ph ilosophical tradition. He shows that the apparently most coherent and

    consistently argued texts are replete with points of undecidability, which are concealed and displaced

    with rhetorical figures and textual ruses. And Lacan, for his part, posits the existence of a real register

    that continually prevents the full constitution of a symbolic order, with the result that any ordering is

    ontologically incomplete.

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    Working w ith the notion of a fissured philosophical text, which for Derrida is applicable to all

    systems of signification, or Lacans account of the existence of something that escapes all representation,

    it is not fanciful to harbour the idea that social spaces are inherently lacking and riven with gaps. In order

    to flesh out this idea, we need to think of political and social spaces as places of heterotopia, that is, as

    spaces of mu ltiplicity and heterogeneity. Michel Foucaults discussion of contradictory spaces is helpful

    in addressing this aspect of social space. These are spaces that have the curious property of being in

    relation with all the others, but in such a way as to suspend, neutralize, or invert the set of relationships

    designed, reflected, or mirrored by themselves. Foucault distinguishes in this regard between utopian54

    and heterotopian configurations, where the former are unreal spaces which have a general relation of

    direct or inverse analogy with the real space of society; as they represent society itself brought to

    perfection, or its reverse. Heterotopias, by contrast, constitute a sort of counter-arrangement, of

    effectively realized utopia, in which all the real arrangements that can be found w ithin society, are at

    one and the same time represented, challenged and overturned: a sort of place that lies outside all

    places and yet is actually localizable.55

    The concept of heterotopia goes back to The Order of Things, where Foucault talks of a kind of

    disorder in which fragments of a large number of possible orders glitter separately in the dimension,

    without law or geometry, of the heteroclite. And the latter word, he argues, should be taken in its

    most literal, etymological sense: in such a state, things are laid, placed, arranged in sites so very

    different from one another that it is impossible to find a place of resistance for them, to define a

    common locus beneath them all. In its later, more sociological form this enigmatic multiplicity of56

    language and discourse is seen to represent the juxtaposing in a single real place several spaces, several

    sites that are themselves incompatible. Indeed, Foucault goes further to delineate crisis heterotopias57

    and deviant heterotopias, where the former are privileged or sacred or forbidden places that are

    reserved for the individual who finds himself in a state of crisis with respect to the society or

    environment in which he lives (such as boarding school and military service), while the latter are

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    occupied by individuals whose behaviour deviates from the current average or standard (as with rest

    homes, psych iatric clinics, prisons and cemeteries).58

    Kohn builds upon David Harveys critique of Foucaults notion to put forward the concept of a

    heterotopia of resistance. The latter constitutes a real countersite that inverts and contests existing59

    economic or soc ial hierarchies, whose function is social transformation rather than escapism,

    containment, or denial, and thus forms an important locus of struggle against normalization.60

    However , while this idea captures one dimension of the politicization of space, the contestation of social

    domination, we also need to conceive of such spaces as sites of lack and multiplicity: what we might

    name heterotopias of becoming. Such spaces would involve a rethinking of the relations between

    social spaces (the boundaries between inside and outside, say in the field of immigration or migration) as

    well as a transfiguration of their internal composition so that multiplicity and internal difference are

    encouraged and accommodated. It should be stressed that while issues such as immigration, migration

    and the appropriate territorial lines of inclusion/exclusion for democratic orders are important in this

    regard, the question is not restricted to these more physical manifestations, but includes all forms of

    (symbolic) boundary drawing within and between social spaces. Needless to say, such rethinking unfolds

    myriad questions. How are we to keep open our relations to the external other? How can we

    conceptualize and construct porous boundaries between spaces? How can we foster internal difference?

    When, if ever, are certain closures legitimate? When, if ever, are interventions across boundaries

    justified?

    These questions highlight the way we need to think about heterotopias if they are not to remain

    countersites, mere inversions of power and domination, but also to embody heterogeneity in their

    materiality. In other words, if they are to be conce ived as places of multiplicity, whose subjects not only

    tolerate difference, but actively foster and embrace new forms of p lurality. In so doing it might be

    possible to imagine a new post-structuralist or post-Heideggerian form of cosmopolitanism that resists a

    sharp opposition between a thick particularism and a vapid universalism. As Arnold has suggested, such a

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    picture implies an agonistic form of patriotism that allows for multiple manifestations and attachments.

    This includes love for ones home, neighbourhood, and city and thus, the original meaning of patria. It61

    is to the form of subjectivity that could populate such a space that I now turn.

    Heterogeneous Subjectivity

    It is beyond the scope of this article to set out the necessary and sufficient conditions for the

    realization of such (cosmopolitan) spaces, let alone enumerate the various normative criteria for their

    identification. Instead, I want to conclude by focussing on one important condition for their

    construction, which is to envisage and then embody a form of subjectivity that is compatible with, and

    indeed engenders, such heterogeneity. How are we to conceive a sub ject that can respond positively

    and actively to difference and multiplicity, but can do so without falling either into a cynical indifference

    (mere tolerance of the other, for instance) or into a retreat from political engagement altogether? How

    can we articulate an active politics of decision and action, with the possibility of letting go and re leasing

    towards difference?

    Michael Walzer suggests one possible response to these questions, when he distinguishes

    between a thick and thin self, both of which are rooted in the idea of a divided self. He argues that

    one manifestation of this differentiation is that the self speaks w ith more than one moral voice, and is

    thus capable of self-criticism and prone to doubt, anguish and uncertainty. In explicating the latter,62

    Walzer contrasts different modalities of se lf-criticism (and indeed o f the self) with a view to establishing

    a fit between the latter and his advocacy of radical pluralism and complex equality. More particularly,63

    he contrasts what might be termed thin and thick mode ls of self-criticism, where the former, evident in

    (Freuds conception of) psychoanalysis and (Western) philosophical reflection, suggest a simple linear

    and hierarchical arrangement of the se lf, with a single critical I at the top and a single line of

    criticism. However, although these models do to some extent capture the feelings of guilt in cases of64

    obvious transgression, when we commit a clear wrong for instance, they are most plausible and

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    Divided, riven with conflicts, doubts and self-criticism, but not utterly fragmented, as Walzer

    retains the idea of the self as an agent capable o f manoeuvring among [its] constituent parts: a kind of

    constant juggling and negotiation between various forces and inclinations. This is because at its centre,69

    the self is what it is, perdurable, as Lionel Trilling liked to say, though its configuration changes over

    the course of its endurance.70

    However, there is a difficulty with this conception: either the subject is constantly pulled and

    pushed in different directions, a victim of discrete and yet incompatible empirical forces, or it is a

    sovereign agency capable of imposing direction on these incommensurable impulses. This suggests a

    clear split between the sub ject as substance and the subject as a dispersed position within the

    ensemble of social relations. But what if this is a false opposition, and that ontologically speaking the

    subject is nothing but a void, an empty space or rift, only rendered visible under conditions of

    dislocation? And, even more so, wha t if its consequent identifications leave it constantly exposed to the

    possibility of self-transgression, where the subjects self-identifications leave it confronting not only

    competing and conflicting ideals, but also the prospect that its pursuit of an ideal engenders its own self-

    transgression, as it is the latter which procures subjective surplus enjoyment? And if this is the case,71

    as I believe it is, then we need a concep tion of the divided subject as an ontological, rather than ontical

    fact, where both aspects are rooted in the failures and ruptures of the symbolic order wherein we attain

    our identity.

    Such a conception radicalizes Walzers portrayal of the superego as the internal represen tative

    of moral value by furthering its function as the genesis of subjective enjoyment. However, it also72

    requires a rethinking of an alternative ethics grounded on a different conception of enjoyment. It is here

    that the work of He idegger, Lacan, Laclau and iek assumes centre-stage, for it is the harnessing of an

    ethics of the real, facing up to the nothingness or gap that resides in being, alongside a project for

    radical democracy, which enables us to envisage the requisite subject of heterogeneity. More concretely,

    it is in a fidelity to the lack in the symbolic order, to the intrinsically flawed big Other wherein we attain

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    our identity, that an experience of decentring and contingency can come into play, and which can in turn

    help us foster a transformed relationship to difference and otherness. As iek neatly puts it, There is

    ethics that is to say, an injunction that cannot be grounded in on tology insofar as there is a crack in

    the ontological edifice of the un iverse: at its most elementary, ethics designates fidelity to this crack.73

    Thus it is a fidelity to the void in the Other, and importantly to the contingency of the Thing that

    covers over this lack (thus conferring identity), which provides a bridgehead to the other, a bridgehead

    that neither reduces the other to the same in us (whether understood in universal terms or not) nor

    which treats the other with a mutual indifference that is merely different from us. In this sense, the

    ungrounded ground for coming to terms with difference and otherness is an acknowledgement of the

    contingency of the Thing that holds us fast: the objects and discourses that make us the particular

    subjects we are. More fully, it entails a traversing of the fundamental fantasy (la traverse du74

    fantasme), which in ieks words involves the subject gaining a minimum of distance from the

    fantasmatic frame that organises [its] enjoyment, and thereby learning how to suspend its efficiency.75

    The starting point here is an insistence that while the subject is thrown or contingent, marked

    in any set of social relations by an identification with a Thing that forever escapes it, this does not

    necessarily result in forms of nihilism, or political quietism and resignation. Instead, subjects of finitude

    are made responsible for their actions and being-in-the-world they must act and co-exist together in

    social spaces not of their choosing even though these actions cannot be grounded in a positive and

    sedimented system of norms and values. In short, far from simple norm-making or the modification of76

    inherited codes and practices, an ethics of the Real usually consists in norm-breaking and the charting of

    new paths, wh ich involves discursive shifts and new identifications.

    This conception of ethics has, however, to be connected to the project of a radical democracy,

    and its twin demands for equality and freedom via the logic of equivalence. More precisely, it has to be

    articulated with a project that can embrace liberal commitments to rights, the rule of law, and various

    democratic procedures, while also encouraging a politics of becoming that is responsive to new forms

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    of subjectivity and to difference. Moreover, both need to be linked to a commitment to a conception of

    equality that challenges structural inequalities and traditional hierarchies. As I have argued, the

    commitment to an ethics of the real and to a project for radical democracy is intimately bound up with

    the kinds of social and political space in which they are practiced, and to the sort of subjectivity that

    exists or has to be constructed. To use Walzers language, the former requires a thickly differentiated

    society in which to express my different capacities and talents, my different sense of who I am. It goes77

    without saying that a radical democracy requires such differentiation and p lurality, though it should

    consist of rich set of (at times) overlapping and heterogeneous spaces and spheres (as opposed to the

    separated spheres Walzer sometimes calls for). As I have argued, the latter involves an articulation78

    of what we might call the subject of decision and the subject of releasement.

    The latter articulation raises, of course, a final question about the potential contradiction

    between these two dimensions of a radical democratic subjectivity. Is there a fundamental

    incompatibility or tension between act and letting go, which I have stressed as two important

    aspects of radical democratic subjectivity? The answer here is affirmative, though the relationship should

    be understood as a tension, which is not irresoluble. To begin w ith, it is important to stress that both

    aspects are grounded in contingency, although they capture different sorts of response to contingency.

    The moment of act is predicated on the ultimate failure of any ob jectivity and the need nevertheless to

    act, while the moment of releasement is built upon the acknowledgement of contingency and

    decentredness. Nevertheless, the latter still requires some act to forego a completely centred re lation

    to the thing that holds us fast. In this last respect, the key move for a current of contemporary

    political theory is to conceive of a linkage between act and releasement that can contain both

    dimensions without reducing one to the other. A logic of difference that is not mere transformism or

    containment, but which is dynamic and open. And it is here that the various projects for agonistic

    respect or agonistic pluralism find their full value and significance. For it is in the dialectic of79

    passionate identification and mutual responsiveness that a radical democratic politics, which can

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    As I have also argued, this approach carries important ethical and normative implications. On

    the one hand, the stress on the politicization of social space discloses the need to acknowledge, and to

    think through the consequences of, the relation of dependence between the interiority and exteriority

    of any political division of social space. On the other hand, by draw ing attention to the ontological

    heterogeneity of social spaces, and by stressing the idea of politics as a releasement towards things and

    others, I have endeavoured to begin the normative, or, perhaps better, the utopian, task of critically

    rethinking the future construction of social spaces in what we too glibly call our globalizing world. More

    positively, I call for the envisaging and creation of spaces of heterogeneity that are both compatible

    with radical democratic demands for equality, as well as a politics of becoming. This forms the basis of

    a post-structuralist conception of cosmopolitanism.

    And, finally, I have argued that this vision of cosmopolitanism, which both recognizes

    particularities and the always incomplete and contingent character of any worthwhile universality,

    requires a rethinking of political subjectivity. Working through Michael Walzers idea of a thick self

    using insights from post-structuralist thinkers like Lacan and iek , this involves the idea of a split or

    divided subject, which is grounded ultimately on the idea of the void which is constitutive of any social

    space. What I call heterogeneous subjectivity consists of acknowledging the hold or grip of the

    Thing or object that turns individuals subjects that makes them the subjects they are - and then

    coming to terms with such identifications. An ethical subject in this conception involves a releasement

    or letting go towards others, but such a relation is in turn predicated on the mutual recognition of the

    ontological or generalized character of such subjective identifications.

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    1 This epigraph is taken from David Humes essay Of the Original Contract, in his Selected Essays

    (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1993), p. 279.

    2 I develop this example from Jeff Malpas, Uncovering the Space of Disclosedness, in Mark Wrathall

    and Jeff Malpas, eds, Heidegger, Authen ticity and Modernity (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2000), p. 225 .

    3 Karl Marx, Grundrisse (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1973), p. 539.

    4 David Harvey , The Limits to Capital (London: Verso, 1999); Bob Jessop, Spatial Fixes, Temporal

    Fixes, and Spatio-Temporal Fixes, published by the D epartment of Sociology, Lancaster University,

    Lancaster, Lancaster University at http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/soiology/papers/jessop-spatio-temporal-

    fixes.pdf; Alain Lipietz, The Structuration of Space, the Problem of Land and Spatial Policy, in John

    Carney et al, eds, Regions in Crisis (London: Croom Helm, 1980 ).

    5 Manuel Castells, The Urban Question (London: Edward Arnold, 1977); Henri Lefebvre, The

    Production ofSpace (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1991); Jean Lojkine, Big Firms Strategies Urban Policy

    and Urban Social Movements, in Michael Harloe, ed, Captive Cities (London: John Wiley, 1977).

    6 Benedict Anderson, Imagined Communities, Second Edition, (London: Verso, 1991).

    7 Doreen Massey, For Space (London: Sage, 2005), pp. 19, 15.

    8 Margaret Kohn , Radical Space (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2003).

    Notes

    My thanks to Jason Glynos, Steven Griggs, Sheldon Leader, Aletta Norval and Albert Weale for their

    helpful comments and thoughts on earlier drafts of this article.

    http://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/soiology/papers/jessop-spatio-temporal-fixes.pdfhttp://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/soiology/papers/jessop-spatio-temporal-fixes.pdfhttp://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/soiology/papers/jessop-spatio-temporal-fixes.pdfhttp://www.comp.lancs.ac.uk/soiology/papers/jessop-spatio-temporal-fixes.pdf
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    9 Lefebvre, note 4, p. 341.

    10 Michael Hardt and Antonio Negri, Empire (Cambridge: Harvard University, 2000); Michael Hardt and

    Antonio Negri, Multitude (New York: Penguin Press, 2004).

    11 See, respectively, Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, Hegemony and Socialist Strategy (London:

    Verso, 1985), p. 185; Jeff Young, What is Dwelling? The Homelessness of Modernity and the Worlding

    of the World, in Mark Wrathall and Jeff Malpas, eds, Heidegger, Authenticity and Modernity

    (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2000), p. 173; Kohn, note 7, pp. 93, 6; Hardt and Negri, Empire, note 9, p. 45;

    Hannah Arendt, On Revolution (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1973), p. 257; Anthony Giddens,

    Beyond Left and Right (Cambridge: Polity, 1994) pp. 130-1.

    12 Doreen Massey, Spatial Divisions of Labour (London: Macmillan, 1984), p. 53. My emphasis.

    13 Doreen Massey, Politics and Space-Time, New Left Review 196 (1992): 84.

    14 Edward Soja, The Socio-Spatial Dialectic, Annals of the Association of American Geographers 70

    (1980): 208.

    15 Anthony G iddens, The Constitution of Society (Cambridge: Polity, 1984), p. 368. My emphasis.

    16 David Harvey, Spaces of Hope (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 2000), p. 15.

    17 Peter Saunders, Social Theory and the Urban Question, Second Edition, (London: Unwin Hyman,

    1986), p. 277.

    18 See De Certeau, The Practice of Everyday Life (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1984);

    Frederick Jameson, Postmodernism, Or, The Cultural Logic of Late Capitalism(Durham: Duke

    University Press, 1991); Ernesto Laclau, New Reflections on the Revolution of Our Time (London:

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    Verso, 1990); R. B. J. Walker, Inside/Outside: International Relations as Political Theory (Cambridge:

    Cambridge University Press, 1993).

    19 Kohn, note 7, pp. 3-4. My emphasis.

    20 Kohn, note 7, p. 155.

    21 Kohn, note 7, p. 4.

    22 Kohn, note 7, pp. 153, 7, 156. My emphasis.

    23 Kohn, note 7, pp. 90, 4.

    24 See Max Jammer, Concepts of Space (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1969).

    25 Kohn, note 7, pp. 6-7.

    26 See David Harvey, Justice, Nature and the Geography of Difference (Ox ford: Blackwell, 1996), p.

    102.

    27 This is the case with certain Deleuzian critiques of space, where the latter is depicted in purely

    negative terms. See Nathan Widder, Whats Lacking in the Lack: A Comment on the Virtual, Angelaki

    3 (2000):117-138.

    28 Laclau, note 17, p. 41.

    29 Laclau, note 17, p. 41.

    30 Martin Heidegger, Being and Time (Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1962), pp. 315; see Stephen Mu lhall,

    Heidegger and Being and Time (London: Routledge, 1996), p. 4.

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    Cosmopolitan Democracy (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1995); Mary Kaldor, Global Civil Society

    (Cambridge: Polity Press, 2003).

    43 Harvey, note 25, pp. 111-2.

    44 Andrew Sayer, Realism and Social Science (London: Sage, 2000), pp. 108-30.

    45 Martin Heidegger, note 30, p. 147.

    46 See Aletta Norval, Deconstructing Apartheid Discourse (London: Verso, 1996); Jennifer Robinson,

    The Power of Apartheid: State, Power and Space in South A frican Cities (Oxford: Butterworth-

    Heinemann, 1996).

    47 Martin Heidegger, Poetry, Language, Thought (New York: Harper and Row, 1975), p. 156.

    48 Jacques Derrida, Of Grammatology (Baltimore: Johns Hopk ins, 1976), p. 44.

    49 Henry Staten, Wittgenstein and Derrida (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1984).

    50 In a similar vein, Jacques Lacan uses topological figures to reconceptualize the relationship between

    inside and outside, showing the inextricable linking of orders and structures, rather than their simple

    separation. A clear instantiation of this is the mode lling of the relationship between the real, the

    symbolic and the imaginary orders as a Borromean knot, which resists any simple division between the

    three registers that make-up the human subject. Instead, there is a relational linkage between the three

    registers, and it is their interaction which produces concrete effects.

    51 Amy Gutmann and Dennis Thompson, Why Deliberative Democracy? (Princeton: Princeton

    University Press, 2004).

    52 Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan (Harmondsworth: Penguin Books, 1968), p. 295.

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    53 Massey, note 6, pp. 172-6; see also Chantal Mouffe, On the Political (London: Routledge, 2005), p.

    114.

    54 Michel Foucault, Of Other Spaces: Utopias and Heterotopias, in Neil Leach, ed, Rethinking

    Architecture (London: Routledge, 1997), p. 352.

    55 Foucault, note 51, p. 352.

    56 Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human Sciences (London: Tavistock,

    1970), pp. xvii-xviii.

    57 Foucault, note 51, p. 354; see Kev in Hetherington, The Badlands of Modernity (London: Routledge,

    1997); Harvey, note 15, p. 184.

    58 Foucault, note 51, p. 353.

    59 Harvey, note 15.

    60 Kohn, note 7, p. 91.

    61 Kathleen Arnold, Homelessness, Citizenship, and Identity (Albany: State University of New York,

    2004), p. 147).

    62 Michael Walzer, Thick and Thin (Notre Dame: University of Notre Dame Press, 1994), p. 85.

    63 Walzer, note 59, p. 101. The argument for complex equality is developed in Michael Walzer, Spheres

    of Justice (Oxford: Blackwell, 1983).

    64 Walzer, note 59, p. 91.

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    65 Walzer, note 59, p. 91.

    66 Walzer, note 59, p. 92.

    67 Walzer, note 59, pp. 86, 96.

    68 Walzer, note 59, pp. 98-9.

    69 Walzer, note 59, p. 100.

    70 Walzer, note 59, p. 101.

    71 Jason G lynos, Self-transgression and Freedom, Critical Review of International Social and Political

    Philosophy 6(2) (2003): 1-20; Slavoj iek, For They Know Not What They Do (London: Verso, 1991).

    72 Walzer, note 59, p. 88.

    73 Slavoj iek, Plague of Fantasies (London: Verso, 1997 ), p. 214.

    74 I draw inspiration here from Rudi Viskers seminal readings of Heidegger, Foucault and Levinas. See

    Rudi Visker, Truth and Singularity (Dordrecht: Kluwer Academic Publishers, 1999).

    75 iek cited in Yannis Stavrakakis, Lacan and the Political (London: Routledge, 1999), p. 109. In the

    language of Heidegger, this approach taps into his different ways of relating to, and coming to terms

    with, the nothingness or contingency at the heart of Being. In Being and Time nothingness is met with

    the idea of an authentic resolution and decision in the face of an all-pervasive nihilism, whereas in his

    later writings the negotiation of nothingness consists of a releasement towards things and an ethos of

    dwelling, which is predicated on a transcendence into the plenitude of Being. Both are, nevertheless,

    expressions of the ultimate contingency at the heart of our experience of Being, and may be seen to

    represent different modalities of our negotiation of absence. In Be ing and Time, to be human is nothing

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    else but to experience the da of sein the there of Being: its thrownness or facticity - and it

    is only through its attachments to something, and its being-held so, that the da can turn into

    something approximating a subject (even though Heidegger avoids the latter because of its Cartesian

    and transcendental connotations). See David Howarth, Towards a Heideggerian Social Science:

    Heidegger, Kisiel and Wiener on the L imits of Anthropological Discourse, Anthropological Theory,

    4(2) (2004): 229-47.

    76 See Slavoj iek, Looking Awry (Cambridge: MIT Press, 1991), pp. 154-69.

    77 Walzer, note 59, p. 102.

    78 Walzer, note 59, p. 102.

    79 See Friedrich Nietzsche, Homers Contest, in Keith Ansell Pearson and Duncan Large, eds, The

    Nietzsche Reader (Oxford: Blackwell, 2006), pp. 95-100; William E. Connolly, Identity/Difference

    (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1991); Mouffe, note 50.