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Albert Einstein in Prague Author(s): József Illy Source: Isis, Vol. 70, No. 1 (Mar., 1979), pp. 76-84 Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science Society Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/230879 . Accessed: 15/06/2014 21:33 Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at . http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp . JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected]. . The University of Chicago Press and The History of Science Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Isis. http://www.jstor.org This content downloaded from 195.78.108.81 on Sun, 15 Jun 2014 21:33:27 PM All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions

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Page 1: Albert Einstein in Prague

Albert Einstein in PragueAuthor(s): József IllySource: Isis, Vol. 70, No. 1 (Mar., 1979), pp. 76-84Published by: The University of Chicago Press on behalf of The History of Science SocietyStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/230879 .

Accessed: 15/06/2014 21:33

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at .http://www.jstor.org/page/info/about/policies/terms.jsp

.JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range ofcontent in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new formsof scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact [email protected].

.

The University of Chicago Press and The History of Science Society are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize,preserve and extend access to Isis.

http://www.jstor.org

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Page 2: Albert Einstein in Prague

Albert Einstein in Prague

By J6zsef Illy

O N MARCH 30, 1910, Friedrich Adler, Privatdozent in Zurich University, sent a letter to his father. "Einstein . . . ," he wrote, "has received an enquiry asking

whether he would accept a post at another university."' Adler had been afraid for some time of Einstein's advancement-he was sure that such a talent would not long remain an extraordinarius-because then he, as Einstein's physicist colleague at the university, would not be able to escape being named his successor, and he had always protested against a university career.2 On April 29 Einstein revealed that the univer- sity in question was the German University in Prague and that he was the faculty's first choice for the position of professor of theoretical physics.3

THE INVITATION

At the German University in Prague, Ferdinand Lippich, professor of mathematical physics, was to retire and a successor was sought to commence from the summer semester (April-June) of 1911.4 At its session of January 27, 1910, the professorial board of the philosophical faculty instructed three of its members-Anton Lampa, professor of experimental physics, Georg Pick, professor of mathematics, and Viktor Rothmund, professor of physical chemistry-to submit a list of possible candidates.5 In April this small committee proposed three people: Albert Einstein in first place, followed by Gustav Jaumann and Emil Kohl.

Emphasizing -that the basic question of contemporary physics was how to link mechanics with electromagnetism, the committee had taken pains to select individu- als who had already achieved results in this field. "Einstein's investigations on the electrodynamics of moving bodies were epoch-making," they wrote, citing Planck's opinion that the boldness of Einstein's ideas surpassed that of non-Euclidean geome- try and that the effect of his ideas was comparable to that of the Copernican

*Institute of Isotopes of the Hungarian Academy of Sciences, P.O. Box 77, H-1525 Budapest, Hungary. Tribute is due primarily to Dr. Docent Jan Havranek (Prague) for his invaluable collaboration, help,

and criticism; then to Miss Helen Dukas (Princeton) and Professor Martin J. Klein (Yale University) for their criticism and help; to Professor Ernst Kohlmann (Moscow), Mr. Alvin A. Jaeggli (Zurich), and Dr. Jaroslav Folta (Prague) for the information they gave. I deeply regret that the final reflections of Professor Hugo Bergman were prevented by his death. It is fitting that I here express my sincere thanks to his wife for her role as a mediator between us when Professor Bergman, already ill, was able to help me with some of my problems.

'Letter from Friedrich Adler to his father, Viktor Adler, Mar. 30, 1910, Adler-Archiv, Verein fUr Geschichte der Arbeiterbewegung, Vienna. This and all subsequent translations are the author's.

2Letters from Adler to his father, Oct. 5 and 28, 1909, Jan. 23, 1910, Adler-Archiv. 3Adler to his father, Apr. 30, 1910, Adler-Archiv. 4Prager Tagblatt, Oct. 30, 1910. 'Personalakt Albert Einstein, Central State Archive of the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic, MKV/ R,

5/ 101, G 8424. The original materials on Einstein's appointment are due to be published toward the end of 1978 by Jan Havranek in Acta Universitatis Carolinae-Historia Universitatis Carolinae Pragensis, 1977, 17, No. 2, in his paper "Albert Einstein's Appointment to Professor in Prague." A short but accurate paper based on some of these documents is M. Rozsivalova, "Albert Einstein v Praze," Pokroky matematiky, fyziky a astronomie, 1959, pp. 352-354.

ISIS, 1979, 70 (No. 251) 76

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revolution.6 Einstein's candidacy was also supported by his sympathy with Mach's ideas,7 which was as a rule considered an excellent recommendation in Prague, where Mach had written his Mechanics and Theory of Heat during the twenty-eight years that he was professor of experimental physics.

The second candidate, Gustav Jaumann, had been an assistant of Mach's at the Prague University from 1886 to 1892, later occupying the chair of physical chemistry. In 1901 he moved to the chair of general and technical physics of the Brno Technical University. He was not a man without talent, but his curious style of analysis and his unusual mathematical technique attracted very few followers among the physicists. Emil Kohl, Privatdozent in the University of Vienna, perhaps was proposed because Lampa had also been working in Vienna until his appointment in Prague.

In 1910 Jaumann was forty-seven -years old, Kohl forty-eight, and whereas Einstein was only thirty-one, he "had influenced most effectively the development of modern physics, and there is no doubt that theoretical research will advance in the future on the path which he has broken."8 So, the committee concluded, Einstein's appoint- ment would be a great benefit not only to Prague University but also to the scientific life of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy. The committee additionally proposed that the name of the chair of mathematical physics be changed to "chair of theoretical physics" and that the "cabinet of mathematical physics" be changed to "institute of theoretical physics" to separate it from the mathematical cabinet led by Pick. The faculty approved the proposition April 21 and submitted it to the Ministry of Culture and Education April 23. It was probably Lampa who gave the news to Einstein toward the end of the month.

The ministry, however, offered the post to Jaumann. The minister, von Sturgkh, in his report to Emperor Franz Josef, mentioned not only the scientific achievements of Jaumann, but also a seemingly new and very important argument in favor of his appointment: "Perhaps, having the chair which would be left by Jaumann at the Brno Technical University, it would be possible to take into consideration one of the numerous young physicists of the Vienna school [and appoint him there]."9

Lampa and one of his colleagues (probably Pick) hurried to Vienna to save the post for Einstein. 10 The problem, however, was solved by Jaumann himself: he made such great financial demands that the ministry was unable to meet them and was forced to offer the post to Einstein. II These demands are especially surprising since all three candidates had previously declared their willingness to accept the post.12 It is highly probable that Philipp Frank is right in stating that the true reason for

6Quotation from Planck's Acht Vorlesungen tiber theoretischen Physik an der Columbia University in the City of New York im Friihjahr 1909 (Leipzig: Hirzel, 1910), p. 117. It appears that Philipp Frank considered the statement to be part of a letter of recommendation from Planck for the professorial board (Einstein, Sein Leben und seine Zeit, Munich: Paul List, 1949, p. 172); the proposal of the board, however, did not mention such a letter. A. Kleinert, referring to a personal recollection of Heimo Nabl, son of a colleague of Lampa's, mentions a letter from Planck which he wrote in answer to Lampa's request about his opinion on Einstein. "Planck then answered very awkwardly and reservedly. No doubt, Planck wrote, Einstein would be one of the most outstanding physicists were his theories to be proved, but whether Einstein was right he could not yet judge" (Andreas Kleinert, "Anton Lampa und Albert Einstein," Gesnerus, 1975, 32:285-292). Whether this recollection is inspired by Frank's statement or gives addition- al support to it I cannot decide.

7 Frank, Einstein, p. 135. 8Personalakt Einstein. 9Ibid. '0Letter from Adler's wife, Kathya, to her father-in-law, Viktor Adler, June 23, 1910, Adler-Archiv. "Personalakt Einstein. 12lbid.

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Jaumann's position-in effect a refusal-was that he was hurt that the committee proposed him only secundo loco and thus wanted to dissociate himself from a university "which prefers modernity to true merit."'3

On September 20, 1910, Einstein received an invitation from Vienna to settle the question of his appointment there, and he left Zurich on September 24.14 The official at the ministry made it clear that the emperor accepted the oath of allegiance of professors only if they were affiliated with a religion and that the ministry was aware that Einstein had not professed religion in Vienna. At this point,

Einstein asked on the basis of what declaration the official had listed him as unaffiliated. Naturally, the official replied that it was on the basis of Einstein's own declaration. In the official's eyes that must have seemed unanswerable. But Einstein responded by saying that he now solemnly declared himself a Jew. The official, having no ready response, was thus persuaded to change "unaffiliated" to "Mosaic," that being the official term for the Jewish faith.'5

On December 10 the Prager Tagblatt announced that Lippich's successor would be Einstein. The following December 18 Lampa mentioned to Mach that Einstein had been appointed.'6 Franz Josef approved Sturgkh's motion on January 6, 1911; Sturgkh signed the appointment on January 12 and gave permission to change the name of the cabinet the following day. Einstein was hired at an annual salary of 8,672 crowns, including extras-a considerable sum at that time.

THE NEW PROFESSOR

Einstein arrived in Prague probably at the beginning of April, since his appointment was valid from the first of the month (the semester began April 20). He was very satisfied with the new institute and its library. 17 The windows on the third floor of the Science Building (Vinitna ulice 3, at that time also named Weinberggasse 3, later numbered 7, topological lot number 1594) looked on to the narrow street and beyond to a shady garden, surrounded by ashlar walls and the buildings of an asylum (now a neurological clinic).'8 Pick's chair was situated on the -second floor.19

13Frank, Einstein, p. 136. 14Adler to his father, Sept. 23, 1910, Adler-Archiv. 15B. Hoffmann and H. Dukas, Albert Einstein, Creator and Rebel (London: Hart-Davis, MacGibbon,

1973), p. 94. In the literature the statement can often be seen that Einstein was overlooked not because he was a foreigner but because he had no religious affiliation. The father of this opinion was Friedrich Adler. "So Fritz suspects the problem must not be in his being a 'foreigner' but in that E. was registered as nonaffiliated," his wife wrote in the letter already quoted. A few weeks before, Einstein had confessed to Adler that he had declared himself to be nondenominational on the Swiss police form. Adler concluded that the officials in Prague must have received information about it and suggested that Einstein tell Lampa that he had never left the Jewish religion officially. Einstein did not follow this advice. The ministerial proposal, however, did not mention Einstein's religion, nor did the report of the Austrian envoy in Bern, sent to Minister Stiurgkh, on Einstein's behavior in Switzerland (Personalakt Einstein). That Einstein judged this question a simple formality is underlined by his letter attempting to convince Ehrenfest to give up his "caprice of being without religious affiliation" (M. J. Klein, Paul Ehrenfest, Amsterdam/ London: North-Holland, 1972, p. 180).

16K. D. Heller, Ernst Mach Wegbereiter der modernen Physik (Vienna: Springer, 1964), p. 146. '7Letter to Marcel Grossmann, Apr. 27, 1911, ETH Einstein Sammlung; to Lucien Chavan, July 5, 1911,

in Carl Seelig, Albert Einstein, Leben und Werk eines Genies unserer Zeit (Zurich: Europa, 1960), pp. 219-220.

18Frank, Einstein, pp. 142-143. 19H. Bergman, "Personal Remembrances of Albert Einstein," Boston Studies in the Philosophy of

Science, Vol. XIII, p. 389. Einstein frequently ran downstairs from his study to Pick for advice on mathematical questions. For example, he once asked Pick where to look up the theory of determinants (G.

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Einstein was, however, not at all content with his students.20 At his practical lessons (seminars) only one man and a half-dozen "half-usable" women regularly took part.21 His matriculated students fluctuated between ten and thirteen (see Table 1).22 Why did he not attract a greater audience? According to Frank, his lectures were of uneven quality;23 furthermore, he expounded his subject in a variety of ways- hardly the most convenient method of teaching students not suitably prepared for university. Nor was he the paragon of the patient teacher.24 But the most important reason must have been that the German University was short of students. During the three semesters of Einstein's tenure in Prague, the philosophical faculty of the German University had only a third as many students as the Czech University.25

The Prague public-who was aware of the importance of the new professor, having read of his achievements in the theory of relativity, theory of electrons, thermody- namics, and theoretical determination of the size of molecules26-was able to meet Einstein on May 24, 1911. This was the occasion of one of the monthly meetings of the Federation of German Scientists and Physicians in Bohemia (called "Lotos") in the auditorium of the Weinberggasse building. Einstein delivered a lecture on the principle of relativity.27 The journal of the federation (also named "Lotos") published in its November issue only a short notice on the lecture, so its text is unknown.

The Einstein family-including Einstein's wife, Mileva, his mother-in-law, seven- year-old Hans Albert, one-year-old Eduard, and later a maid28-lived in Smichow, a quarter of Prague on the left bank of the Vltava river. On that side of the river, from the Palacky Bridge to the later demolished Dietzenhofer Pavilion, new blocks of buildings had just been finished, so the family was able to move into a three-room flat on the mezzanine floor of Tfebizkeho ulice topographic lot number 1215 (now Lesnicka ulice 7).29

In the morning, as he left home and crossed the river to reach the institute, Einstein could see the silhouette of the Gothic Emmaus Cloister over the misty Vltava and further, on the right, the old twin-steepled cathedral on the ancient hill of Vyehrad. On the return walk, from the institute to the flat, Einstein was sometimes joined by an extraordinary "pupil," Hugo Bergman, a librarian at the Klementinum, later profes-

Kowalewski, Bestand und Wandel, Munich: Oldenburg, 1950, pp. 238-239). He was given the advice to consult Kowalewski's work Einfuhrung in die Determinantentheorie einschliesslich die unendlichen und die Fredholmschen Determinanten (Leipzig: Veit, 1909). This suggests that Einstein was already studying Hermann Minkowski's formalism in Prague. He ought to have been stimulated to do so by Max von Laue's book Das Relativitdtsprinzip (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1911), which, as he wrote to Alfred Kleiner (Apr. 3, 1912; ETH Einstein-Sammlung), he found to be excellent.

20 Letter to Chavan, loc. cit. 21Letter to Michele Besso, Feb. 4, 1912, Albert Einstein-M. Besso Correspondance 1903-1955, ed. P.

Speziali (Paris: Hermann, 1972), p. 45. 22Register of matriculated students (Nationale), 1911, 1912. Archive of the Charles University, Prague. 23Frank, Einstein, pp. 147-148. 24See the story told by H. Tanner in R. Komoly, "Albert Einstein v Praze," Vesmir, 1974, 53:112-115. 25Cf. Statisticka prHrujka kralovstvi Ceskeho (2nd ed., Prague, 1913), p. 22. For this reference I thank

Dr. Docent Havranek. 26Prager Tagblatt, Jan. 22, 1911; Bohemia, Jan. 15, 1911. 27Bohemia, May 23, 1911; Kowalewski, Bestand und Wandel, p. 237. 28In a letter to Besso (about Sept. 20-30, 1911) Einstein wrote: "After we had repeatedly tried to find a

better hiding place for Fanni's child this very day we admitted [him] to live with us. In time [the child] will go to the grandmother. Your gift has not yet been used. I'll write you further details on it." (Einstein-Besso Correspondance, p. 30). This person, called "unknown" by Speziali, lived with the Einsteins together with her baby. Later on, Besso, asking after the Einsteins' plans to leave Prague, wrote: "And how is the story about the maid further going on?" (p. 37). I suggest identifying Fanni as the maid.

29Z. Guth in the newspaper Nedele s Lidove Demnokracie, Mc15, Apr. 15, 1975, pp. 9-10.

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Table 1. Einstein's lectures and seminars, 1911-1912a

Number of

Semester Lecture Hours Place, day, and hour matricu-

students

April 20, 1911 "Mechanik diskre- 3 "Place and time of 13 - end of July ter Massenpunkte" both lectures to

be announced later"

"Thermodynamik" 2 12

"Seminar" 6

October 19, 1911 "Mechanik diskre- 3 Klementinum II, 12 -Wednesday be- ter Massenpunkte" Monday, Wednesday, fore Palm Sunday Friday, 9-10 of 1912

"W'armelehre" 2 Klementinum II, 13 Tuesday, Thursday, 9-10

"Seminar" by Weinberggasse, 7 agree- by agreement ment

April 12, 1912 "Mechanik der 2 Weinberggasse, 10 - end of July Kontinua" Thursday, Friday, 9-10

"Molekulartheorie 3 Weinberggasse, 11 der Warme" Monday, Tuesday,

Wednesday, 9-10

"Seminar" Weinberggasse, 7 Friday, 20-

aOrdnung der Vorlesungen an der K k. Deutschen Karl-Ferdinands- Universitdt zu Prag (Prague: K. k. Akademie-Senate, 1911, 1912).

sor of philosophy in the University of Jerusalem. They took pleasure in the sight of the green slopes of Petrin Hill and also Kin'sky Park, which later became one of Einstein's favorite walks. "Prague is wonderful, so beautiful, that it alone would be worth a journey," Einstein wrote to his friend Michele Besso on May 13, 1911.30 He acquainted himself with the city when paying official visits to his colleagues, and in time the sightseeing took precedence over the visits.3'

Prague, however, also revealed some drawbacks. On April 27, soon after his arrival, Einstein complained to Marcel Grossmann about the long journey from Zurich to Prague and about the shortage of drinking water.32 It was furthermore inconvenient to live amidst a population which was 95 percent Czech, did not understand German, and were inimical toward the arrogant German minority (al- though the Czechs proved to be "more harmless" than he had thought [!], he confessed to Grossmann). Einstein did not have the best impression of his German colleagues and acquaintances either, except for a couple of people who helped to make his time in Prague pleasing.

3OEinstein-Besso Correspondance, pp. 19-20. 31Frank, Einstein, p. 140. 32ETH Einstein-Sammlung.

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EINSTEIN'S COMPANIONS IN PRAGUE

Einstein's assistant in Zurich, Ludwig Hopf, moved with him to Prague, but there is no official trace of his having remained Einstein's assistant, perhaps because he left Prague before September 1911.33 According to Frank, his assistant in Prague was an otherwise unknown Nohel.34

A good friend of Einstein's in Prague was Anton Lampa, who had been a pupil of Mach's at the Prague University, then worked as Assistent and Privatdozent at the University of Vienna. He returned to Prague as the second successor to Mach's chair of experimental physics at the beginning of 1910. Lampa wanted a man of signifi- cance to be appointed to Lippich's chair in order to raise the level of education35 and-since his own abilities had lagged behind his ambitions as a scientist-to provide a fire by which to warm himself.

One of Einstein's closest friends in Prague was Georg Pick, who had been a Privatdozent and then professor of mathematics in Mach's time.36 Reputed to be a strict teacher,37 he achieved the culmination of his scientific career in the 1890s.38 Pick introduced Einstein to a group of professors with whom Pick used to play quartets,39 and here Einstein met Moritz Winternitz, professor of Sanskrit, and his sister-in-law, Ottilie Nagel, later to be the pianist partner of the violinist Einstein in playing chamber music. He made friends with the archaeologist W. Klein and had long discussions over a cup of wine with the astronomer at the Czech University, V. W. Heinrich.40

Einstein's scientific reputation attracted visitors to Prague, including Otto Stern, an undergraduate from the University of Wroclaw, in 1943 the Nobel Prize winner in physics, and Erwin Freundlich, an astronomer from Berlin-Babelsberg who had been convinced of the importance of Einstein's gravitational theory in August 1911 by L. W. Polak, a demonstrator at the Institute of Cosmic Physics of the German University in Prague.41 His influential professor friend in Zurich, H. Zangger, also paid him a visit. His most important visitor, however, was Paul Ehrenfest.42

At the beginning of 1912 Ehrenfest had begun a tour in search of a university post, denied to him in Russia because he was a Jew. Prague was an important station on this tour-just because of Einstein. The two began corresponding in the spring of 1911, and Einstein's card with the invitation to Prague (January 1, 1912) reached Ehrenfest in Leipzig. Ehrenfest arrived in Prague on February 23 and stayed for a week in Einstein's flat. In the university Ehrenfest read an excellent lecture on the theory of radiation and took part in Einstein's seminar on Nernst's thermodynamical theorem. By this time Einstein had already proposed to Lampa that Ehrenfest follow him (as we shall see, Einstein already intended to leave Prague). Ehrenfest was,

33Seelig, Albert Einstein, pp. 215-216. Einstein and Hopf maintained a correspondence. (Although the letters were lost by Hopf's widow when she moved from Ireland to Great Britain, recently an antiquarian in London put up for sale 17 letters of Einstein and Hopf; personal information from Mr. A. A. Jaeggli.)

34Frank, Einstein, pp. 141-142. 35Ibid., p. 135. 36Contrary to Frank's statement (ibid., p. 141), Pick was not an assistant of Mach's. 37Letter from Hugo Bergman to the author, Nov. 1, 1974. 38J. Folta and L. Novy, eds., Dejfiny exaktnich ved v ceskyh zemich do konce 19. stoleti (Prague: Nakl.

CSAV, 1961), p. 249. 39Kowalewski, Bestand und Wandel, p. 217. 40Guth (n. 29), p. 9. 41Lewis Pyenson, "Einstein's Early Scientific Collaboration," Historical Studies in the Physical Sci-

ences, 1976, 7:105. 42For details see Klein, Ehrenfest, pp. 175-18 1; V. Ia. Frenkel, Paul Ehrenfest (in Russian; Moscow:

Atomizdat, 1971), pp. 40-42.

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however, unwilling to make the formal gesture to which Einstein had not given a second thought: to declare himself affiliated to a religion. Einstein also made at- tempts in Zurich to get a post for Ehrenfest by writing to professors A. Kleiner and Pierre Weiss, but he received no definite answers.

When Ehrenfest arrived in Prague he conveyed to Einstein a message from Marian Smoluchowski that he planned personally to visit Einstein. Einstein, already ac- quainted with Smoluchowski's achievements,43 invited him for the Easter holidays, but not the last week, because he was to spend that in Berlin. The proposed date was not convenient for Smoluchowski, who suggested May instead and that his wife should accompany him. With Einstein's reply that he was not prepared to accommo- date two persons but would otherwise be glad to meet them both, the correspondence came to an end.44

Apart from scientific and musical circles Einstein got into touch with a group of German-speaking Jewish intellectuals consisting of professors, writers, and librar- ians. The group held its regular meetings in an inner room of the Caf6 Louvre (now a language school on the Narodni trida), and was often called the "Louvre Circle." Some of its members, under the leadership of Hugo Bergman, gathered under the hospitable roof of Berta Fanta, wife of the owner of the pharmacy "Unicornis" which was (and is) to be found in the Old Town Square. These gatherings were called "Kant-Abende" by the writer Max Brod, since the main subject for discussion was Kant's philosophy. Two years were bestowed upon the Prolegomena and the Critique of Pure Reason; then a year was devoted to Fichte's Theory of Science and another year to Hegel.

The hard core of the "Kant-Abende" consisted of Bergman, Brod, Felix Weltsch, a librarian and private philosopher, and Baron Ehrenfels, philosopher. These four were surrounded by a varied array of others: Gerhard Kowalewski, professor of mathe- matics at the Prague Technical University, Otto Fanta, the student son of the hostess, then by Einstein and his colleagues Hopf, Freundlich, and later Philipp Frank. On rare occasions Franz Kafka made an appearance. Since Hopf left Prague before September 1911, Einstein must have joined the circle about the middle of the year. These "outsiders" read lectures on scientific matters: for example, Kowalewski on Cantor's measure theory, Freundlich on Planck's quantum theory. Mention is made of a reading on Freud and one on the theory of relativity.45 Bergman remembers that Einstein visited the circle when it was discussing Hegel; Brod recalls how Einstein took part in the debates on Kant. Probably he entered when the subject was just being changed. Einstein's openness, objectivity, and intellectual audacity received literary expression in Brod's novel Tycho Brahe's Way to God, in the form of some of Kepler's attributes.

In Prague Einstein would have had many opportunities to become acquainted with the nationalistic problems of the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy, among them the problems of the Jews, and with Marxism, at least with the version called Austro- Marxism. Moreover, he could have been exposed to a Zionism of humanitarian, almost cosmopolitan, character, guaranteed by Bergman's personality.46 Neverthe- less, Einstein stood apart on political and social issues; even his return to Jewry was simply a formality.

43A. Teske, "Z Einsteinovy prazske korespondence," Sbornik pro dejiny prHrodnich ved a techniky, Vol. VII (Prague: Nakl. CSAV, 1972), pp. 228-231.

44He argued in the same way when Ehrenfest intended to arrive together with his wife; cf. Frenkel, Ehrenfest, p. 41.

45M. Brod, Streitbares Leben, 1884-1968 (Munich: Herbig, 1969), p. 171. 46Although, contrary to what Seelig wrote (Albert Einstein, p. 208), it is highly unlikely that Bergman

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Philosophical and ideological problems, however, interested him, and not only on the abstract level of the Kant evenings. Together with Lampa he joined the so-called Free School, an association which fought against clerical influence not only in Prague but also in other Bohemian towns. He was furthermore one of the subscribers of an appeal to scientists and philosophers to form a society for positivistic philoso- phy, which aimed at a "general worldview without contradictions"-a classic case of the Kuhnian cry of scientists for philosophy in a crisis of science.47

FAREWELL TO PRAGUE

After only a few months' stay in Prague Einstein received an offer from Holland48 (not from Switzerland, as Louis Kollros, one of his Kommilitonen, suggested49). In an unofficial letter (August 20, 1911) W. H. Julius, professor at the University of Utrecht, informed him that Professor C. H. Wind had died and his vacant seat would be offered to Einstein. At first Julius received a negative reply, but upon his second letter Einstein gave a not so definite refusal. His only argument against the move was his promise to the Federal Technical High School (the "Poly") upon his departure from Zurich that were he to receive an offer from anywhere he would automatically inform them. Although Julius understood the argument, the faculty of mathematics and physics proposed Einstein in first place and Einstein's successor in Zurich, the Dutchman Peter Debye, as second choice. Referring to this proposal, Julius wrote Einstein on September 27 and October 11, urging a positive answer. The earliest Einstein could reply was on October 18, after his lectures in Zurich. In Zurich he had heard, he wrote Julius, of the plans of the Poly to offer him a post;50 however, he had been unable to give a definite answer. The faculty transmitted its proposal to the directorate on October 28. At Julius' request, Hendrik Antoon Lorentz personally continued to try to persuade Einstein at the Solvay meeting October 30-November 3 in Brussels. At that time Einstein recommended Debye to Lorentz, as he had to Julius when they met in Utrecht after the Brussels meeting.

Upon his return to Prague (probably in the middle of November) Einstein must have received a promising letter from Grossmann, because on November 18 he replied to him joyfully, saying that having been encouraged by the news he had declined the Utrecht post.5' This refusal had been sent on November 15 to Julius, the directorate subsequently withdrew its original proposal, and the faculty proposed Debye for the vacant seat.

On November 23 Einstein wrote to Lorentz and apologized for his refusal, plead- ing ignorance about Lorentz's having joined the Utrecht people in recruiting him. In his reply (December 6) Lorentz took responsibility: had he taken a more energetic line in persuading Einstein at the Solvay meeting, matters might have taken a different course. December 8 brought Einstein another letter from Lorentz, this time asking Einstein to go to Holland to be his successor in Leyden. Einstein misunder- stood the proposition (a misunderstanding which he later considered to have been

attempted to win Einstein over to Zionism, for Bergman hid this conviction to such an extent that Max Brod, his friend for many years, only glimpsed it occasionally.

47Physikalische Zeitschrift, 1912, 13: 735-736. The appeal must have reached the journal between July 13 and 27, 1912.

48For Einstein's invitation from Holland, I rely on M. Rooseboom, "Albert Einstein und die Niederlan- dischen Universitaten," Janus, 1958, 47:198-199, and on Klein's Ehrenfest, pp. 183-84.

49Helle Zeit-dunkle Zeit, In Memoriam Albert Einstein, ed. Carl Seelig (Zurich: Europa, 1956), pp. 26-27.

5OSo the offer was not made at the Solvay meeting as Seelig stated (Albert Einstein, p. 219). 51Ibid., p. 225.

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Page 10: Albert Einstein in Prague

84 J6ZSEF ILLY

beneficial), thinking it was a rehash of the Utrecht affair. He immediately (December 10) wrote an urgent letter to Grossmann about his Zurich appointment,52 for, as he wrote, it would be difficult to say no to Lorentz. On December 12 Grossmann answered that affairs were going slowly. Notwithstanding this uncertainty, Einstein refused Lorentz.

To accelerate the selection procedure at the Poly, Professor Weiss asked Henri Poincare and Marie Curie to send reports on Einstein's merits. They unanimously pointed to his talent, the originality of his thinking, and the novelty of his achieve- ments.53 Professor Zangger played the role of the letter carrier; he discussed matters with Bern authorities and pulled strings.54 The president of the Swiss Schools Council invited Einstein to talk matters over, but because of the lack of time, he had to be satisfied with a handwritten list of publications, an autobiography, and some other documents which were transmitted by Einstein's colleagues in Switzerland.55 By December 26 Einstein was rather sure of his appointment to the Poly.56 On January 22, 1912, the Swiss Schools Council proposed Einstein to be professor at the Poly, and eight days later the Neue Zurcher Zeitung officially announced Einstein's appointment to a newly formed chair of mathematical physics. The Prager Tagblatt published the news on February 2. Einstein informed Besso and the Habicht brothers of the joyful tidings on February 4 and 12, respectively.57

Guessing started as to why he was leaving Prague so soon. Some thought he had not impressed the minister when he first came to Prague; others compared the funds allotted to scientific research in the Austro-Hungarian Monarchy and the German Empire, with the conclusion that the former lagged behind. Questions of religious affiliation or discrimination were also brought up.58

As he was not happy with these conjectures, Einstein wrote to the university administration in Vienna explaining his motives.59 The letter no longer exists, but it is highly probable that it did not differ widely from the statement he gave to the Neue Freie Presse. He mentioned first the promise made when he left Zurich to inform the Poly of any offer he might receive and, second, the location of Zurich, which was more favorable to his children than that of Prague. He refuted, however, suggestions of his having left Prague to escape religious or national discrimination;60 his days in Prague left no unpleasant impression.6' Upon receiving the "imperial and royal" decree on his leave, Einstein departed for Zurich July 25, 1912.62

52ETH Einstein-Sammlung. 53Seelig, Albert Einstein, pp. 227-229. 54Helle Zeit-dunkle Zeit, p. 43. 55Seelig, Albert Einstein, p. 225. 56Letter to Besso, Einstein-Besso Correspondance, p. 42. 57Einstein-Besso Correspondance, p. 47; Seelig, Albert Einstein, p. 221. 58Prager Tagblatt, May 26, 1912; July 30, 1912. 59Frank, Einstein, p. 170; Kowalewski, Bestand und Wandel, p. 239. 60"Ich muss betonen, dass ich in Prag keinerlei Anlass zur Unzufriedenheit hatte. Das Ministerium kam

nur bei meiner Ernennung in der weitestgehenden Weise entgegen und auch wahrend meiner Tatigkeit in Prag habe ich keinerlei Schwierigkeiten mit der Unterrichtsbehbrde gehabt. Mein Entschluss, Prag zu verlassen, ist einfach darauf zuruckzufuhren, das ich schon beim Weggange von Zurich versprochen habe, unter annehmbaren Verhaltnissen gerne wieder zuruckzukehren. Das Einzige, welches mich neben meinem fruheren Versprechen besonders gewogen hat, dem Rufe Folge zu leisten, sind allenfalls die gunstigeren Lebensbedingungen, welche Zurich vor Prag auszeichnen. Ich spiele damit nicht auf die nationalen Verhailtnisse in Prag an, welche mich nie beruhrt oder gestort haben, sondern meine bloss die vorteilhafte Lage der Stadt Zurich am See und Gebirge, welche fur einen Familienvater vier Verlockendes hat. Vor einer irgend konfessionellen Voreingenommenheit, welche vermutet wird, habe ich nichts empfunden und nichts bemerkt." This statement of Einstein to the Neue Freie Presse was reprinted by the Prager Tagblatt on Aug. 5, 1912.

61Guth, p. 10; Frank, Einstein, p. 170. 62Prager Tagblatt, July 30, 1912.

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