I feel like I have been carrying aweight around that I’ve inherited…I have this theory that grief is passedon genetically because it’s there and I never knew where it came from…I feel a sense of responsibility toundo the pain of the past. I can’tseparate myself from the past, thehistory and the trauma. It [thehistory] has been paralyzing to us asa group [American Indian people].

A Lakota/Dakota woman(Brave Heart & DeBruyn, 1998, p. 68)

Historical trauma describes thecumulative emotional andpsychological wounding acrossgenerations, resulting from a people’scollective traumatic experiences (Brave Heart, 1998, 1999). Unresolvedgrief in light of native (AmericanIndian/Alaska Native) history,oppression, and intergenerationaltransfer are also key components ofthe historical trauma response. Similarintergenerational trauma responsefeatures are also illustrated in theliterature from the Holocaust and the experiences of Japanese-Americandescendants of WWII internment campsurvivors (Nagata, 1991, 1998).

The symptomology associated withhistorical trauma response surpassesthe intensity of those symptoms

identified in posttraumatic stressdisorder. The features most frequentlyassociated with historical traumaresponse include substance abuse,suicidal behavior, depression, anxiety,low self-esteem, anger, and difficultyrecognizing and expressing emotions(Brave Heart, 2003). This authorsuggests that historical traumaresponse is prevalent in the AmericanIndian/Alaska Native (AI/AN)population. This article addresses some of the issues related to historicaltrauma response and substance abuseamong some AI/AN people.

Native history is rife with trauma, and includes, broadly speaking, the decimation of the culturalunderpinnings of a way of life. Thebuffalo were killed; natives weredisplaced or killed during westernexpansion, or were victims of massacre(including the Wounded KneeMassacre in 1890); and alcohol wasintroduced into native society, where it was previously unknown.Specifically, native history includes theinterruption of the life cycle withboarding school placement, beginningas a federal policy for natives in 1879with the opening of the Carlisle(Pennsylvania) Indian School.

See Historical Trauma, Page 3

750 First Street, NE • Suite 700 • Washington, D.C. 20002-4241202.408.8600 ext. 476 • www.socialworkers.org/sections

©2007 National Association of Social Workers. All Rights Reserved.

HISTORICAL TRAUMA AND SUBSTANCE ABUSEMaria Yellow Horse Brave Heart, PhD, MSW, LCSW

ISSUE TWO – 2007

IN THIS ISSUE

Historical Trauma and Substance Abuse ..................1

From the Chair..........................2

Exploring Substance Abuse inAmerican Indians/Alaska Natives ......................5

American Indian Grandparents and their Grandchildren: TheImpact of Alcohol Abuse ........7

Preventing Alcohol Abuse:Identifying Developmental Assets in Healthy AnishinaabeChildren................................9

Publication of articles does notconstitute endorsement by NASWof the opinions expressed in thearticles. The views expressed arethose of the author(s).

SectionConnectionAlcohol, Tobacco & Other Drugs

Issue Two – 2007 • ATOD 2

ATODSectionConnection

A NEWSLETTER OF THE NASWSPECIALTY PRACTICE SECTIONS

SECTION COMMITTEE

CHAIRElizabeth Pomeroy, PhD, MSW, LCSW

Austin, TX

Maurice Fisher, Sr., PhD, MSW, LCSWMechanicsville, VA

Debra I. Jenkins, MSW, LCSW-CWest Palm Beach, FL

Cudore Snell, DSW, MSW, LICSWWashington, DC

Christine Lowery, PhDMilwaukee, WI

NASW PresidentElvira Craig de Silva, DSW, ACSW

Executive DirectorElizabeth J. Clark, PhD, ACSW, MPH

NASW STAFFManager

Susan Rubin, MBA, MA

Senior Policy AssociateMelanie McCoy, MSW, LICSW

Senior Marketing AssociateYvette Mulkey

Administrative AssistantNonya Miller

AMERICAN INDIANS/ALASKA NATIVES—SUBSTANCE ABUSE FACTS

It is no secret that disparities exist within the U.S. health care system. Studies have shown,repeatedly, that ethnic and minority groups (such as African Americans and Latinos) have higherrates of preventable diseases and less access to quality health care than the “mainstream”population. Among these groups, American Indians and Alaska Natives have higher percentages ofsuch problems as substance abuse and psychological disorders (Barnes, Adams, & Powell-Griner,2005).

For example:• American Indian or Alaska Native adults (33.5 percent) were more likely to be current smokers

than white adults (23.2 percent), black adults (22.4 percent), and Asian adults (12.7 percent).

• American Indian or Alaska Native men (27.8 percent) were as likely as white men (29.3percent) and more likely than black men (20.5 percent) and Asian men (14.9 percent) to becurrent moderate or heavier drinkers.

• About one-fourth of American Indian or Alaska Native adults (24.6 percent) were formerdrinkers compared with black adults, white adults, and Asian adults (18.4 percent, 14.6percent, and 9.3 percent, respectively).

• Overall, American Indian or Alaska Native adults (8.2 percent) were about twice as likely asblack adults (3.2 percent), three times as likely as white adults (2.8 percent), and five times aslikely as Asian adults (1.7 percent) to have experienced serious psychological distress within thepast 30 days.

• American Indian or Alaska Native women (11.8 percent) were about three times as likely asblack women (4.0 percent), three and a half times as likely as white women (3.4 percent), andfive times as likely as Asian women (2.4 percent) to have experienced serious psychologicaldistress within the past 30 days.

• American Indian or Alaska Native adults (5.9 percent) were more than twice as likely as blackadults (2.1 percent), about three times as likely as white adults (1.9 percent), and four timesas likely as Asian adults (1.5 percent) to have felt hopeless most or all of the time within thepast 30 days.

• American Indian or Alaska Native adults (5.8 percent) were about three times as likely as blackadults (1.9 percent), about three times as likely as white adults (1.7 percent), and five times aslikely as Asian adults (1.2 percent) to have felt worthless most or all of the time within the past30 days.

(National Center for Health Statistics, 2005)

REFERENCE

Barnes, P.M., Adams, P.F., & Powell-Griner, E. (2005). Health characteristics of the American Indianand Alaska Native adult population: United States, 1999–2003. Advance data from vital andhealth statistics; Publication No 356. Hyattsville, MD: National Center for Health Statistics.

3 ATOD • Issue Two – 2007

The Boarding School LegacyThe legacy of boarding schools includedprolonged and forced separation of children fromtribal communities, parents, and families—oftenfor several years. As what would become knownas the United States’ Peace Policy, more than 500military-style boarding schools were establishedin the 1860s to assimilate the American Indianchildren into Euro-American culture (Smith,2006). In most cases, this forced separationoccurred as youth were going through criticaldevelopmental stages. In addition to being keptfrom their families, communities, and their nativeculture and ceremonies, many children werebeaten for speaking their native languages, andwere subjected to other forms of physical andsexual abuse (Smith).

The lack of parental role models in boardingschools, harsh corporal punishment instead ofcultural teaching, and a devaluation of nativelanguages and cultural practices undermined thedevelopment of children’s cultural identities. Inaddition, the 1881 and 1883 federal prohibitionof religious practices on reservations and inboarding schools led to an inability to find one’sspiritual purpose, to dream, and to set goals(Brave Heart, 2003). The availability of alcoholin the peer-centered society of the boardingschool made for a volatile situation.

The Impact of Historical TraumaPositive family relations, high parentalinvolvement, and constructive disciplinarymethods are among protective factors forsubstance abuse. On the other hand, weakcultural identity and weak family affiliation areassociated with youth substance abuse (Oetting& Beauvais, 1989). Unfortunately, the lack ofemotional availability and disempowerment seenamong native people raised in boarding schoolsweakened their parental involvement with theirown families.

In general, childhood exposure to parentalsubstance abuse and trauma—including sexualabuse—exacerbates trauma symptoms. Parents

who are boarding school survivors often arecoping with their own boarding school trauma,which decreases their capacity to be emotionallyavailable to their children. Additionally, theirtrauma may also result in impaired parenting skillcompetence, as boarding school survivors weredeprived of growing up in a normal native homewith positive and culturally congruent parentalrole modeling.

Based on this information, prevention andtreatment of substance abuse and other issues in native people must focus on amelioratinghistorical trauma response and fostering a re-attachment to traditional native values. Thesevalues may serve as protective factors to limit or prevent substance abuse and furthertransmission of trauma across generations.

A Promising InterventionThe historical trauma and unresolved grief(HTUG) intervention was first developed in 1992 as a psycho-educational intervention forgroups. It is a promising approach for addressinghistorical trauma response in native people (Brave Heart, 2003). The HTUG intervention is consistent with interventions for PTSD andaims to provide a sense of trauma mastery andcontrol in clients.

The intervention takes place in a retreat settingthat is meaningful to the specific nativecommunity to whom it is delivered. Audio-visualmaterials help stimulate historically traumaticmemories. Working through memories andemotions in small and large groups helps tointegrate the trauma. Using a combination ofthese techniques—together with traditional nativeprayer and ceremonies—participants are able to connect with their native values (Brave Heart, 2003).

In 2001, under a special minority communityaction grant, the Center for Mental HealthServices recognized HTUG as an exemplarymodel. HTUG has been validated through bothpreliminary quantitative and qualitative research

Historical Trauma and Substance Abuse (Continued)

Issue Two – 2007 • ATOD 4

(Brave Heart, 2003) and has been documented inpeer-reviewed journals and other publications.

This author has delivered HTUG to a number of tribal communities across the United States.Preliminary research on this model and itsintegration into parenting sessions indicated thatparticipants perceived the following:

• Beginnings of trauma and grief resolution,including a decrease in hopelessness and an increase in joy;

• Improved positive Lakota identity;• Increased protective factors and a decrease

in risk factors for substance abuse; • Enhanced parental relationships with

children and family relationships acrossgenerations; and

• Improved parenting skills, family connections,and sensitivity to one’s children. (Brave Heart, 1998, 1999a, 1999b, 2000; Brave Heart &DeBruyn, in press)

The work on historical trauma promises toincrease our understanding of theintergenerational transfer of trauma, its rootcauses, and will hopefully lead to preventing or limiting the negative effects for the nextgenerations.

The Takini Network, a native non-profitorganization formed in 1992 to address historicaltrauma healing among native peoples, isdeveloping research on longer-term benefits of the HTUG model. Additionally, the Network isconducting research on the efficacy of historicaltrauma interventions and the qualities and degreeof historical trauma response across AI/ANtribes. Plans are currently underway to developan instrument that would accurately measure and assess historical trauma.

Continued Research Shows PromiseHistorical trauma and the historical traumaresponse are critical and meaningful concepts fornative peoples. The response to historical traumatheory across native communities has been a

positive, empowering experience. In fact, manynative communities are asking for additionaltraining and research on historical trauma, andnative social workers are currently involved inhistorical trauma research.

Continued research is needed, however, to: (a)increase the effectiveness of HTUG; and (b) assessthe historical trauma response, its relationshipwith substance abuse, and how trauma istransferred to descendants. In 2001, a historicconference titled “Models of Healing IndigenousSurvivors of Historical Trauma: A MulitculturalDialogue Among Allies Conference,” took place.

The four day event included indigenous survivorsfrom native groups in the mainland United States,Hawaii, and Alaska, as well as natives fromCanada and other parts of North, Central, andSouth America. Participants came together toexchange experiences and healing models withinternational trauma experts and clinicians fromother massively traumatized groups, including:Jewish Holocaust survivors and descendants;Japanese American World War II internmentcamp descendants; African American descendantsof slaves; and Latino survivors of colonization.

Follow up conferences were held in September2003, and December 2004. These conferencescontinued knowledge exchange, dialogue, andbuilding coalitions across diverse traumatizedpopulations—recognizing common features of allsurvivors of massive group trauma—in an effortto help each community heal. The unity at theModels of Healing conferences and the historicaltrauma group interventions gives hope thattrauma survivors can heal, and that we canprevent massive group trauma for futuregenerations.

Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart, PhD, MSW, LCSW, is an associateresearch professor, and also coordinator and developer/associateprofessor of the Native Peoples Curriculum Project at University ofDenver Graduate School of Social Work. A Lakota, Dr. Brave Heart isalso president of The Takini Network. In January 2007, Dr. Brave Heartwill join the faculty at Columbia University School of Social Work asassociate professor. She may be contacted at takininet@aol.com

5 ATOD • Issue Two – 2007

References

Brave Heart, M.Y.H., & DeBruyn, L. M. (in press). Thehistorical trauma response among natives: The Lakotaexample. In Brave Heart, DeBruyn, Segal, Taylor, & Daw(Eds.) Historical trauma within the American experience:Roots, effects, and healing. New York: Haworth Press.

Brave Heart, M.Y.H. (1998). The return to the sacred path:Healing the historical trauma response among the Lakota.Smith College Studies in Social Work, 68(3), 287–305.

Brave Heart, M.Y.H. (1999a). Oyate Ptayela: Rebuilding the Lakota Nation through addressing historical traumaamong Lakota parents. Journal of Human Behavior andthe Social Environment, 2(1/2), 109–126.

Brave Heart, M.Y.H. (1999b). Gender differences in thehistorical trauma response among the Lakota. Journal of Health and Social Policy, 10(4), 1–21.

Brave Heart, M.Y.H. (2000). Wakiksuyapi: Carrying thehistorical trauma of the Lakota. Tulane Studies in Social Work, 21–21, 245–266.

Brave Heart, M.Y.H. (2001). Clinical interventions withAmerican Indians in R. Fong & S. Furuto (Eds). Cultural competent social work practice: Practice skills,interventions, and evaluation (pp. 285–298). New York:Longman Publishers.

Brave Heart, M.Y.H. (2003). The historical trauma responseamong Natives and its relationship with substance abuse:A Lakota illustration. Journal of Psychoactive Drugs, 35(1), 7–13.

Nagata, D. (1991). Intergenerational effects of the JapaneseAmerican internment: Clinical issues in working withchildren of former internees. Psychotherapy, 28(1),121–128.

Nagata, D. (1998). Transgenerational impact of the Japanese-American internment. In Y. Danieli (Ed.), Internationalhandbook of multigenerational legacies of trauma(pp. 125–140). New York: Plenum Publishing.

Oetting, E. R., & Beauvais, F. (1989). Epidemiology andcorrelates of alcohol use among Indian adolescents livingon reservations. In Alcohol use among U. S. ethnicminorities (NIAAA Research Monograph No. 18).Rockville, MD: U.S. Public Health Service.

Smith, A. (2006). Soul wound: The legacy of Native Americanschools. Amnesty Magazine. New York: AmnestyInternational USA. Retrieved from www.amnestyusa.org/amnestynow/soulwound.html on December 14, 2006.

EXPLORING SUBSTANCE ABUSE IN AMERICANINDIANS/ALASKA NATIVES

Throughout history, people have used—andmisused—alcohol. In fact, it is the oldest known,most abused drug, with a broad range of use and consequences among various populations(Frisbee, 2005). Every community, it seems, hasits own particular relationship with one of thenation’s most widely accepted and readilyavailable social drugs.

Among American Indian and Alaska Native(AI/AN) communities, alcohol misuse is the singlemost significant substance abuse problem, thoughmethamphetamine is a growing threat on

reservations across the United States (Gerard,2005). In 2003, there were 49.3 alcohol-relateddeaths for every 100,000 natives. This numberwas significantly higher than deaths due to druguse or firearms within the same community(Gerard).

Because prevention and treatment of substanceabuse is most effective when cultural context is taken into consideration, it is important toexplore the environment in which abuse ofalcohol and other drugs occurs. In a 2005 articlefor Indian Times, author Shirley Frisbee wrote:

Issue Two – 2007 • ATOD 6

The American Indian experience with chemicaldependency is unique. While there are hundredsof American Indian tribes, each with their ownculture and subgroups, each tribe and subgrouphas its own drinking patterns. However, theyhave one factor in common: post-traumaticstress caused by discrimination and racismresulting from colonization. Social injustice,ethnocentrism and economic instabilitycontribute to alcohol consumption by Native Americans.

A sign of deeper problems, she added, is thatsubstance abuse among American Indians hasbecome a means of coping with low self-esteem,hopelessness, and despair that arise fromoppression. Understanding this social context is essential when addressing substance abuse in the AI/AN population.

In the front page article of this SectionConnection, Maria Yellow Horse Brave Heart examined the phenomenon of historicaltrauma, which she defines as: “…the cumulativeemotional and psychological wounding acrossgenerations, resulting from a people’s collectivetraumatic experiences.”

The resulting historical trauma response, shewrites, can result in a broad array of problemsincluding substance abuse, depression, andsuicide. Brave Heart offers a group interventionmodel—a promising approach for addressingtrauma in native people.

In the second article of this newsletter, Suzanne L.Cross, discusses the reasons why many nativeparents are not raising their own children—a troubling trend in AI/AN communities.

Feelings of hopelessness in the AI/AN communityextend across all age categories, sparing not eventhe young. In fact, the 2002 National Drug UseSurvey shows that AI/AN youth are more likelythan any other ethnic or minority group to haveused illegal drugs, smoked cigarettes, andparticipated in binge drinking (five or moredrinks at one time) during the past 30 days(Gerard, 2005).

What does it take to raise healthy AI/AN childrenwhen faced by these figures? In 2004, Priscilla A.Day, and two colleagues at the University ofMinnesota-Duluth Department of Social Work,received a grant to explore this question. Dayshares what she learned.

Each of these articles offers a different perspectiveon substance abuse problems in AI/ANs. Acommon thread, however, runs through them: theconcept of cultural context in addressing misuseof alcohol and other drugs in these communities.

References

Frisbee, S.M. (2005, November/December). Effects of alcoholabuse on American Indians. Indian Life. Retrieved fromhttp://findarticles.com/p/articles/mi_m0JJC/is_3_26/ai_n15971147 on December 7, 2006.

Gerard, S. (2005, June 16). Prevention and treatment ofsubstance abuse in Native American communities: PhoenixIHS area health summit. Arizona Department of HealthServices, Bureau for Substance Abuse Treatment andPrevention. Retrieved from www.azdhs.gov/phs/tribal/pdf/pao_hshandout021605.pdf on December 7, 2006.

7 ATOD • Issue Two – 2007

Many American Indian grandparents provide sole care for their grandchildren. In fact,approximately 53,000 American Indian andAlaskan Native grandparents, age 45 and older,fulfill this role in kinship-care relationships,according to the U.S. Census Bureau (2004).While American Indian grandparents have alwaysplayed an important part in their grandchildren’slives, the reasons behind this current trend aretroubling.

Historically, among diverse tribal nations,grandparents were (and are) a valuable resourcefor teaching children traditional cultural values.Elders serve as keepers of the culture, kinshipkeepers, mediators, unifiers, counselors, healers,and caregivers (Ryan, 1981; Emick & Hayslip,1996; Erera, 2002; Herring, 1992). Taking intoconsideration the cultural value of informal care,the number of grandparents caring for theirgrandchildren—without legal adoption, fosterparenting, or legal guardianship—is probablygreater than that shown in official reports.

Among the non-American Indian population,reasons why grandparents parent theirgrandchildren include parental substance abuseand addictions; incarceration of a parent; divorce;parental unemployment; lack of childcare; andparents’ mental disorders, serious illness, or death(Bell & Garner, 1996; Brownell & Berman, 2000;Franklin, 1999; Mills, 2001). While the samereasons are also prevalent in the American Indianpopulation, alcohol abuse is the main reason whyAmerican Indian grandparents provide sole carefor their grandchildren. This article takes a closerlook at research performed by this authorexamining this unfortunate phenomenon.

Examining Kinship CareA two-part qualitative study conducted by thisauthor from 2003–2005 examined several aspectsof the American Indian grandparent-grandchildkinship care relationship in Michigan. Part One

of the study included 31 individual grandparentinterviews in 12 counties. Part Two included 27nine-person focus groups in six counties. Theseinterviews examined reasons for care,background information, the influence of theIndian Child Welfare Act (ICWA) of 1978 on the kinship relationship, the grandparents’ majorhealth issues, and services the grandparentsaccessed.

The average age of the grandparents in the studywas 59.7 years, and 23 of 31 individuals hadmajor and multiple health issues. The average ageof the participants’ grandchildren (26 males and19 females) was nine years. One became a fosterchild with his grandmother, three were underformal guardianship, seven were adopted by theirgrandparents, and 34 had no legal relationshipwith their grandparents.

Reasons for CaregivingWhen asked why they were serving as caregiversto their grandchildren, the interviewees listedvarious reasons. Twenty-six participants reportedthat parental substance abuse—primarily alcoholabuse—was the primary reason theirgrandchildren lived with them

Other reasons interviewees provided were:abandonment (8); unemployment (5); lack of daycare (5); teen pregnancy (4); separation/divorce(4); death, including one alcohol-related caraccident (2); mother in school (2); parentalmental disorder (1); serious illness of parent (1);child’s health problems (1); parental learningdisability (1); cultural tradition (1); and, “Tokeep them out of foster care” (1).

These reasons are similar to those listed by non-American Indian grandparents who care for theirgrandchildren. However, an important culturalvalue emerged: Allowing grandparents to raisetheir grandchildren on reservation land or in anestablished American Indian community off

AMERICAN INDIAN GRANDPARENTS AND THEIRGRANDCHILDREN: THE IMPACT OF ALCOHOL ABUSESuzanne L. Cross, PhD, ACSW

Issue Two – 2007 • ATOD 8

reservation land ensures that the children willgrow up in the culture. In fact, seven grandparentsparticipating in the study noted that the IndianChild Welfare Act (ICWA), a policy designed tokeep American Indian children with AmericanIndian families, was helpful in their cases.

Frustrations about ParentsExcept for the seven grandparents who hadadopted their grandchildren, most saw their ownparenting roles as temporary, and were waitingfor their adult children to provide full care oftheir children. Some grandparents reportedfrustration with what they saw as disruptivebehavior on the part of their adult children. Someparents, they said, return home, live with them,and then leave again without the children.

Other parents, interviewees said, find new jobs,take their children, and then return them a shorttime later. “In a month or so,” one grandparentsaid, “when the jobs don’t work out, the childrenare brought back and left.” The grandparentsmust then resume parenting, re-enroll the children in their schools, and help them copewith yet another failed attempt by their parents.

Role of Cultural ValuesIn these situations, the adult children may beexploiting the traditional cultural value of respectfor elders, sharing, and intergenerationalinvolvement that sustained American Indianfamilies throughout history. They take advantageof their children’s grandparents by redefining andmanipulating traditional values—pressing formoney to purchase alcohol or other drugs, andcharging elders with not adhering to the culturalvalue of sharing if they deny these requests.

Adult children also show disrespect by expectingtheir parents to act as sole providers of care fortheir grandchildren, thus rewriting the traditionalrole of grandparents as part of a caring, extendedfamily network. Instead, they tell thegrandparents that they should be willing toprovide sole care for their grandchildren because

it is a traditional value. “Sharing was[traditionally] seen as something positive, more respected,” one grandparent said.

The traditional, culturally grounded values ofrespect for elders, sharing, and intergenerationalinvolvement are still intact for manygrandparents, who practice their roles effectivelyin their communities. Unfortunately, for others,their adult children’s problems have stronglyaffected their lives: Because their own childrenhave substance abuse problems, thesegrandparents must become sole providers of care for their grandchildren.

Helping Grandparent CaregiversBy offering educational programs on the effectsof substance abuse and the impact of policiessuch as the ICWA, social workers can assistAmerican Indian grandparents. Additionally,familiarizing grandparents—and all familymembers—with tribal and non-tribal servicesavailable to address their needs within thecontext of their culture is also essential. And,most importantly, social workers can supportgrandparents’ traditional roles in the lives of their families, extended families, clans, and tribal nations.

Suzanne L. Cross, PhD, ACSW, is an associate professor at the School ofSocial Work, Michigan State University. She is a member of the SaginawChippewa Tribe of Michigan. Dr. Cross may be contacted atsuzanne.cross@ssc.msu.edu

References

Bell, W., & Garner, J. (1996). Kincare. Journal ofGerontological Social Work, 25(1/2), 11–20.

Brownell, P., & Berman, J. (2000). Risks of caregiving: Abuse within the relationship. In C.B. Cox (Ed.), Tograndmother’s house we go and stay: Perspectives oncustodial grandparents (pp. 91–109). New York: Springer Publishing.

9 ATOD • Issue Two – 2007

Emick, M. A., & Hayslip, B. (1996). Custodial grandparenting:New roles for middle-aged and older adults. InternationalJournal of Aging and Human Development, 43(2),135–154.

Erera, P. I. (2002). Family diversity: Continuity and change in the contemporary family. Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage Publications.

Franklin, C. (1999). Grandparents as parents. Social Work Education, 2(3), 131–135.

Herring, R. D. (1992). Seeking a new paradigm: CounselingNative Americans. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 20, 35–43.

Mills, T. L. (2001). Grandparents and grandchildren: Sharedlives, well-being, and institutional forces influencingintergenerational relationships. Journal of Family Issues,22(5), 677–679.

Ryan, R. A. (1981). Strengths of the American Indian family:State of the art. In J. Red Horse, A. Shattuck, & F. Hoffman(Eds.), The American Indian family: Strengths and stressors(pp. 25–43). Isleta, NM: American Indian Social Researchand Development Associates.

U.S. Census Bureau. (2004, May). Meeting 21st Centurydemographic data needs. Implementing theAmericanCommunity Survey: Report 6: The 2001-2002Operational Feasibility Report of the American CommunitySurvey. Retrieved from http://www.census.gov/acs/www/Downloads/Report06.pdf on August 11, 2006.

PREVENTING ALCOHOL ABUSE: IDENTIFYING DEVELOPMENTALASSETS IN HEALTHY ANISHINAABE CHILDRENPriscilla A. Day, EdD, MSW

What does it take to raise healthy AmericanIndian children? Researchers at the University of Minnesota-Duluth Department of Social Workhave been asking this question of northernMinnesota tribal members as part of a BremerFoundation-funded study of Anishinaabe tribalcommunities.

In 2004, the Bremer Foundation provided me,and two other faculty members, with a three-yeargrant. Our research attempts to apply a strengths-based approach to child welfare by identifyingthe specific assets used in childrearing and bydocumenting the Anishinaabe (part of the Ojibwetribe) community’s childrearing successes.

The outcome of this study may help create ahealthier community in the future. Promoting ahealthy cultural identity provides a protectivefactor from behavior such as alcohol abuse.Additionally, it can be used to intervene in high-risk behavior by providing a basis for recovery.

Identifying AssetsWe performed our research in collaboration withthe Search Institute, a Minneapolis-based agencyknown around the world for its work withchildren, family, and communities. The SearchInstitute identified a series of 20 internal and 20external developmental assets that help childrengrow up strong, capable, and caring. These assetsprovide children with powerful influences thatprotect them from negative pressures, whileencouraging them to adopt more positivebehaviors (Search Institute, 2005).

In 2003, the Search Institute conducted a study in more than 200 communities across the UnitedStates with approximately 150,000 adolescents in grades six through 12. The study revealed thatthe more assets adolescents had, the less likelythey were to engage in high-risk behaviors likealcohol abuse, illicit drug use, violence, andsexual activity. For example, the Institute foundthat 45 percent of adolescents with 10 or fewer

Issue Two – 2007 • ATOD 10

assets were likely to engage in problem drinking,while only three percent of adolescents with 31 to 40 assets exhibited the same behavior.

This protective influence is also seen in otherhigh-risk behaviors affecting many tribalcommunities. Our goal was to examine whetherthese same developmental assets could beidentified in tribal communities and to determinewhether there were cultural differences in assets.

Exploring Anishinaabe AssetsOur research primarily explored thedevelopmental assets of healthy Anishinaabechildren, including internal assets (values,behaviors, and skills that children develop toassist them in making life choices) and externalassets (environmental factors that help childrenfeel positive about themselves).

When working with tribal communities, it isimportant to understand and respect the tribalsovereignty of reservations. Accordingly, webegan by making a formal request to the tribalcouncil of the reservation asking if we couldinterview their elders. Once we received officialpermission, we used the existing elderly nutritionprogram to conduct a series of 12 to 15-personfocus groups with elders over age 55. We usedthe Search Institute’s developmental assets as aguiding framework.

After receiving additional input and feedbackfrom our tribal advisory group—six women and two men, ages 30 to 75 of American Indianelders and human service professionals fromnorthern Minnesota reservations—we developedinterview questions and presented them to aconvenience sample of 10 Anishinaabe elders and key informants aged 45 to 72. Elders wereinterviewed on two separate occasions.

Preliminary FindingsWe found that, while the basic tenets of what ittakes to raise a healthy child are the same acrosscultures (food, shelter, and security), the order of

importance is different for native children. Forexample, culture, spirituality, extended family,and tribal connections play a more central rolefor American Indian families than for families in other cultures. Respect for the earth and all its creatures, staying close to home, helpingextended family, and practicing other traditionaltribal ways were identified as: “Living a goodAnishinaabe life.”

Emphasizing Cultural IdentityInvolving children in daily activities likehousekeeping, hunting, fishing, and pickingberries were among the elders’ suggestions forhelping them become healthier adults. Many alsoexpressed the importance of involving children in cultural events like pow-wows and “arts andcrafts.” These, they said, help native children“develop a sense of cultural pride” that“reinforces identity.” Elders also commented on the importance of receiving spiritual guidanceand participating in traditional ceremonies.

Praising ProperlyThe elders stressed the importance of praisingchildren, not just for a positive outcome, but alsofor making a good effort. This, they explained,helps children feel rewarded for trying. Also, theysaid, experiencing “trial and error” is part of ahealthy childhood: “Let them make mistakes,”one elder said. “Don’t be critical—let them figurethings out for themselves.” Over time, the elderssaid, this will give children a sense of competenceand mastery they would not have achieved hadthey simply given up because they were told theywere not doing something well enough.

Some participants also suggested that in today’sbusy society, parents tend to get frustrated andjust tell their children what to do to make thingsgo quicker. The elders we interviewed said thisrobs children of the chance to think about andsolve problems for themselves. When parents dothis repeatedly, they explained, children neverhave to think about how to do things forthemselves.

11 ATOD • Issue Two – 2007

Parents’ RolesGood parenting behaviors extend beyond culturallines, including being a good role model andproviding a secure home. Caring about childrenand spending time engaging them in activities like reading and playing were also seen asimportant by interviewees. Additionally, mostelders discussed the significance of teachingchildren including the traditional native values of treating elders with respect, behaving atceremonies, and assuming proper gender roles.

One elder talked about planting a garden when his children were small and how they kept walking over the newly planted seeds. “We decided to give them a corner of the gardenthat was theirs,” he said. “They learned on theirown not to walk on their plants, and took pridein keeping [their corner] weeded. They felt goodwhen it grew up and they could harvest it.”Allowing children to explore nature and to learnhow plants and animals are crucial to theirsurvival is also essential, according to this elder.“Our children need to know how we are allconnected,” he said, “in order to respect theworld around them.”

The elders also noted that parents should makesure their children complete any homeworkassigned to them. Research shows that childrenwhose parents care about, and are involved in,their education do better in school (Strand &Peacock, 2002; Blum & Rinehart, 1997).

The Role of the Tribe and Community When asked what the tribe or community coulddo to help support raising healthy children, theelders suggested the following: • Offer parenting classes, • Provide day care, • Create opportunities for family and

community healing• Promote traditional ceremonies, traditional

songs, and other traditional activities• Plan community development activities, led

by elders invested in retaining traditionalvalues and practices that promote family

Implications for ProvidersWhile many of the findings show that tribalpeople utilize developmental assets in raising their children, the ways in which assets aredeveloped and used may be culturally unique.Knowing this enables social workers, parent-educators, teachers, and others to use tribalactivities and teachings in prevention orintervention of high-risk behaviors with native children.

Priscilla A. Day, EdD, MSW is a full professor in the Department of Social Work, University of Minnesota-Duluth. The author is an enrolledmember of the Leech Lake Band of Ojibwe, and returns to her homereservation for ceremonies and family events. Her areas of research areAmerican Indian family preservation and cultural competence. She maybe contacted at pday@d.umn.edu

References

Blum, R. W., & Rinehart, P. M. (1997). Reducing the risk:Connections that make a difference in the lives of youth.Bethesda, MD: Add Health.

Strand, J. A., & Peacock, T. D. (2002). Nurturing resilienceand school success in American Indian and Alaska Nativestudents. ERIC Digest. Champaign, IL: ERIC Clearinghouseof Rural Education and Small Schools.

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