Algorithms and Archetypes: Evolutionary Psychology and Carl Jung’s Theory of the Collective Unconscious

Sally Walters

This article discusses how current theory about the evolution of univexsal psychological adaptations was anticipated in Jung’s conception of archetypes and the collective unconscious. Evolutionary psychologists are concerned with ancestral stresses, psychological mechanisms that evolved to deal with them, and the contemporary function of’ those mechanisms. Jung defined the collective unconscious as a species-typical repository of ancestral history and memory accumulated over evolutionary time. Comprisii the collective unconscious are an array of archetypes- categories of objects, people, and situations that have existed across evolutionary time. The potential for cross- disciplinary work for both Jungian and evolutionary theorists is dixusxd.

Introduction

In arriving at a better understanding of the psyche, evolutionary theory clearly provides a powerful and testable theory for generating predictions about the mind’s structure and function. Evolutionary psychologists are concerned with uncovering the universal, evolved structure of the psyche amidst a confusing tangle of individual differences. One psychologist who has already attempted to define this structure is Carl Jung, although his perspective is not generally regarded as evolutionary. In this article I examine the extent to which the approach of contemporary evolutionary psychologists in predicting and explaining the evolution of psychological adaptations was anticipated in the thinking of Carl Jung-in particular, by Jung’s conception of archetypes and the collective unconscious.

Evolutionary Psychology and the Selection of Adaptations

Evolutionary psychologists are concerned with the socioecological stresses that existed in ancestral environments, the psychological mechanisms that evolved to address

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Joumd of Social and Evolutionary Systems 17(3):287-306 CopyriSk 0 1994 by JAI Press, Inc. ISSN: 0161-7361 All rights of nwxwtion in ally form leaewcd.

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those stresses, and with the way those mechanisms function in the present world (Buss, 1989; Cosmides & Tooby, 1987,1989,1992; Crawford and Anderson, 1989; Daly&Wilson, 1986; Symons, 1989, 1992; Tooby, 1985; Tooby & Cosmides, 1989a, 1989b, 1992). They seek to define universal psychological adaptations that have evolved by natural selection, and to determine how such adaptations function in the contemporary environment. Evolutionary psychologists are interested in universals in human cognition, rather than in individual differences. They ask such questions as: In what fundamental ways is the structure of human thought organized? Does such underlying organization reflect strategies that were naturally selected during human evolution? At this time, the study of the evolutionary significance of universals in human cognition and thought is still in a relatively early stage.

By using an understanding of the contingencies and exigencies of ancestral life, we may postulate the existence of specific psychological adaptations that were selected due to their fitness-enhancing effects with respect to specific ancestral problems. Thus, examination of adaptive social and ecological problems in the ancestral environment leads to predictions about the kind of psyche that was selected over evolutionary time. In terms of evolutionary time, most of human existence to date has occurred within hunting- gathering societies in the Pleistocene era; therefore the human psyche is likely most adapted to that environment, and not necessarily to the contemporary industrial and technological world that many of us inhabit.

Evidence for psychological adaptations is then sought from a variety of sources such as attitudes, feelings, cog&ions, and observed or self-reported behavior. What is exciting to an evolutionary psychologist is evidence of psychological universality. The wide range of individual differences in personality and behavior, although interesting, are not representative of complex adaptive design, and may instead reflect quantitative variation in the processes underlying complex psychological adaptations (Tooby & Cosmides, 199Oa). Although we all have the same underlying psychological adaptations, the activation thresholds for them may differ from individual to individual: thus, individual differences in behavior occur. Psychologists using evolutionary theory have predicted and found evidence of universality in the attitudes, preferences, and behaviors of men and women in a number of areas such as: towards potential mates (Buss, 1989), in men’s feelings and behaviors of sexual proprietorship towards female partners (Daly, Wilson & Weghorst, 1982), and in men and women’s abilities to detect cheaters in social contracts (Cosmides & Tooby, 1989; Tooby & Cosmides, 1989b).

Adaptations and Fortuitous Effects

Adaptations were designed by natural selection to solve specific fitness-related problems in the physical, social, personal, or ecological environment of the Pleistocene. They are recognizable by their special design, which is functionally specific and often complex. Adaptations reflect nonrandom, fitness-enhancing phenotypic constructions that “fit” the ancestral environmental problem they appear designed to solve. Adaptations may be found at various levels in the body: biochemical, structural, physiological, etc. A non- psychological example of the evolutionary psychology approach to discovering adaptations might be the following: based on what we know about ancestral environments, what kinds of foods were available to ancestral humans and what kind of digestive system

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would have had to evolve to deal with these foods? Do contemporary individuals show evidence of this predicted (or retrodicted) digestive system? Are there foods not present in the ancestral environment (e.g., chocolate cake, root beer) that we can digest easily because their components are nutritive substances our digestive systems evolved to cope with? What instances of indigestibility support the prediction about the evolved digestive system?

Psychological adaptations must be incorporated in the neural hardware of the central nervous system. The concept of a universal psyche composed of a large number of innate, evolved, psychological adaptations has been highly influenced by the work of Cosmides and Tooby, who use computational theories derived from cognitive science to define psychological mechanisms or adaptations, which they call “Darwinian algorithms.” Cosmides (1985) identified Darwinian algorithms as “specialized learning mechanisms that organize experience into adaptively meaningful schemas or frames”. Darwinian algorithms are assumed to focus attention, organize perception and memory, and organize procedural knowledge that will serve to guide decision-making behavior (Cosmides & Tooby, 1987). Upon activation by environmental input, a Darwinian algorithm serves as a “hard-wired” cognitive guide to domain-appropriate decision-making.

Evolutionary psychologists argue that the human psyche has a number of specialized and domain-specific Darwinian algorithms that were naturally selected because decisions about those domains were reproductively relevant in the ancestral environment. Darwinian algorithms were naturally selected because those individuals possessing them, or possessing gradually closer approximations of them, were better at dealing with the problem the Darwinian algorithm solved; consequently, those genetically lucky individuals had better reproductive success than others. Examples of domains for which psychological adaptations are likely to have evolved are: finding a mate, deciding what resources to allocate to which offspring, deciding when to be altruistic, examining costs and benefits of altruism to kin and non-kin, avoiding predation, and acquiring resources. From an evolutionary perspective, the psyche contains far more probably a large number of domain- specific psychological adaptations than a much smaller number of domain-general programs. The latter would rely on trial-and-error learning that would have immediate and disastrous fitness consequences in the ancestral environment. A domain-general program that was responsible for such diverse tasks as learning language, finding a mate, allocating resources, controlling fertility, avoiding predation, etc. is unlikely to have evolved, because individuals who possessed any cognitive specificity in each of these reproductively-relevant areas would have enjoyed greater task-effectiveness and better fitness outcomes (see Cosmides & Tooby, 199Oa).

In predicting what kinds of psychological adaptations should have evolved by natural selection due to known or hypothesized ancestral selection pressures, we must also consider effects on behavior and thinking that may appear to be adaptive but, in fact, may not reflect the operation and functional design of an adaptation. Much of our behavior is, in fact, adaptive; it allows us to reach goals, be effective, and enjoy ourselves. Fortuitous effects of adaptations (Tooby & Cosmides, 199Oa) are benefits currently conferred on the individual as the result of possession of some adaptation that has nothing to do with the ultimate function of the adaptation itself. For example, the human digestive system is a complex adaptation for dealing with food sources present in the ancestral environment; the ability to digest evolutionarily novel substances like imitation fat or chemical food

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preservatives is a fortuitous effect that may be beneficial or detrimental depending on how you look at it. Although enjoyment of artificially-sweetened, low calorie, no-fat-cheesecake may be adaptive, we have no adaptation for dealing specifically with that food source. Rather we have a digestive system that is an adaptation for dealing with food sources present in the ancestral environment (e.g;, sugar, fat, etc.), and the cheesecake ingredients have been engineered to mimic naturally occurring and digestible substances. Fortuitous effects are selectively neutral, that is, they do not contribute functionally to the operation of the adaptation (although they may coincide with adaptive function), and are therefore biologically uninteresting (Williams, 1966). [Ediror ‘s Note I: Such effects could nonetheless be vitally important in explaining successful human performance in areas alien to our evolutionary history-for example, in the at least partial success of our cognitive structures in understanding quantum mechanical states. See my “Evolutionary Epistemology Without Limits, “Knowledge, 3 (4), 1982, pp. 465-502 for more; see also my Editor’s Note at the conclusion of Verhulst ‘s article in this issue.-PL]

Jung’s View of the Psyche

Carl Jung was intensely interested in the nature of the mind; he speculated at length about its structure and attempted to provide a model of the psyche in which the conscious and unconscious could be integrated to form a healthy, well-adjusted, mature personality. He saw his “analytical psychology” as a natural science (Samuels, 1985) whose falsifiable theories could be empirically tested. He viewed the mind, both conscious and unconscious, as a functional system whose organization reflected the organization of past and present environments. Jung believed that the mind was not a blank slate but prepared before birth to cognitively and emotionally guide the individual in dealing with certain life situations that are pan-human. He argued that unhappiness was frequently the result of not understanding how and why this fundamental cognitive preparedness could affect an individual. Jung claimed that understanding the archetypes that existed in the mind at birth could add profoundly to one’s happiness, self-understanding, and effectiveness. Implicit in this view is an understanding of cognition and emotion that includes an evolutionary perspective.

Jung’s view of the psyche included three interactive and dynamic levels (Stevens, 1990): consciousness, the personal unconscious, and the collective unconscious. Consciousness is the outer layer of the psyche, consisting of those thoughts and memories of which the individual is consciously aware. This level of the psyche is not important for this article other than for an understanding of the relationship between archetypes and consciousness. ,The ego resides in consciousness, is responsible for personal identity, and is the bearer of personality. The ego is the mediator of information between the conscious and the unconscious. In Jungian psychology the ego arises from the Self archetype, which subsumes all aspects of one’s personality, and is seen as the essential core of one’s psychological self.

The personal unconscious, at the middle level of the psyche, is the result of the interaction of one’s inherited collective unconscious with his or her environment during development. Part of the personal unconscious, such as painful thoughts and feelings, may be repressed. All of one’s thoughts, memories, and knowledge that are not conscious at

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any given time reside in the personal unconscious, from which they may be retrieved with varying degrees of difEculty depending on if they are beii actively repressed or not. The personal unconscious is composed of complexes that profoundly influence one’s subjective feelings and behavior at varying levels of consciousness. Complexes link the personal unconscious with the collective unconscious (Samuels, 1985). See Jacobi (1957/ 1974) for further discussion of complexes.

The collective unconscious, comprised of archetypes, and operating at the deepest level of the psyche, is the focus of this article. Jung (1919/ 1960) defined the collective unconscious as a subliminal repository of ancestral history and memory accumulated over evolutionary time and inherited by all members of the species. He saw the collective unconscious as a “common psychic substrate” that is present in all humans, and cannot be explained merely as repressed material. Lewis (1989) summarized several characteristic features of archetypes: the manifestation of an archetype occurs through the imagery it produces; the material of the archetype is psychoid, meaning that it is physiologically controlled, and affects both cognition and emotion; archetypes organize thinking in their respective realms; archetypal imagery is characteristically numinous, arousing strong attraction and a sense of awe; and archetypes can be responsible for synchronistic events, which are related events occurring at the same time seemingly coincidentally. When archetypes become activated, and are experienced with associated feelings and ideas, the result in the personal unconscious is a complex. The complexes of the personal unconscious are independently organized conglomerations of feelings, thoughts, and emotions specific to an individual that result from interactions among a number of archetypes.

Archetypes and Archetypal Imagery

The collective unconscious is comprised of innate archetypes that are seen as protctypical categories of objects, people, and situations that have been in existence across evolutionary time and across cultures. Jung (1954/ 1959a) referred to archetypes as “primordial images” and as “inherited mode(s) of functioning”. He argued that archetypes exist universally in the psyche, and that they prepare individuals psychologically to deal with life experiences that are universally common. He wrote (1931/ 1960, p. 152): “The collective unconscious, . . . as the ancestral heritage of possibilities of representation, is not individual but common to all men, and perhaps even to all animals, and is the true basis of the individual psyche.”

What Jung viewed as “psychic aptitudes” might be seen as a psychological adaptation by a more evolution-minded thinker. He does not see archetypes as inherited memories, in the Lamarckian sense; Jung appeared to understand that acquired characteristics are not genetically inherited. By inherited memories I believe Jung meant something closer to the modern idea of Darwinian algorithms as information-processing guides than to a conception of archetypes as something learned and then passed on genetically. He shares with modem evolutionary psychologists the assumption that thought and emotion in some cognitive areas are framed and organized by psychological adaptations when activated by some event in the social or ecological environment.

Jung was careful to differentiate the archetype as it exists in the hard-wired structure of the human mind, and archetypal imagery, or the archetype as it is experienced. The former, residing in the collective unconscious, is conceptualized as latent and unavailable

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to conscious thought, whereas the latter is subjectively experienced and variable in content depending on its experience by the individual. As Jung (1954/ 1960, p. 213) explained:

The (archetype as such) is characterized by certain formal elements and by certain fundamental meanings, although these can be grasped only approximately. The archetype as such is a psychoid factor [i.e., the “psychic aptitude” in the preceding quotation] that belongs, as it were, to the invisible, ultraviolet end of the psychic spectrum.. . . Moreover every archetype, when represented to the mind [i.e., archetypal imagery], is already conscious and therefore differs to an indeterminable extent from that which caused the representation.

The concept of synchronicity is an important aspect of Jung’s thinking (Stevens, 1990). Although not part of the main focus of this article, it deserves some attention for its relation to archetypes. Jung believed that two events could be connected meaningfully but not causally; he concluded, for example, that synchronicity was responsible for the connection between astrological signs and marriage partners (Samuels, 1985). Jung believed that synchronicity was something parapsychological, that synchronicity was a force of nature separate from time and space that became manifest under certain psychic conditions (Jacobi, 1957/ 1974). He claimed that archetypes, with their characteristically numinous imagery, were responsible for the attribution of of cause-and-effect meaning to such coincidental occurrences. An example of synchronicity might be dreaming about a person one had not seen for some time, and then unexpectedly seeing that person the next day. According to Jung, archetypal thinking would be responsible for the initial dream; the dreamer’s unconscious evokes the image due to some significant connection between the dreamer and the person dreamed about. Upon fortuitously seeing the person the next day, the dreamer’s subjective emotional state, affected by archetypal imagery and numinosity, produces a feeling of causality between the two events.

Jung’s explanation for synchronicity involved extrasensory perception. He has been widely criticized for the unfalsifiability and metaphysics of his explanation. However, the idea that meaningful coincidences are somehow related to archetypes need not involve metaphysics. Assuming that archetypes underlie the fundamental structural organization of the psyche, we could reasonably suppose that archetypal ideas, feelings, attitudes, and perceptions arise repeatedly and may be frequent subjects for clients and their psychotherapists. Furthermore, assuming that cultural practices including myths and beliefs reflect the evolved psyche, we can also reasonably assume that cultural practices will involve archetypal imagery. Finally, if much of human thought is organized around domain-specific, archetypal frames of reference, then certain events may take on meaning that is imposed by those frames of reference. Thus, what appear to be coincidental events may actually have their “coincidentalness” imposed upon them because humans are organized cognitively to define and attend to the world in predetermined ways. We should expect a number of seemingly synchronous events if both thought and cultural practice are based on archetypes in the evolved psyche, because of the expected high frequency of archetypal imagery which, by definition, involves areas of life that are experienced as profoundly important. Of course, this speculative explanation cannot account for all coincidences, actual and apparent-some of which may receive much attention due to cognitive biases associated with attaching more importance to coincidences than non- coincidences.

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Jung was a tireless scholar who wrote voltiously on archetypal images and themes and their essential numinosity. His sources included his own dreams, as well as analyses of the dreams, fantasies, and pictures produced by his analysands, and the study of religion and mythology (Stevens, 1982). The emotional tone of recurrent images such as “the Hero” was what was Jung recognized as an indication of their existence in the collective unconscious. He described a feeling of “godlikeness” that results from the powerful experience of a collective image. Although we cannot see the archetype per se, we do perceive the conscious manifestation of the unconscious archetype; apparently such manifestation, although somewhat idiosyncratic in nature, will contain the common elements and the numinosity characteristic of archetypal images because the archetypes are universal and species-typical. Jung described a feeling of epiphany in his clients when they confronted the meaning of the archetypal imagery appearing in their dreams. This is quite reasonable, because by definition archetypal imagery will revolve around life- situations such as finding a mate, investing in children, finding a secure home, and so on that are profoundly important.

According to Jung, the collective unconscious is responsible for the spontaneous generation of myths, visions, religious ideas, and dreams that have commonly occurred crossculturally and throughout history (Storr, 1973) and that are characteristically experienced as numinous. In the symbolism of dreams, myths, and legends, Jung found regularly recurring themes that he felt reflected the archetypes that make up the universal structure of the collective unconscious. In determining whether the symbols arising in these sources reflected archetypal content, Jung was careful to include only those instances in which the individual producing the symbol professed to have no prior knowledge of the putative meaning of the symbol. Although this approach lacks scientific rigor, Jung’s method is consistent with early psychoanalytic techniques.

Theories of Archetype Inheritance

Several authors have attempted to examine the inheritance of archetypes (Keutzer, 1983; Rosen, Smith, Huston & Gonzalez, 1991; Wloch, 1990, 1991). Unfortunately, these attempts have failed to provide a plausible account of the evolution of psychological adaptations, particularly because there has been either scanty or misinformed attention paid to the actual process of natural selection. In a discussion of the archetypal imagery of religious experiences, Henry (1986) locates archetypes in the neurophysiological events of the central nervous system that are responsible for the subjective emotional aspects of behavioral patterns. Thus, archetypes would be genetically inherited along with neurophysiological architecture, hormonal systems, etc. The present state of knowledge of the brain precludes identification of archetypes with specific parts of the brain, however, in locating archetypes within functional brain systems, Henry has at least made explicit the point that psychological processes must be neurophysiological events, which ancestrally would have varied genetically and would therefore have been subject to natural selection if there was any relationship to reproductive success. In another recent attempt to find a Darwinian explanation for archetypal theory, Percival (1993) concludes that Jung’s theory of archetypes, while notionally Lamarckian, is basically non-evolutionary, metaphysical, and unfalsifiable. Although correct in some of his cautionary points

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regarding the attribution of functional design to archetypes, Percival is premature in dismissing the idea that archetypes may represent some underlying structure in the psyche that evolved through natural selection.

The major work in which the evolution of archetypes is discussed is Stevens’ book, Archetype: A Natural H&tory of the Self(1982). Stevens treats archetypes specifically as biological phenomena that have evolved by natural selection, although he does not discuss the function of archetypes with respect to the solving of ancestral socioecological problems. He sees archetypes as a system of largely unconscious predispositions that coordinate perception, emotion, and behavior in response to species-typical events (e.g., birth, puberty, and courting) occurring throughout the life-cycle. Once the archetypal structure of the psyche is known, Stevens asserts, it will provide a rational basis for the study and practice of medicine, sociology, and politics.

Stevens sees the archetypal system as a life-long repertoire of psychological adaptations; he views the psyche as a mainly unconscious coordinator of the basic patterns of species-typical human behavior that occur throughout the life-cycle. This approach is similar to the concept of life histories (Crawford & Anderson, 1989; Wittenberger, 1981) used by evolutionary biologists and psychologists. A life history is the genetically controlled allocation of time and resources to survival, growth, and reproduction throughout an organism’s life. Life histories are associated with strategies and tactics-behaviors through which organisms compete for the resources necessary for achieving their life histories. Life histories can vary within both species and populations. An example of two somewhat different life histories within one species is found in human males and females. Females, for instance, appear to be biologically hardier than males both pre-natally and throughout life; girls reach puberty earlier than boys; women tend to have fewer sexual partners than men; women experience reproductive time constraints; and women live longer than men. In considering the allocation of time, energy, and resources to survival, growth, and reproduction in humans then, we see several sex-differences that appear to be universal and species-typical. To some extent Jung observed these stages in human life history in his descriptions of the common challenges met by individuals during lifetime development.

Jung’s Evolutionary Perspective on Archetypes

Although writing widely on the nature of the collective unconscious, Jung was silent on the role of natural selection in the shaping of archetypes. We know that he possessed books by both Darwin and Herbert Spencer, and, clearly, he attempted to create a biological model of the psyche whose universal archetypes had evolved throughout evolutionary time. However, we can only speculate on the extent to which he was knowledgeable of the specifics of evolutionary theory that were in print during his career. The bibliography to Volume 9 (Part I) of The Collected Works: The Archetypes and the Collective Unconscious (Jung, 1954/ 1959b) reveals no references to Darwin, Spencer, or Lamarck. Surprisingly little has been written about Darwin’s influence on Jung. Although he assumed that the collective unconscious had somehow evolved over evolutionary time, Jung was unclear on the mechanism of inheritance. His explanations of how archetypes could be inherited is not clear; at times he appears to believe that the experiences and memories underlying archetypes were inherited in a Lamarckian fashion. However, Stevens (1982) concludes that Jung was aware of possible accusations of Lamar&&m and

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refuted them by making the distinction between the archetype as a heritable neurobiological program, and the ideas and images arising from the archetype that are not, in themselves, inherited. Thus, Jung (1954/ 1959c, p. 66) wrote:

It is in my view a great mistake to suppose that the psyche of a new-born child is a tabula rasa in the sense that there is absolutely nothing in it. In so far as the child is born with a differentiated brain that is predetermined by heredity and therefore individualized, it meets sensory stimuli coming from outside not with any aptitudes, but with specific ones, and this necessarily results in a particular, individual choice and pattern of apperception. These aptitudes can be shown to be inherited instincts and preformed patterns, the latter being the a priori and formal conditions of apperception that are based on instinct.. . . They are the archetypes, which direct all fantasy activity into its appointed paths and in this way produce, in the’ fantasy-images of children’s dreams as well as in the delusions of schizophrenia, astonishing mythological parallels such as can be found, though in a lesser degree, in the dreams of normal persons and neurotics. It is not, therefore, a question of inherited ideas but of inherited possibilities of ideas.

Jung’s idea of adaptation is somewhat different from the definition generally accepted by evolutionary biologists (e.g., Burien, 1983; Thomhill, 1990); Jung frequently discussed adaptation as something a particular individual must do vis-a-vis his or her current environment. In contrast, evolutionary biologists view adaptation as a physiological structure, process, or mechanism that evolved by natural selection due to its enhanced fitness benefits for ancestral possessors of the adaptation compared to others. Jung discussed archetypes as striving for actualization. In this sense, archetypes are seen as somehow struggling to assert a predetermined organization or structure on thinking and behavior within certain archetypal arenas such as being a mother. Apparently Jung assumed that evolution operates towards some ultimately “good” goal-a common early twentieth century belief that is incompatible with the modem synthetic theory of evolution by natural selection. Unfortunately, we cannot easily get a clear sense of Jung’s beliefs concerning the mode of inheritance of archetypes; while he appears to take an implicit evolutionary perspective, his discussions of the specifics of this perspective are vague, undeveloped, and frequently contradictory. The following quote by Neumann (1954/ 1970, pp. xvi-xx), a close follower of Jung, illustrates the kind of evolutionary thinking practiced by Jung and his followers:

In the course of its ontogenetic development, the individual ego consciousness has to pass through the same archetypal stages which determined the evolution of consciousness in the life of humanity.. . . The evolution of consciousness as a form of creative evolution is the peculiar achievement of Western man. Creative evolution of ego consciousness means that, through a continuous process stretching over thousands of years, the conscious system has absorbed more and more unconscious contents and progressively extended its frontiers.. . . In stationary cultures, or in primitive societies where the original features of human culture are still preserved, the earliest stages of man’s psychology predominate to such a degree that individual and creative traits are not assimilated by the collective.... The evolution of consciousness by stages is as much a collective human phenomenon as a particular individual phenomenon. Ontogenetic development may therefore be regarded as a modified recapitulation of phylogenetic development.

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Clearly Jung endorsed Neumann’s version of the evolution of the psyche; in fact, in his foreword to Neumann’s (1954/ 1970) book on the origins of consciousness, Jung wrote, “[Neumann] has succeeded in constructing a unique history of the evolution of consciousness . . . [placing] the concepts of analytical psychology . . . on a firm evolutionary basis . ..” Neumann demonstrates a variety of beliefs about evolution that were common earlier in this century. First, although more-or-less discrete stages of individual development may have evolved by natural selection, and, in fact, mammalian embryogenesis produces evolutionarily archaic forms (Mayr, 1982), the assumption that personality and cognitive development in infants and children is identical to that in, for instance, homo habilis or australopithecus is extremely questionable. This assumption is related to the belief that ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny. Second, Neumann assumes that the consciousness of individuals in the Western world has been shaped by selection pressures not experienced by other human groups; but has sufficient time elapsed since the dispersal of humans throughout the Western world for selection to operate only on Western individuals? Insufficient time has elapsed for the evolution in one population of what would appear to be enormous cognitive complexity, not to mention the further difficulty of identifying selection pressures on consciousness that operated only in the Western world. Finally, the assumption that so-called primitive individuals are less evolved than those in the industrialized world is insupportable; modem hunter-gatherers are as “evolved” as modem European scientists. [Bditor’s Note 2: No one would &ny that all humans are equally biologically evolved; the question of whether all humans are equally cognitively evolved is a much more controversial topic. See Warren Tenhouten, “‘Into the Wild Blue Yonder-On the Emergence of Ethnoneurologies, ” Journal of Social and Biological Structures, 14 (4) 1991, pp. 381-408, for example, for a discussion of the di#iculty of claiming that Australian Aboriginal cognitive structures are less evolved than European structures; Tenhouten argues that Aboriginal and European cognitive structures have superiorities in dgferent tasks. On the other hand, I would add that we might well rank tasks in terms of their pertinence to our survival and development as a species, and conclude that certain tasks-e.g., preservation of human lfe and its extension via medicine- have been more effectively performed in cultures other than the Australian Aboriginals. The role of social culture and naturally selected cognitive structures-what contribution each makes to the mix that enables successfulpet$ormance of tasks-is the unresolved issue here. Iwould in any case argue against any cultural relativism that claimed that all cognitive cultures are equal.-PL]

A further problem in understanding Jung’s vision of the evolutionary significance of analytical psychology arises from the variable and often capricious language used to describe archetypes both by Jung and his followers. Jung and his immediate and closest successors (e.g., Jacobi, 1957/ 1974) struggled with providing a clear and precise definition of the archetypes. As Jacobi points out (p. 3 l), “It is impossible to give an exact definition of the archetype, and the best we can do is to suggest its general implications by ‘talking around’ it.” Furthermore, Jung’s descriptions of archetypes and their imagery are phrased in terms no longer in general use in psychology, such as “psychoid,” rather than in terms of information-processing systems instantiated in neural hardware that are currently used in discussion of Darwinian algorithms. Jung was far more interested in the experience of archetypal ‘imagery and its consequences for an individual’s well-being than in the mechanisms by which archetypes as psychological adaptations came into being.

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Consequently, he was less than careful in describing his observations of archetypal imagery and its effects on his patients.

One of the regrettable aspects of Jungian psychology is the tendency to ascribe a wide variety of behaviors and feelings to the same archetype. Frequently, descriptions of archetypal experiences are selectively used to confii the existence of a particular archetype. Such ad hoc theorizing creates significant difficulty in grasping the essential qualities of particular archetypes as envisioned by Jung, and renders specific archetypes theoretically empty and unfalsifiable. The advantage of using evolutionary theory to predict what kinds of psychological adaptations have been naturally selected is thus clear: if we can predict that a particular adaptation should have evolved, then we are also able to predict the situations in which that adaptation should be activated, the emotions that should be experienced when that adaptation fails or succeeds, the kinds of behaviors that might be guided by that adaptation, and so on.

The absence of much empirical evidence of the existence of a collective unconscious and reliance on anecdotal evidence and clinical case studies results in a great deal of Jungian writing that is speculative rather than conclusive. Evolutionary theory might offer insight to Jungian scholars in their thinking about how the psyche might be organized from an adaptationist perspective.

Archetypes as Psychological Adaptations

One of the weaknesses of Jung’s conception of archetypes is that he never applied to them any criterion of functional design that would have given us some indication of the practical ancestral problems specific archetypes were designed to deal with. Furthermore, Jung’s archetypal system seems to be rather openended, and Jungian psychologists have defined as archetypes a large and heterogeneous number of images: the self, the persona, the shadow, the wise old man, sex, the hero, religion, etc. Thus, the greatest challenge to the assertion that Jungian archetypes are shaped by natural selection and are, therefore, universal comes from the problem of defining the features of the ancestral environment that would have rendered particular archetypes adaptive. If archetypes comprise the essential core of the human psyche then they must have evolved by natural selection. In order for archetypes to be psychological adaptations, we need to demonstrate a one-to- one fit between adaptive problems in the ancestral environment and cognitive, emotional, perceptual, or motivational solutions inherent in the psychological preparedness provided to an individual by the archetypes. We must be able to determine what adaptive, ancestral, reproductively-relevant problem a particular archetype is suited for solving, in order to hypothesize that it actually evolved by natural selection. If we cannot make this analysis, then either the archetype did not evolve by natural selection or we have an incomplete knowledge of the adaptive problems faced by our ancestors.

Predicted Psychological Adaptations and Archetypes

In order to take full advantage of Jung’s insights, we must first use evolutionary theory to make predictions about the kind of psychological adaptations that could have evolved in the ancestral environment, and second, determine whether any of Jung’s archetypes are similar to the predicted psychological adaptations.

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Our present understanding of the human ancestral environment is incomplete. The environment of evolutionary adaptedness, or EEA, is a concept originally conceived by John Bowlby (1%9) in his important work on the evolutionary origins of parent-child attachment. The EEA for ancestral humans consisted of environmental invariances that operated as selection pressures for particular adaptations throughout our evolutionary history (Tooby & Cosmides, 199Ob)-for example, during the Pleistocene era. Modem hunter-gatherers are frequently used as models for ancestral humans due to the presumed similarities in lifestyle between them and ancestral hunter-gatherers. There are a number of extant hunter-gatherer groups throughout the world, such as the Yanomamo and Ache in South America, the Hadza and !Kung of Africa, Australian Aboriginals, the Inuit of the extreme northern hemisphere, and so on. The lifestyles of all “traditional” peoples contain many similarities; however, the variations between them as well as their incorporation of modem Western cultural practices result in an incomplete picture of ancestral hunter-gatherer groups. Furthermore, although ancestral humans are thought to have lived in small, kin-based hunting and gathering groups characterized by a fairly marked division of labor by sex and a good deal of sharing and cooperation (Bernhard & Glantz, 1992), we need to note that the EEA for different adaptations may, themselves, be different. For instance, the EEA for the evolution of the digestive system may not be the same as the EEA for the evolution of reciprocal altruism; neither the socioecological- physiological environment nor the period of time of selection need be the same.

In discussing the extent to which Jungian archetypes describe psychological adaptations, I will refer both to the general socioecological environment of pre-agricultural ancestral human groups, and to the specific aspects of that environment that would have been selection pressures for particular psychological adaptations. The final section of this article discusses a number of archetypes most fundamental in Jungian psychology as innate information-processing psychological adaptations evolved by natural selection. At the conclusion, I provide a table in which I speculate where some Jungian archetypes match areas of cognition predicted by evolutionary theory to have domain-specific psychological adaptations.

Jungian Archetypes

The Persona

The Persona archetype refers to an individual’s social being, which may or may not accurately reflect the real self. It functions to present socially desirable qualities to others and to adapt from social situation to situation. The Persona is the mechanism individuals use to advertise their personalities to others (Stevens, 1982). It provides a framework for interactions within a variety of relationships, endowing the individual with a repertoire of social roles within which he or she can comfortably function. The Persona develops as the individual responds to the requirements of parents, teachers, and society. Essentially, the concept of a Persona reflects this capacity to adjust one’s outer appearance in response to the demands of a particular social situation (Hopcke, 1989). For instance, the “face” or personality portrayed by one individual as he or she moves through the roles of parent, child, employee, customer, relative, stranger, etc. is likely to vary; among the qualities

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that would change depending on the role and situation might include, for example, humor, politeness, degree of familiarity, and deception. Facial expressions and nonverbal body language are also likely to vary-dealing with a high-status employer, for example, might involve more submissive body language than talking to a small child. The Persona archetype reflects the ability to behave appropriately according to the demands of the social situation.

Ancestral individuals who obtained the greatest amount of resources associated with survival and raising a family would have greater reproductive success than individuals who were frequently exploited by others. Self-interest would clearly produce reproductive advantages. Good social skills would be a valuable asset in gaining resources; clearly, one can more easily form friendships, reciprocal exchange relationships, and even manipulative and exploitive relationships if these are addressed with a pleasant social manner and assertive self-interest. All of these different social relationships may be governed by cultural rules that reflect psychological adaptations specific to each.

Ancestral individuals who were not able to regulate their behavior in recurrent and different social relationships would treat everybody the same way regardless of status, kinship, degree of reciprocity, etc. Such individuals would be at a distinct fitness disadvantage; treating all individuals as kin would entail a large amount of costly and time-consuming resource exchange with and help to unrelated individuals who would be unlikely to reciprocate. Although theorists have widely assumed that altruism toward non- kin need not be reciprocated to be adaptive, instances of social exchange between non- relatives may include more instances of subtle “cheating.” Cost-benefit analyses of decisions to help others, may include, for instance, inputs such as whether the recipient is kin or non-kin, whether the recipient will be called upon to reciprocate, and whether the donor is intent on “cheating.”

All of these relationships and social situations call for social skills sufficient for balancing self-interest with at least some degree of pleasantry and good manners. But we cannot clearly conclude that this ability, while adaptive, is an adaptation: the Persona archetype appears rather to reflect a domain-general ability to change one’s behavior in a variety of situations, and therefore is unlikely to represent a complex adaptation. This ability is clearly part of the process discussed above, yet the Persona archetype may reflect the fortuitous effects of a collection of psychological adaptations mediating social exchange, rather than a domain-specific adaptation.

The Shadow

The qualities that an individual sees as incompatible with the Persona due to their social undesirability are repressed, and form the Shadow archetype. The Shadow archetype is associated with the negative, unpleasant side of personality, and includes, for example, feelings of guilt, jealousy, greed, lust for power, and other qualities deemed to be disreputable and shameful.

Jung saw the Shadow archetype as a powerful activator of thought and behavior, and he noted that bringing the Shadow archetype into conscious awareness was a psychic necessity that would result in a lessening of negative feelings and actions arising from the Shadow archetype, such as neuroticism, projection of negative qualities onto others, paranoia, and suspiciousness. Jung claimed that the Shadow archetype governed thinking

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and behavior once an individual felt free of cultural and societal constraints on morality; thus, he argued that individuals are governed by a conscience associated with parental, societal, and cultural ethical prohibitions which suppresses the shadowy side of one’s personality.

Stevens (1982) claims that a strong biological imperative exists to make the Shadow conscious, and that this urgency is perceived by individuals as a moral burden that becomes expressed in feelings of guilt and shame. He interprets the Shadow archetype as representative of an evolved moral system. He suggests that although cultural differences in ethical prohibitions exist, the universality of the existence of such prohibitions is evidence of a naturally selected moral sensibility.

The existence of an evolved ethical system is a persistent and thorny question that has plagued evolutionary-minded thinkers including Darwin himself. By defining a Shadow archetype, Jung joined other writers such as Darwin, Herbert Spencer, and William James, in attempting to incorporate morality into the evolution of human nature (Richards, 1987). Evolutionary thinkers have long wrestled with the question of innate morality and goodness; early writing on this topic was marked by a reluctance to relinquish the notion of inherent human goodness from the theory of natural selection, which is necessarily amoral. Evolutionary theory accounts for a good deal of selfishness or self- interest, ranging from extremely subtle cheating in social exchanges to extreme despotic political systems; it does not predict the evolution of widespread indiscriminate altruism.

Both the Shadow and the Persona archetype relate to balancing culturallydeveloped moral standards of behavior with the self-interest imposed by genes. Jung’s observations of feelings and attitudes attributable to the Shadow archetype appear to describe variable degrees of manipulativeness, selfishness, and acquisitiveness. Does the Shadow archetype describe extreme forms of a psychological adaptation for self-interest in relationships, or is the latter too broad a category to mean anything? Once again, self-interest obviously will take many forms depending on the situation; however, remembering that behavior is idiosyncratic whereas the psychological mechanism underlying it is universal, we seem safe to say that the Shadow archetype is indicative of a psychological adaptation for self- interest. Of course, self-interest is not always comfortable, and is likely to be accompanied at times by feelings of guilt, shame, and self-disgust-all feelings that Jung described and indeed attributed to the Shadow.

The Mother and The Father

Several Jungian archetypes deal with aspects of family life: two important ones are the Mother and the Father. Jung observed universally expressed archetypal Mother imagery: Mother Nature, Earth Mother, the Goddess of Fertility, the Moon Goddess, etc. The Mother archetype endows the infant with a psychological expectation for a Mother, or other maternal object that must be met for normal development. Steven’s (1982) sees the Mother archetype as part of a dynamic mother-child system, where the archetype represents the provider, love object, protector, and nurturer in both the child’s and mother’s psyches. According to Stevens, both the loving feelings and the protective and caring behaviors of a Mother concerning her infant have common phylogenetic origin within the psyche in the Mother archetype. Bowlby (1969) originally recognized the fundamental evolutionary importance of mother-child attachment; Jung’s Mother archetype includes

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the mutual fascination and love normally experienced by both child and mother that facilitate the attachment bond between them. He suggests that this experience is activated by the Mother archetype in both psyches; both Mother and child are psychologically prepared to experience subjective feelings that facilitate the attachment process and insure care of the infant.

Parent-child conflict has been fruitful ground for evolutionary researchers who have been interested in how parents allocate resources to offspring at the same time as offspring attempt to garner the maximum resources possible. Jungian psychology is also concerned with reducing the anxiety and psychological contlict that may surround the attachment bond, particularly in the case of adult children. The interaction of the Mother archetype in the child’s psyche and one’s actual mother is a critical part of the attachment process, according to Stevens (1982). If the child is deprived of a Mother or other maternal figure, the child’s Mother archetype is unfulfilled; consequently, Stevens argues, the child will be susceptible to possibly irreversible disease, mental health problems, and even retardation, as well as subsequent difficulties in forming loving relationships.

According to Jung, the Father archetype is expressed as the Elder, the King, the Father in Heaven, the Lawgiver, etc. The Father archetype also has the dual aspects of Good and Terrible. Jung believed that the Father archetype was activated developmentally later in the child’s life than the archetype of the Mother; however, once activated after about age 5, it exerted greater influence over the child’s developing personality. According to Stevens (1982) and Jung (1954/ 1959), the Father archetype is critical for the child’s development of gender-consciousness; for girls, the Father archetype reinforces the perception of being the same sex as Mother. For boys the Father archetype is necessary in the realization of being diierent from Mother. Jung’s work on the Father archetype is comparatively desultory and most of the writing on this topic has been done by Jung’s successors.

These two parental archetypes, according to Jung, are universally expressed iu mythology and legend and are experienced with a degree of awe and fascination. The importance of real parents (or parental-type caregivers) is undeniable for a child’s well-being and subsequent development. From an evolutionary perspective, the very question of survival of one’s genes hangs on becoming a parent (or at least on being the close relative of a parent). The biological imperative to bear and nurture offspring that appears to be a fundamental component of human psychological makeup may not require much cognitive processing to be activated; however, decision “rules” regarding the timing of reproduction, allocation of resources to offspring, spacing of childbearing, etc. may be managed through psychological adaptations. The Jungian archetypes that relate to family relationships are rather broadly called upon in Jungian psychology to explain both conflict and cohesion within families. Using the criteria of adaptation discussed earlier, neither the Mother nor the Father archetype appear to describe functionally specific psychological adaptations governing specific aspects of parenting. Both, however, could be applied to areas in which psychological adaptations are predicted by evolutionary theory-namely, timing and allocation of resources to offspring, maximizing resource allocation to more than one child, etc.

Jungian Archetypes and Predicted Psychological Adaptations

Table 1 contains a list of areas predicted by evolutionary principles to have evolved psychological mechanisms for organizing thought, motivation, and behavior due to

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Table 1 Areas of Agreement between Evolutionary Psychology and Jungian Archetypes

Areas Predicted to Have Jungian Archetypes Showing Some Psychological Adaptations Correspondence

Mate selection criteria and competition for mates

Altruism toward kin

Parental investment in offspring

Reciprocal altruism with non-kin

Social exchange with strangers/ acquaintances/friend/kin’

Selfishness

Avoidance of danger/predators/disease

Acquisition of resources

Preference for power/status

Parent-child conflict over parental investment

the Hero, the Maiden, the Anima, the Animus

the Mother, the Father, the Family, the Child, the Parents

the Mother, the Father, the Child, the Patents

the Persona, the Shadow

the Persona, the Shadow

the Shadow

the Bad Animal, the Devil, the Dragon, the Serptent, the Good Mother

the Persona, the Shadow

the Wide Old Man, the Hero

the Wicked Mother, the Witch, the Dragon, the Bad Father

reproductive advantages conferred on ancestral humans; accompanying this list are Jungian archetypes that appear to match specific areas. This is not an exhaustive list of either area; it is intended to speculate about psychological mechanisms in evolutionary psychology and Jungian psychology that might overlap.

Coneluslon

Jung’s observations of archetypal experiences and his description of the contents of the putative collective unconscious align well with the interests of evolutionary psychologists. Questions about the evolution of the unconscious are fundamental to questions about the kinds of psychological adaptations that have evolved. Jung’s assumptions regarding a necessarily unconscious part of the psyche remain and have yet to be systematically studied using an evolutionary perspective, even though there is considerable interest in unconscious processes by psychologists in diverse fields of research (e.g., Bowers, 1987; Greenwald, 1992; Kihlstrom, 1987). Like Jung, evolutionary psychologists must struggle with the concepts of the conscious and the unconscious in order to explain how the psyche evolved to its present form and structure. Jung asserted that archetypes exist only in the unconscious, although archetypal imagery-the affective and cognitive result of the archetype per se-was manifest in conscious awareness and reflected in symbols, dreams, and mythology. The extent to which archetypes or psychological adaptations are not

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readily available to consciousness is an empirical question. Perhaps such adaptations are unconscious because there is only limited “workspace” available in the brain, ancestral hominids who were overwhelmed with information to the extent where thinking became incoherent and disorganized might well have been unable to function in daily life, and therefore would not have survived and reproduced. Perhaps conscious awareness of underlying conceptual organization resulted in an “override” that led to conscious yet “bad” decision-making and lower ancestral reproductive success (Alexander, 1979).

Very possibly, Jung’s ideas about the putative design of the evolved psyche are merely metaphorical, representing the “true” structure of the psyche as filtered through his personal observations of an unsystematic mare of individual experiences and imagination only fortuitously related to the “true” collection of adaptations that make up the psyche. That is, agreeing for the moment that there are a number of domain-specifc psychological adaptations, we do not know whether Jung observed the causal effects of them, or just some of the fortuitous effects of them. What is lacking from Jung’s observations of archetypal experiences are expositions of what, exactly, was universal. For instance, when Jung observed myths, dreams, feelings, and images of the Mother archetype, which of these observations reflect something universal in, for example, mother-child attachment, and which reflect idiosyncratic, personal effects that are only fortuitously related to whatever psychological adaptation(s) govern the Mother archetype?

A skilled observer, Jung collected a huge amount of data concerning what he felt to be universals in the structure of the human psyche. Of course, merely being human, and dealing with ordinary problems, introduces a great deal of consistency into what people think, write, and dream about; the question for evolutionary psychology is whether humans are equipped with and guided by universal, naturally-selected, functionally-specific cognitive programs that organize thinking, feeling, and behavior in predictable ways in dealing with common life-situations.

One of the greatest challenges in understanding Jung lies in consuming and comprehending his prolific writing; his Collected Works comprise twenty volumes of difficult prose replete with examples from mythology and the classics. He has often been criticized for the mysticism, obscurity, confusion, and contradictions that characterize much of his work (e.g., Storr, 1973; Percival, 1993); one has difficulty at times grasping the essentials of a particular Jungian construct, but this is perhaps due as much to his attempt to provide supporting evidence from an extremely large and eclectic body of sources combined with a tendency to write “stream-ofconsciousness” paragraphs as to his rather inconsistent use (and perhaps others’ imprecise translation) of his terminology. Unfortunately, therefore, Jung’s work may be undeservedly ignored by contemporary psychologists.

Jung’s vision of the evolution of the psyche is incomplete from the standpoint of current evolutionary biology, particularly in its total neglect of the importance of defining adaptive problems in the ancestral environment, and it contains many misapprehensions about the mechanisms of natural selection. However, Jung’s insights into what he considered to be universals in the human psyche provide fascinating reading for evolutionary psychologists who are grappling with the same questions. Jung should not be criticized too severely for his incomplete account of the role of evolution in human psychology, since his real contribution to modem evolutionary psychology lies in his assumption that the human mind is not a blank slate at birth, but a functional system

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of psychological adaptations arising through natural selection that profoundly influence human thought, feeling, and behavior, and that are therefore reflected in culture through mythology, literature, and art. The large body of literature left by both Jung and his followers is a rich source of material for evolutionary psychologists, who should acknowledge his precedence in this area.

Jung’s goals of understanding the human mind and using that understanding to help people become happier, insightful, and more effective are enormous and difficult, yet indicative of the potential of psychology. His emphasis on the emotional experiences that he characterized as archetypal may be a useful future direction for evolutionary psychology, which seems to have paid less attention to the emotional component of psychological mechanisms than to the cognitive aspect. One hopes that Jung’s insightful and empathic attempts to understand psychological adaptations can be built upon by including a more indepth understanding of the ancestral environment, natural selection, and other principles of evolution provided by modern anthropologists, psychologists, biologists, and behavioral ecologists.

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Acknowleidgments

I thank Charles Crawford, Dave Slotnick, and Gerald Beroldi for comments on a draft of this article. A poster based on this article was presented at a conference on “Evolution and Human Sciences” at the London School of Economics, June 1993.

About the Author

Sally Walters is a doctoral student studying evolutionary psychology at Simon Fraser University. Her research interests include evolutionary theories of cognition, female reproduction suppression, and human sexual selection. She recently published an article in Ethology and Sociobiology (Vol. 15, 1994, pp. 5-30) on “The ‘Importance of Mate Attraction for Intrasexual Competition in Men and Women.”