din i ng in the sanctuary of deme ter and kore 1

Hesperia

Supplement 42

archaeologies of culte ssay s on r it ual and cu lt in cr e tei n honor of ge ral d ine c. ge se l l

edited by Anna Lucia DAgata and Aleydis Van de Moortel

This article is The American School of Classical Studies at Athens. This offprint is supplied for personal, non-commercial use only.

A me r ic an School o f Class i c a l St udies at A thens 2009

chapter 9

Re thinking the Tomb of the Double Axes at Isopata, Knossosby Lucia Alberti

1. I am particularly grateful to my colleague and friend Don Evely, both for his patience in correcting my Eng-lish text and for his unfailing support. I had many constructive discussions with Eleni Hatzaki; her advice and comments helped to make aspects of the Aegean and Near Eastern world clearer to me.

2. For a list of the cemeteries, with bibliography, see Alberti 1999, p. 167, n. 2; 2004a; 2004b, appendix.

The appearance here among the funereal furniture of these ritual double axes in association with libation vessels is thus a phenomenon of the highest interest. It marks the sepulchral chamber as a sanctuary of the Minoan Goddess, as well as a tomb.

A. J. Evans, The Tomb of the Double Axes, p. 55

Following the islandwide disturbances at the end of the Late Minoan IB period, considerable changes are evident in the archaeological record of Crete.1 New types of tombs, burial customs, and rituals were introduced, apparently spreading from the Knossos area to cover much of the island. The multichambered and collective Minoan tombs of the Neopalatial period were replaced during the Final Palatial period (Late Minoan [LM] IIIIIA1) by single-chambered tombs of the mainland type, de-signed for small groups of individuals. For the first time, also, tombs with single burials appeared. These changes might be viewed as an indication of the passage from a society with a collective orientation to one in which individuals assumed a more specific importance. The new burials were characterized by rich assemblages, remarkable for the presence of weapons and bronze vases.

The Tomb of the Double Axes (hereafter TDA), discovered in 1913 by Evans, belongs to this new burial type. It is exceptional relative to other tombs, however, in the great number of religious symbols present. Evans long ago underlined, in both architectural and archaeological terms, the outstanding quality of the nature and contents of this tomb. In his opinion, the TDA was not only a simple burial chamber, but also a sort of shrine dedicated to the Minoan Goddess.

The archaeolo gical conTexT

The Isopata necropolis, located north of Knossos, is one of the most im-pressive and wealthy cemeteries of the city from the Late Bronze Age.2 It is remarkable not only for the rich assemblages of its tombs, but also for the size of the tombs and the unique architectural arrangements they display.

luc ia alb ert i100

Tomb 2, Evanss TDA, was found plundered, but a portion of the clos-ing wall remained in situ.3 It is a single-chambered tomb of an irregular trapezoidal shape, with a dromos more than 16 m long (Fig. 9.1). Evans noted that some of the stones of the blocking wall were well-faced like those of ashlar masonry.4 Part of the blocking wall was still standing, although the upper part had been removed in antiquity, probably more than once.

The chamber was most likely once vaulted. The pillar in the TDA was, in fact, the end of a spur wall; it had a narrow vertical rectangle cut into the side facing the entrance giving it the appearance of a column (Fig. 9.2). An L-shaped bench was fashioned on the chambers east side. In a platformlike arrangement worked into the bedrock at the west is an impressive element: a cist of double-axe shape cut into the rock floor to a depth of 1.3 m.

Though the tomb had probably been plundered, a great deal of the funerary assemblage was still present. It included pottery (four three-handled jars, three beaked jugs, an alabastron, a kylix, a ritual closed-shaped vessel, and a brazier), bronzes (including three double axes, one functional

3. Evans 1914, pp. 3359.4. Evans 1914, p. 34.

Figure 9.1. Plan of the Tomb of the Double axes. Evans 1914, p. 41, fig. 53, courtesy Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

the tomb of the d o ub le axe s at i sopata 101

and two ritual, along with a razor, two knives, and about 20 arrowheads), two gold-plated rivets of copper, jewelry (gold and amber beads, one of the last encased in gold, and the wooden core of a bead), a carnelian seal, a silver kylix handle, and a serpentine bulls head rhyton. The presence of weapons can be deduced from the remaining fragments of bronzes and especially from the two gold-plated rivets, possibly belonging to a sword or a dagger.

The absence of the weaponsbut not of whole vases valuable in todays antiquities marketscould signify that the pillaging happened in antiquity, probably before the collapse of the roof. Another possible explanation for their loss was proposed by Evans himself: in antiquity, funerary items such as weapons could have been extracted when the tomb was reopened for some ritual festival, commemoration, or new burial. Evidence of such an event can be inferred from the presence of a functional double axe found in the blocking wall (at a height of 1.20 m); it seems to have been intention-ally left there (to be reused at the next reopening?). The whetstone found immediately outside the entrance was perhaps used for some purpose after the blocking of the tomb.

No skeletal remains were found in the cist or in the chamber. Even if it is possible that the earlier systems of excavation resulted in their loss, other tombs more recently excavated in Knossos display the same phenomenon. Moreover, Evans seems to have excavated carefully, as the finding of the beads wooden core in the cist shows.5

5. Evans 1914, p. 45. Missing skel- etal remains in Knossian necropoleis are not rare. A complete skeleton was found in Isopata tomb 5 (Evans 1914, p. 23, fig. 33c). Also, Evans seems sur-

Figure 9.2. interior of the Tomb of the Double axes. Evans 1914, p. 40, fig. 52, courtesy Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

prised not to have found any bones in the cist of the Tomb of the Double Axes; this may mean that the excava-tion was conducted carefully.

luc ia alb ert i102

Th e symbolic conTexT

The TDA presents many unique features in Late Bronze Age funerary customs, not only in comparison with Knossos but also with Crete and the Greek mainland.

The first element stressed by Evans is the perspectival arrangement (see Fig. 9.2). He observed that the tomb was fashioned as if to be seen and visited. From the entrance the first element that would capture the visitors gaze was the central pillar. The dimensions of the chamber were not so large as to require such a pillar to hold up the roof (even if the roof did eventually collapse). Further, the incised pattern, giving the pillar a columnar effect, is immediately visible. Marinatos argues that the presence of signs identifying the pillars as focal points within the complex is the most important distinguishing feature for a pillar shrine.6 Not every room with a pillar has to be interpreted as a shrine, especially when we are dealing with basement rooms more easily understood as stor-age spaces. In the case of the TDA, however, the presence of the incised motif strongly suggests that the pillar owes its existence to reasons other than structural necessity.

The visual perspective from the tombs entrance is very similar to the one still observable in the Temple Tomb at Knossos. Here the two pillars of the main room line up and from the outside they appear to be just one, set in the center of the visible space. Unfortunately, in the TDA no trace exists of a capital, and the columnar shape does not show any signs of the peculiar tapering toward the bottom that characterizes most Minoan col-umns. On many seals, however, this effect is not seen either; the column is just a rectangle of uniform width throughout, only sometimes given a narrower end toward the bottom.7 In any case, the evidence of the seals shows that the column is one of the most important symbols of Minoan religion and that very often it is apparently the focus of worshipeither set on the top of or in the interior of shrines.8 From the point of view of its symbolic meaning, the TDA might be said to be doubled through the pillars shape and the rectangular motif cut into and echoing it.

The exceptional character of the TDA is reinforced by its complex and multifunctional rock-cut features: the L-shaped bench and the cist shaped like a double axe. The accurate sections published by Evans show the extraordinary intricacy of the bench, the floor, the platform at the right, and the base profile of the cist.9 The L-shaped bench at the left could have been intended simply to support the funerary gifts or to receive votive

6. Marinatos 1993, p. 88; also Gesell 1985, pp. 2629, 100. According to Marinatos, Some of the architectural characteristics we might expect in a shrine are: focal points, such as niches, platforms and pillars; communication or barrier devices to the outside, such as large doors (or large windows if the shrine is on the upper story); benches, repositories, or treasuries,

which can be used for the placing or storage of cult objects; and finally, frescoes with religious iconography (1993, p. 76).

7. CMS II.3, no. 103 (Kalyvia); CMS II.4, no. 203 (Diktaian Cave). Evans noticed a slight taper toward the top, pointing out that this element contrasted with other known types of Minoan columns, which were tapered

toward their bottoms. In his publication this shrinkage is not evident, because the top of the column is missing (Evans 1914, p. 37, fig. 49).

8. CMS V, no. 199 (Thebes). Krzyszkowska 2005, p. 129, no. 216 (Knossos).

9. Evans 1914, pp. 3839, figs. 50 51.

the tomb of the d o ub le axe s at i sopata 103

offerings,10 but in view of its shape, it might also have served as a bench seat. Most of the assemblage was found on the floor. As for the cist shaped like a double axe, no other Aegean tomb deploys such a symbol in this manner.11 Moreover, this symbol is repeated, first in the two ritual double axes (of a type known especially in Minoan sanctuaries but not in tombs) and again in the functional double axe in the blocking wall.12

Regarding the funerary gifts, the assemblage may be considered to com-prise three different types of items: the funerary ceramic set, the personal ornaments, and the remainder of the goods. In LM IIIIIA1 Knossian tombs the essential pottery funerary set is made up of the three-handled jar, the alabastron, and the kylix. Comparison with both earlier and con-temporary mainland assemblages has demonstrated that the presence of this pottery set signals the introduction of a mainland custom to Crete.13 At Knossos this new custom is clearly visible in the Isopata necropolis. The jewelry (e.g., the double argonaut gold bead) and the silver kylix found in the TDA are also typical of both LM and mainland tombs. They are particularly characteristic of the elite assemblages of that period.

The remaining items are unique finds in a tomb context. The bulls-head rhyton, the ritual closed-shaped amphora (apparently covered with a fake lid having a hole, Fig. 9.3), and the ritual double axes do not have a practical use. The rhyton and the double axes are well known as cult items. The amphora, with its figure-eight-shaped handles (regarded by Evans as a ritual form), can easily be interpreted as having been intended for libations.14

The exPloraT ion oF genDer anD The archaeolo gy oF symbols

Questions regarding the burials in the TDA, such as the sex of the deceased and their social identities in the community, are not readily answered. No exploration of sex is possible without the analysis of osteological remains. Assuming that sex is based on osteological distinctions between male and female and that gender is a social construction determined by symbols and personal equipment, it must be acknowledged that there is often no direct relationship between the two. Any attempt to construct a theoretical model explaining connections between sex and gender and the meanings of the objects associated with the gender, therefore, is best served by a cemetery having a high number of single-occupant tombs with the bones and burial gifts in situ. This is the only secure way to tie every burial to its

Figure 9.3. ritual amphora. Drawing L. Alberti, after Evans 1914, p. 51, fig. 69, courtesy Ashmolean Museum, Oxford

10. Rock-cut benches used for the placement of burials are quite a com-mon feature in many Knossian tombs, but none of them has an L-shape. For a list, see Alberti 2004b, pp. 111112.

11. See, however, the large cavity shaped like a double axe in the hearth from building BG, Lerna, phase C, EH II (Lerna IV, pp. 193194,

figs. I.35, I.4344).12. Double axes in tombs are very

rare; Gesell 1985, pp. 3435, 162. For the functional types, see Evely 1993, pp. 4155.

13. Alberti 1999; 2004a; 2004b, pp. 117142.

14. The same handles are found on the polychrome goblets from Isopata

tomb 5 (Evans 1914, p. 27, figs. 37a, b, pl. IV) and on some unpublished vases from the Kato Zakros palace (Alberti 2004a, p. 133). The vases from Kato Zakros, together with other examples with the same figure-eight-shaped handles, could also have been used for the manipulation of aromatics; see DAgata 1997a.

luc ia alb ert i104

own assemblage, thereby permitting patterns to be observed and deduc-tions drawn.

Unfortunately, this situation does not occur at Knossos. In most tombs multiple burials, often extending over many generations, were customary. Furthermore, the human remains were rarely kept by the early archaeolo-gists, including Evans, or, if collected, they were not studied, and in some cases are now lost.15 At present, no osteological information exists about the sex of those buried in the LM IIIIIA1 Knossian tombs. We must instead try to tease out information about the gender from the grave goods. Such an analysis must rely heavily on extracting possible meanings from their contexts and especially their iconography.

In the TDA the double axe is the main symbol. It had myriad uses elsewhere in Minoan daily life. It occurs in masons marks in the Knossos magazines, in finds from sanctuaries and shrines both urban and rural, among the practical objects in artisans kits, as a motif on seals and seal-ings, in patterns on ceramics, and in many other instances that cannot be summarized exhaustively here. Broadly speaking, it seems undeniable that the double axe served as a religious symbol, being associated with religious places and cult activities.16 Through the medium of seals and sealings, especially in figurative scenes, it is perhaps possible to extract information about its meaning in the Minoan cultural world.

Contrary to previous arguments, the double axe did not originate in Anatolia, where it appears later than in Crete, and might thus be a native Cretan invention. It is strongly associated with female figures in Cretan iconography.17 While only a few of these have been interpreted as goddesses, most of them are apparently priestesses or women holding some position of rank in Minoan society.18

At the moment there is no unequivocal evidence for use of the double axe in sacrifices.19 On the Ayia Triada sarcophagus, where the women are apparently involved in ritual activities, the double axes are positioned in stands on one side, but have no direct relationship to the bull sacrifice depicted on the other side of the larnax.20

As to the TDA rhyton and the bulls head motif (also ubiquitous in Minoan culture), such an item is often associated with ritual circumstances, but apparently without any specific gender associations.

Evanss identification of the amphora with the figure-eight-shaped handles as a ritual vase for libation can be confirmed by the fact that such a vase, with the fake pierced lid, was certainly not an everyday practical

15. Only eight skulls from the Mavro Spelio necropolis were kept and studied (Charles 1965, pp. 8594). A. Nafplioti is currently looking at the osteological material from the Knossian tombs excavated by S. Hood and M. Popham.

16. Some Prepalatial seals contain the Archanes Formula (Krzyszkowska 2005, pp. 7072, nos. 122123).

17. A seal from Knossos shows a woman carrying a double axe on her shoulder (CMS II.3, no. 8). Other

occurrences are found in the seals with a Potnia Theron from Mycenae (CMS I, nos. 144145) and Venizeleio tomb III, contemporary with the Tomb of the Double Axes (CMS II.3, no. 63). The seal from Mycenae depicts a sort of sacra conversazione, in which the double axe floats at the center of the composition with five female figures (CMS I, no. 17; Marinatos 1993, pp. 190192, with bibliography; see also Dimopoulou and Rethemiotakis 2000, p. 44). The Minoan seal from

Vapheio has a central female figure and a male ecstatic (CMS I, no. 219).

18. Vanschoonwinkel 2004; Krzysz-kowska 2005.

19. Vanschoonwinkel 2004, p. 419, with bibliography. In the Classical period double axes were used to stun large animals in sacrifices. In Aegean representations there is no trace of the use of the axe in warfare, as there is in Anatolian and Near Eastern art.

20. Long 1974, p. 35, pls. 15, 31.

the tomb of the d o ub le axe s at i sopata 105

item (see Fig. 9.3). The introduction of the liquid would have been difficult, the pouring even more so.21 Once again, the clearest representation of a contemporary libation scene is that from the Ayia Triada sarcophagus.22 In this example, the women involved in ritual actions are more numerous than the men and arguably more central to the action.

Weapons are usually interpreted as status objects identifying warriors. Nevertheless, it has also been suggested that, in addition to being real weapons, they might have had further symbolic value as indicators of high rank.23 Their real function (war), however, does not contradict the symbolic one (status). The weapons found in the Knossian tombs might also have been insignia of status. It is important to note that on Aegean seals and frescoes, weapons are often associated with high-ranking females, whether human priestesses and rulers or divine goddesses (Fig. 9.4).24

Several of the ritual objects found in the TDA also occur on a seal from the Aplomata tomb B at Naxos (Fig. 9.5). The Aplomata cemetery is dated to the Late Helladic (LH) IIIC period, but the seal could be earlier. The left part of the seal is occupied by a big palm tree. On the right stands a man, wearing a sort of mask or hat and carrying a spearhead. Under his right arm a group of objects, interpreted as paraphernalia, are carefully set out: a beaked jug, a conical rhyton, a krater, a sword, and a ritual table.25 Some of these items may be compared with objects from the ritual part of the TDA assemblage: the sword, the beaked jug, and, functionally, the rhyton (of later date and differing in shape). We can also compare the ritual table, frequent in seals with sacrifice scenes, with the bench of the TDA. A krater such as that depicted on the seal from the Aplomata tomb, comparable with those on the libation scene of the Ayia Triada sarcophagus, is not part of the TDA assemblage, but perhaps its role was partly taken in the TDA by the libation vase with figure-eight-shaped handles. Given these strong correspondences, the suggested ritual meaning of the paraphernalia on the Naxos seal may support the proposed ritual character of the third part of the TDA assemblage.

Figure 9.4 (left). seal from Knossos. Drawing L. Alberti, after CMS II.3, no. 16

Figure 9.5 (right). seal from aplo-mata, naxos. Drawing L. Alberti, after CMS V, no. 608

21. This vase, displayed in the He- rakleion Archaeological Museum, seems to have a white slip, similar to plaster, that would repay archaeometric analysis.

22. The date of the sarcophagus has to be a bit earlier than the tomb in which it was found, dated to the LM IIIA2; La Rosa 1999.

23. Kilian-Dirlmeier 1990.24. Rehak 1984, 1999.25. Kilian-Dirlmeier 1990, p. 158,

nn. 2123, with references.

luc ia alb ert i106

conclusions

The TDA might be construed to present a summation of Minoan symbols and attitudes combined with more recent introductions from the main-land.26 Both the architecture of the tomb and the burial gifts can be argued to reflect a precisely planned and focused strategy of symbolism.

The detailed planning and execution of the TDA have important im-plications for its interpretation. Leaving aside the complexity and symbolic characteristics of the internal architecture, the remarkable size of both the dromos and chamber carry sociopolitical and economic information. Such a monumental piece of work would have involved more than simply the relatives of the deceased. Other and significant (if not elite-controlled) sectors of the community (such as architects and skilled workmen, conceiv-ably belonging to the Palace) had to be concerned at a practical level, and members of the religious sector must have created the symbolism.

I have already stressed that some of the finds, such as the double axes, the libation vase, and the bulls head rhytontypes not usually found in a tombhave strong ritual meanings. I think the jugs and the weapons can be added to this statement. Even if they are purely functional items that can normally be found in other Knossian assemblages, in this specific context they may have assumed a ritual meaning. In particular, the weapons found in tombs could easily have carried multiple meanings during the life of their owner: warfare, hunting, religion, status, and display.27 It is possible that on a persons death, however, these functional meanings were fixed in a more complex symbolic meaning, emphasizing one or more aspects of that persons social identity.

It is not possible to affirm with certainty that the TDA was a shrine rather than a tomb. It is far more reasonable to propose an intricately linked double use, both funereal and religious. If a person was buried there, his or her religious role in the community seems certain. Whether male or female, he or she seems to have been closely linked with the female religious world. This female spirit is represented by the most important of the symbols, the double axe, and also by the other paraphernalia found there. If the structure was, instead, a cenotaph, then the funereal aspect would only have been symbolic, as expressed in the expected and complete funereal set with ritual aspects relating to the deceaseds identity or identities.

In both cases, I would propose that the TDA acted as a sort of sanc-tuary or monument, not continuously open (as is made clear by Evanss description of the blocking wall),28 but meant to be visited during other ceremonies or special festivals taking place in the cemetery. The many objects and symbols within the TDA, considered along with the traces of reopening, the perspectival arrangement, the strong symbolism of the double-axe-shaped cist, and the L-shaped bench on which objects were not found (its dimensions suggest it could have been used as a seat), require the TDA be read as a text written in the landscape. It is a text that highlights the relevance of the TDA not just in the archaeology of death, but in every aspect of the religious world of Late Bronze Age Crete.

26. Preston 1999, pp. 136137.27. For instance, Kilian-Dirlmeier

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28. Evans 1914, p. 35.

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