100

Chapter III

AGRO-PASTORALISM AND THE EARLY CHIEFDOM

In this chapter, an attempt has been made to unravel the formation of the

Kolathunadu in the Iron Age and early historic period. Kolathunadu neither did

exist in that name during those periods nor did it appear till the beginning of 12th

century A.D. However, the region has a long historical tradition which is revealed

through the existence of archaeological and historical evidences. No written

accounts are available to trace the origin of the nadu in the early historic times, but

the process of the configuration can be reproduced through the analysis of the

cultural materials unearthed from the Iron Age burial monuments and the poetical

representation of the region reflected in the Sangam texts.

There are limited indications on the early formation of the region as an

agrarian unit in the northern Kerala. The signs of the early formation of region

comprising Kolathunadu have appeared in the Tamil texts, the early Tamil heroic

poetry1, in association with a velir chief named Nannan. Nannan of Ezhimalai was

the first political entity of the region under study as referred in the Early Tamil

heroic poems like Akananuru, Purananuru, Patittupathu, Kuruntokai and

Pattupattu. The poems delineate the nature of the chiefdom of Nannan, the

predatory Velir 2 chief of the Ezhilkunram (Ezhimalai). Along with the eulogy of

the Nannan‟s splendor they also hint at the geo- cultural features of the region. But

1 K. Kailasapathy, Tamil Heroic poetry, OUP, London, 1968

2 There are different level of chiefly power represented in the Tamil poems and they are mainly

the Kizhar,Velir and Vendar. The Velir seems to be the most archaic and lineage conscious. The

poem shows that the Velir chieftains held sway over the Kurinji and Mullai tracts (Pastoral forest

hills and hillocks). They were hill chieftains heading mostly the decent groups called Vetar, Itayar

and Kuravar. For details see, Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier (ed.), Cultural History of

Kerala, Vol. I, Department of Cultural publication, Government of Kerala, Thiruvananthapuram,

1999, Pp199-200

101

they do not provide any indications on the geographical extension of his territory.

Accordingly, Ezhimala and its surrounding resourceful regions were under the

predatory control of this Velir chief and he had companions like Minjili, Atti etc.

The poems related to these heroes will also be used for the study. The following

session will be an attempt to unravel the formation of early settlements in the

region of Kolathunadu. It will also delineate the formation of a tribal chiefdom

within the cultural landscape under study in the lights of available evidences.

Archaeological evidences on the early settlement formation

To delineate the early nature of landscape and its influence in the formation

of various settlement unit and subsistence strategies, at first, it is necessary to

come across the existing available archaeological evidences.3 The Iron Age burial

monuments and the cultural assemblages from the burials are the major

archaeological remains from the region. Very few archaeological traces on the

pastoral systems are also found. They have furnished certain significant hints on

the early human occupation in the landscape.

A number of megalithic burial sites have already been documented and

reported from the region under discussion. The colonial government under Madras

Presidency has made the pioneer attempt to document such sites of North Kerala.4

It was William Logan who excavated a rock-cut sepulcher at Banglamotta

paramba and Trichambaram near Thalipparamba in Kannur district and unearthed

3 The archaeological sites are in fact the spot on the landscape with detectable traces of human

activity. It could be dwelling sites, butchering areas, quarries for raw materials, burials or

monuments, rock art sites, sacred places, etc. Paul Bahn, Archaeology : A very short introduction,

OUP,1996, p 55 4 As part of the administration the colonial bureaucrat administrators have surveyed the existing

monuments. J. Babington, “Description of the Pandoo Coollies in Malabar” Transactions of the

literary society of Bombay, 1823, 3:324-330, Robert Sewell, Lists of the antiquarian remains in

the presidency of Madras, Vol.1, Government Press, Madras, 1882, Pp 241-243

102

typical megalithic assemblages including pots and iron implements.5 Robert

Sewell‟s “List of the Antiquarian remains in the presidency of Madras” has also

furnished a taluk wise distribution list of Iron Age burials.6 This is the only

available comprehensive list of the archaeological sites of Malabar, which is very

much useful to conduct further field explorations.7 However since the Sewell‟s

times, no serious attempt has been done to update the archaeological finds.8

Not many Iron Age sites have been excavated in the northern part of

Kerala. A rock cut sepulcher at Chitrari 9 and a stone circle with rock cut sepulcher

inside at Naduvil 10 have been excavated by K.J. John. Since the region is thickly

populated, extensive excavations are not possible. The entire landscape is under

private hands and therefore the preservation of the site after excavation or

salvaging explorations will not be practical. Thus, the only possible thing will be

systematic explorations and its scientific documentation. The following part will

furnish the updates of the archaeological remains, which have been collected

through an extensive field work from the region.

5 William Logan, Malabar Manual, Vol.,Kerala State Gazetteer department, Thiruvananthapuram,

(1887) 2000 edition, Pp 181-183 (see the drawings of the sepulchers between these pages) 6 Robert Sewell, Lists of the antiquarian remains in the presidency of Madras, Vol.1Pp 241-43.

Sewell‟s sites Cherukunnu, Kalliyad, Malappattam (rock-cut cave), Karivellur, Kavvai (dolmen

and menhirs), Kuttiattur (dolmen and rock-cut cave). 7 The list of Sewell is very much useful to conduct field research either for the relocation of the

listed sites or for the discovery of new sites. Interestingly most of the sites found recently, are

located in the adjacent or surrounding spots of the reported sites. For instance, a cluster of

megaliths including umbrella stone, urn burials, and rock-cut caves are found at Karivellur region

which is near to the menhir and dolmens reported by Sewell. 8 There is a district wise list prepared by T.Sathyamurti. T.Sathyamurthi, The iron age in Kerala-A

Report on Mangad Excavation, Department of Archaeology Kerala, Trivandrum, 1992, Pp 25-31 9 K.J. John, “Rock-cut Cave Tombs of Chitrari : Some new lights on the Rock cut cave tombs of

Malabar” in Journal of Kerala Studies, 1(4): 383-386 10

K. J. John, “Unpublished excavation report of Naduvil, Kannur district”, Department of history,

Calicut University, 1990, cited in Manjula Poyil, Death Funeral and Ancestors : cults of the dead

and the Malabar tribes, unpublished Ph.D thesis, Department of History, Calicut University,

2006, Pp 94-95

103

Recent Explorations

About 35 megalithic sites have been noticed and documented from the

present Kannur district (for detailed list of the explorations see appendix I). They

include rock cut caves, multiple hood stone circles, umbrella stones, urn burials

etc. Some of them are located in the surrounding areas of the earlier reported sites.

The rock-cut caves in the hard laterite surfaces are the major megalithic monument

type found. This monolithic rock-cut sepulcher has been considered as the unique

feature of Malabar.11 They have decorated doors or door jambs, finished circular

ground surface, dome size finished roof, pot holes at the top of the roof or pillar at

the center and in certain occasion stone platforms. There is a stone platform in a

rock cut sepulcher at Sreekantapuram. Caves with square type doors are generally

found and such sepulchers are found at Mathil, Mathamangalam, Ullur,

Ezhumvayal, Kunneru, Cherupuzha, Althatta, Mavicheri, Sreekantapuram,

Kannapuram, Echilamvayal, Purathukavu etc.12 The arch type door construction

was not unknown to the people of the Iron Age megaliths as it testified the rock

cut cave from Ezhilode. Most of the sepulchers have port holes at the top of the

roof and often they were covered with a laterite stopper. Such well decorated

stoppers were found from Ezhilode, Ezhumvayal and Alathatta Mavicheri. The

entrance of the sepulchers perhaps was covered with a square stone slab. Well

finished laterite slabs have been used to close the entrance of the single chambered

rock cut sepulchers found at Alathatta Mavicheri,Cherupuzha and Ezhumvayal.

11

K.R. Srinivasan, “The megalithic burials and urn-fields of south India in the light of Tamil

Literature and tradition, in Ancient India, New Delhi,1946,p.10, T. Satyamurthy, The Iron Age in

Kerala, A report of the Mangadu excavation, Department of Archaeology, Thiruvanathapuram,

1992, p 2 12

About 28 rock cut caves have been explored and documented from the region between the

Perumba and Valapattanam rivers of the present Kannur district. See appendix I

104

The pillared chamber was another important monument type from the region. A

destroyed rock-cut chamber with a square pillar at the center discovered from

Korom, near Payyannur and Sreekantapuram near Talipparamba. Similarly double

chamber rock cut sepulcher was found at Menachur near Talipparamba. Most of

these sepulchers have long passage, which roughly ranges from 1 meter to 5 meter

length and 1 meter to 2.50 meter width, up to the entrance.13

The rock cut sepulchers were built in the laterite surface of hillocks or its

slopes. Most of them were accidently discovered and opened by the local people.14

An arch shaped single chamber rock-cut sepulcher was found at Ezhilode near

Payyannur from where a few pottery and terracotta objects were collected (plate

13

The width of the passage varies according to the size of the entrance of the sepulchers. It seems

to have shown the multiplicity of the construction or some kind of priority or concerns to the dead

according to their social status or power. 14

They were accidently opened by the people and owing to their ignorance on the value of the

artifacts or due to their wild enthusiasm for finding the treasures, all these materials got destroyed.

None of these sites were documented or reported in a proper way. The documentation of these

finds is often reduced into a press release given by the person who explored the site and in most

cases these salvaging finds are kept in the private custody. Hence the only possible thing is the

collection of oral information regarding the discovery of the site and the cultural remains. Many of

such reliable information of archaeological findings have been gathered from the field. For

instance, the discovery of bone powder of an extended human burial along with a number of pots

including black and red, red slipped leg jars, with lids or stands etc from a rock-cut sepulcher at

Sreekantapuram, burial pots, bone fragments, iron objects and terracotta lamb from a rock cut

cave at Cherupuzha, two small pots in Red, Black colours, four Legged Jars from the rock-cut

caves at Badiramanaparamba Kunneru etc are too significant, but none of them were preserved. In

spite of the fact that the rock cut cave at Sreekantapuram was opened around 30 years back, the

plot owner could still remember that moment with excitement. The monument at Cherupuzha was

opened just 3 years before. These kinds of information are useful for making a distribution map of

the Iron Age Megaliths of the region.

105

No.2).15 The artifacts include black and red ware, red slipped legged jars, black

wares, and ritual pots and terracotta objects.16

The multiple hood stone circles are the other significant burial monuments

of the region under study. A multiple hood stone circle burial monument was

found at Kozhummal near Karivellur (plate No.4).17 Similarly a cluster of huge

stone circle with decorated stone slabs has been reported from the Nenthravattam

at Naduvil, near Talipparamba (plate No.5)18 and when excavated earlier a rock

cut chamber was found inside the circle from which a large amount of Iron Age

cultural remains were unearthed.19 A huge stone circle was also found at

Purathukavu, Pattuvam, Talipparamba Taluk.20

Umbrella stones with massive mushroom type orthostat made of a single

laterite stone block and the clinostat made of three or four laterite slabs at the

bottom were found at Adupputippara, Peralam, Velam, and Chempottikunnu (plate

15

These pots have been preserved in the Elamkulam. P.N. Kunjan Pilla Museum, Department of

history, University of Calicut 16

These materials were found from a construction site and all artifacts were in a dilapidated

condition

17 The site can be excavated as it is undisturbed and preserved in an un-occupied plot.

18 Out of the four circles, the biggest one had 12 huge slabs (about 2.50 to 3m height, 90cm x

110cm width and 30 to 45cm thickness).

19 K.J. John, “Unpublished excavation report of Naduvil, Kannur district”, Department of History,

Calicut University, 1990, cited in Manjula Poyil, Death Funeral and Ancestors : cults of the dead

and the Malabar tribes, unpublished PhD thesis, Department of History, Calicut University,

2006, Pp 94-95. 20

A stone circle at Purathukavu, Ariyil, near. Govt. Model Residential School Pattuvam,

Talipparamba Taluk, Kannur district. It is found in a laterite plateau near to a sacred grove called

Purathukavu. According to the local information the Teyyam (ancestral cult) of the sacred groove

got inside the stone circle and chant Tottam songs at the time of the Teyyam festival. This oracle is

the beginning ritual of the festivals in the sacred grove. The stone circle is not in perfect alignment

and it has 36 dressed laterite stone slabs in vertical position. It has about 13.55 and 10. 85 length

in the east west and north south direction respectively. Three slabs are misplaced.

106

No.6). Along with these monuments, a number of urn burials have also been found

from various parts of the region.

All the sites mentioned above yielded typical megalithic artifacts including

black and red ware, red slipped ware, legged jars, coursed red ware, black ware,

terracotta lids and bases of the pots, small black coloured terracotta objects, iron

implements and semi precious items like beads and bronze objects. A bronze vase

and unidentified bronze equipment, iron sword, dagger, trident, knives, chisel, iron

saucer lamp, iron tripod, a crystal bead, a quartz bead, earthen vases, ring stands

and pots were unearthed from Naduvil.21 Similarly, the black and red ware, red

ware vases and bowls with lids which treasure the bone relics were recovered from

the clusters of rock-cut sepulchers at Chitrari.22 Out of thirteen pots recovered, two

contained charred bones. Rock-cut sepulchers of Ezhilode and Alathatta Mavicheri

had also yielded a large quantity of black and red ware and red slipped legged jars

(Plate.No.2 & 7).23 But no single evidence on the habitation cum burial site has

been found from the region.24

21

K.J. John, “Unpublished excavation report of Naduvil, Kannur district”, Pp 94-95 22

K.J. John, “Rock-cut Cave Tombs of Chitrari: Some new lights on the Rock cut cave tombs of

Malabar” in Journal of Kerala Studies, 1(4): 383-386 23

The ceramics were found from the sepulchers, which were opened by the local people, and they

were in dilapidated condition and highly weathered due to the rain. The ceramics of Ezhiode

sepulcher is now preserved in the Elankulam Kunjan Pilla Memorial museum, Department of

History, University of Calicut. Few pot sherds from Alathatta Mavicheri are preserved in the Sir

Sayyed College, Talipparamba. 24

The obvious evidence of the megalithic habitation has not yielded from Kerala. It is stated that

“the contemporary population density and the consequent intensive land use pattern, the dispersed

settlement pattern, the high rainfall and the resultant floods, which modify and conceal the

material evidences, and the thick vegetation cover substantially decrease the visibility of the

archaeological record in Kerala.” Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural History of

Kerala, Pp129-131

107

The availability of water was the crucial factor in the selection of

settlement sites.25 The distribution of the megaliths in the river belt or the banks of

rivulets has shown such preferences of the early settlers. The ponds or water

bodies either natural or artificial were found in very close proximity to the rock-

cut sepulchers. The ponds of Ettukudukka, Madayi and Kunneru have dressed step

with sloping surface to reach the pond (plate No.9). There is a square well or pond

without steps at the laterite plateau of Ezhumvayal. Such features are found at

Alathatta Mavicheri, Echulikkunnu, Kunneru, Menachur Kavu etc. They might

have been used for the daily requirements of people and animal livestock of the

region. However, the following list will give an insight on the close affinity

between the sites and water sources.

25

Udaya Ravi. S. Moorti, Megalithic Culture of South India, Ganga Kaveri Publishing house,

Varanasi, 1994, p. 11

SITE

FEATURES

TOPOLOGY

TYPE

Ettukudukka,

Alappadampa-

Payyannur

A pond with sloping

steps, probably in

order to enable the

cattle to reach the

tank comfortably

Pastoral tracts- no

big plants,- non

productive- hard

laterite hillock

slopes-

Rock engravings of

animal figurine.

Ezhumvayal

Natural aquifer which

seems to have been

modified in the later

time by the settlers. It

is a square cut fresh

water pond. The

Laterite hillock

plateau which must

have been used as

pastoral tracts from

earlier times. The

land is not suitable

Clusters of Iron

Age megalithic

burials, especially

rock-cut caves, are

widely distributed

in the region. Most

108

water scale does not

diminish even during

summer time.

for any kind of

production process.

The movement of

cattle herds in the

plot is very unique

to the region even in

modern times. The

plot is recently

occupied. No single

evidence like temple

sites or inscriptions

etc is available on

the later settlements

after the Iron Age.

of them require a

systematic

exploration and a

scientific

documentation

including

excavation.

A few signs of the

hoof prints of

animals and foot

prints of humans

are found

Madayi para

(rocky plateau)

There is a pond called

Juthakkulam (Jewish

pond) which must

have been a modified

form of an earlier

natural water body. It

has steps sloping

towards east west

direction. Such water

presence can also be

seen in the plateau

Laterite plateau with

natural aquifers,

Pastoral tracts and

some kind of millet

or punam cultivation

had been practiced

here. It was common

even during colonial

times as evidenced

in the Settlement

Register.

Megalithic clusters

and the presence of

early historic West

Asian ceramics are

the significant

features. In the

slope of the

plateau, an archaic

sacred grove and a

temple existed. The

region was a major

coastal exchange

center and had

witnessed

continuous

settlements in latter

109

A few significant archaeological signs of the pastoral tradition are also

found from the region in the laterite plateaus of Ettukudukka and Ezhumvayal.

The engravings of the cattle (three in number) in the moving posture towards

time.

Echulikkunnu

Laterite hillock with

presence of Echuli

(shell), pastoral

tracts. Natural water

bodies in the plateau -

It has been used as

pastoral tracks- wet

lands are distributed

in the valleys.

Natural caves and

information about

the findings of Iron

age burial

monuments.

Alathatta

Mavicheri

Laterite hillock with

fresh water bodies

used for bathing even

now. Does not get

evaporated during

summer.

It was a resourceful

region and pastoral

tract. No big trees

are grown there due

to the absence of soil

deposit.

Figurative rock-cut

caves are

distributed in the

hillock and its

slopes.

Kunneru

Hillock slopes and a

pond with sloping

surface, like

Ettukudukka, were

found. The valley

ends at the wet land

It was a millet

cultivated area and

the pastoral tracts.

The sign of

continuous

settlements has been

found

Decorated single

chambers rock cut

sepulchers with

port holes and door

jambs were

distributed in the

surroundings of the

pond.

110

eastern direction are found at Ettukudukka of Perumba river belt (Plate.8).26 This

can be really significant as it is the only such trace from Kerala that has been

located. Both the topographical features and the information gathered from the

local settlers have shown that the plot has been under the use of pastoral

communities. Accordingly, Ettukudukka was earlier a grazing land where

shepherds used to live. Near to the engravings site, there is a tank, with sloping

surface and steps, probably in order to enable the cattle to reach the tank

comfortably (Plate.9). A cluster of hoof prints and a single foot print of a human

being are discovered from the laterite hillocks at Ezhumvayal, Kuppam river belt,

near Thalipparamba.27 The foot print is imprinted in the north east direction and

the hoof prints are scattered in the surroundings of the same (Plate.10,11).28 Since

these cultural materials are silent about the time, they have to be contextually

placed. We are not sure whether they belong to the early historic period or later.

But the close affinity of rock cut sepulchers of Iron Age to these sites and the

26

“The engravings are found on a hard laterite surface, on the Ettukudukka- Pakkayam road about

half a km away from the Ettukudukka bus stop at Kankol Alappadamba Panchayath, 12km to the

east of Payyannur in Kannur district. The thickness (width) of the engravings varies from half a

cm to two cm in. The engravings are found on an area about 50sq ft and all the engravings are

facing east.” Sreelatha Damodaran, K.P. Rajesh and K.N. Ganesh, “Rock Engravings at

Ettukudukka, Kannur district, Kerala”, in AdhAram, A journal of Kerala Archaeology & History,

Vol. I, M.G. University, Kottayam, 2006, p.84 27

Unlike the engraving of Ettukudkka, which seems to have been the product of the aesthetic

sense of the then living communities, the foot print and hoof prints seems to be quiet natural.

These prints seem to have been imprinted on a marshy space, which got formed owing to the soil

deposit in the depressions of the plateau at the rainy season, and later hardening due to the intense

heat of the sun light. If so, it can be argued that the region was not under use for a long time.

28 The figurines are carved in the hard laterite surface; most probably by using iron objects; the

depth of the carving varies from 0.5 cm to 2cm.

111

conspicuous absence of the source materials of the later occupation seems to have

shown their possible earlier entity.29

The pattern of burial distribution

The major burial types found in the region are rock cut sepulchers.30 The

following graph, which is prepared on the basis of the field explorations, shows

the distribution of different types of Iron Age burial sites in the region under study

Iron Age burial site distribution in the Valapattanam (VLP), Kuppam (KPM),

Perumba (PRB) and Pazhayangadi (PZD) river belts

The burial sites of the region under study were found mainly in the

Valapattanam, Kuppam, Perumba and Pazhayangadi, river belts. The number of

sites distributed in the Perumba river belt is higher than the Kuppam and

29

The site is located in the hard laterite and an unproductive area. It was unoccupied area for a

long period. The evidences of the later period like temple, inscription, dwelling remains, etc are

not found. There are no foot paths, ways, etc. There is no travel accessibility even in the present

time. But the pastoral channels are abundant. Most recently this area got occupied by people 30

The region under study is a laterite dominated area and the monuments are often found in the

slopes of the hard laterite hillock slopes. The shape of this monument is interesting. The inner

space of almost all caves with port holes looks like a pot. The port hole which is often covered by

a stone lid is similar to the neck portion of a pot. Was this an urn cave?

112

Valapattanam rivers. It shows that a number of settlements seem to have

developed during the Iron Age early historic period in the Perumba river belt.

Distribution of the rock cut sepulchers (RC), umbrella stone (US), urn burial

(UB), and stone circles (SC)

The distribution of rock cut sepulchers is much higher than the other types.

They are found in the laterite plateau as clusters and also in dispersed contexts.

Disribution of rockcut sepulchers in the in the Valapattanam (VLP),Kuppam

(KPM), Perumba (PRB) and Pazhayangadi (PZD) river belts

113

The distribution of rock cut sepulchers are varied in the major river belts of

the region. The largest quantity is found in the Perumba river belt, followed by

Kuppam. Almost equal numbers of sites are discovered in the Valapattanam and

Pazhayangadi river belts. It again shows that the Perumba river belt, which flows

in the valley of Ezhimala, was the first core of the early human occupation in the

region. The rock-cut caves are not like an ordinary pit burial. It requires more

skilled labour support and it represented the formation of a kind of advanced

settlement in the region, which will be discussed in another part of this chapter.

Besides, the surveyed burial sites have shown certain pattern of the

contemporary geo-cultural settings.

1. The sites are mainly distributed in the hillocks, hillock slopes, laterite table

land or in its slopes and they are located in the proximity of the water

courses.31 It is argued that the megalithic monuments are invariably found

to occur on high rocky grounds unfit for cultivation.32

2. The rock- cut sepulchers and stone circles are generally found in the hard

laterite hillock slopes and the laterite plateau. The entrance of the rock-cut

sepulcher is often faced towards the productive plots spread in the valley of

the hillock. The clusters of the rock cut sepulchers are spread over in a

single plot in most cases. It shows that the contemporary people seem to

have separate spaces for the dead, probably in the nearby areas of their

settlements.

31

These plots are non-productive in nature owing to the privation of soil deposits in the surface.

The seasonal monsoons do not let them remain in the surface and washes out the terrain each time.

Thus major cultivation was not possible there and consequently the plot became a graze land. 32

For details, K.R. Srinivasan and N.R. Banargee, „Surveys of South Indian megaliths‟ in Ancient

India, No; 9, K.A. Nilakanta Sastri, The Illustrated History of South India: From Pre historic

times to the fall of Vijayanagar, with an introduction by R. Chambaka Lakshmi and an epilogue

By P.M. Rajan Gurukkal, OUP, 2009,p 7.

114

3. The existence of the burials itself is a sign of the historical continuity of the

region.33 The region, where the megalithic burials are found, has witnessed

the continuous settlements.34

4. The splendid monolithic monuments and the unearthed burial goods

represent the possible development of various skilled occupational groups

who were depending on the surplus of the society. The megalithic period

witnessed population increase and the emergence of specialized craft

groups which facilitated the interaction between various production units,35

which will be discussed in another part. The wide distribution of the burial

sites in the river belts has proved the Iron Age demography.

5. The grave goods point to a primarily hunting and food gathering society

which was gradually shifted to sedentary agriculture.36 The presence of

Black and Red ware in the burial monuments seems to have pointed to the

beginning phase of agriculture. But the irrigated agriculture became

prominent in later time.37

6. The copper or bronze finds are also significant as they point toward the

accessibility of the alloy technology to the contemporary society on the one

33

They have been getting an auspicious space in the settlement area and normally the settlers of

the region do not attempt to disturb the monument either due to the fear or the obeisance to the

ancestors. That is the reason behind the existence of such monuments even now in different parts

of Kerala. 34

The evidences of later times like inscriptions, literary compositions, structural remains of the

sacred spaces and dwellings etc have been found in the nearby area of the burial sites. For

instance, the Eramam, Ramanthali, Kunneru, Ezhimala, Kannapuram, Maniyur, etc 35

R.K. Mohanty and V. Selvakumar, “The Archaeology of Megaliths in India: 1947-1997” in S

Settar, Ravi Korisettar, Pre history Archaeology of south Asia vol I, I.C.H.R, Manohar New Delhi,

2002, Pp 313-351 36

Rajan Guukkal, The Kerala temple and early medieval agrarian system, Vallahol Vidyapitam,

Sukapuram, 1992, Pp16-17 37

Ibid, p 17, R.K. Mohanty and V. Selvakumar, “The Archaeology of Megaliths in India: 1947-

1997” p 331

115

hand and on the other they are the crucial traces of the exchange systems

developed in the region. Since copper and lead are not available locally

they must have been brought from outside.38 Copper and bronze (copper

bronze alloy) objects have been unearthed from the burial contexts in

Kerala, though less in number.39

All these archaeological evidences have revealed the early human

occupation of the region and their active involvement in the contemporary

environment. All these monuments are located in the non-productive hillock

slopes. Interestingly, most of them are found in the pastoral zones. The engravings

and the hoof prints of cattle have emphasized the possible entity of the cattle

rearing pastoral community in hillocks and its slopes. However, the possible entity

of various occupational groups including skilled, who were the masters of

megalithic technology and non-skilled have also been hinted by the wide

distribution of the megaliths, especially the rock-cut sepulchers. In order to tackle

38

In the recent excavation at Pattanam, an early historic site in the Periyar river belt, unearthed a

large quantity of led scroll and copper objects from the early historic archaeological layers, which

proved that these object were part of the maritime trade. For details, Cherian, P.J, V.Selvakumar,

K.P. Shajan (et.al), Interim Reports of Pattanam Excavations-2007,2008, 2009,2010 and 2011,

Kerala Council for Historical Research, Thiruvananthapuram. 39

A copper bangle fragment found from a cists burial at Arippa, Kollam district. For details, P.

Rajendran and C.S.P. Iyyer, “A preliminary report on the characterization of copper and gold

ornaments of the Arippa megalithic culture in Kollam district, Kerala, South India”,Man and

Environment 22(2):61-66, A copper dish has been discovered from a dolmenoid cists at the

Ambalamedu site by Rajan Gurukkal. Cited in Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural

history of Kerala, p 135. Copper or bronze vessel or bowl and a copper lid portion have been

unearthed from Perambra Kodakkal in Calicut district. For details, K. J John, “Perambra,1979

New light on Kodakkals of Malabar” in R.K. Sharma (Ed), Indian Archaeology New

Perspectives, Agam Kalam Prakashan, New Delhi, 1982, Pp 148-154. Few highly corroded

copper fragments have been recovered from the rock cut chamber inside a stone circle from

Anakkara, Palakkad district. For details, Rajan Gurukkal, “Unpublished excavation report of

Anakkara Megaliths, Plakkad district- 2009, M. G University Kottayam. A lid fragment of bronze

is found by the present researcher from a destroyed cist burial at Chakkothu paramba, Chengaroth,

near Perambra Kodakkal, Calicut district.

116

the features of megalithic economy and contemporary social contexts, it is

required to unravel the possible social structure represented in the early Tamil

heroic poetries.

Map. 2. The Distributon of Iron Age megaliths in the Perumba, Kuppam and

Valapattanam River belts

Literary allusions

The Sangam literatures like Akananuru, Purananuru, Pathittupathu,

Kuunthokai, Nattinai, Pattupattu etc have given few hints on the formation of

117

early settlements in the region of Kolathunadu. As mentioned earlier, here the

main focus will be on the songs related to Ezhimalai, its chieftain Nannan, his

plunder marches and his companion Minjili and others. Akananuru gives

substantial signifiers on the contemporary landscape and the geomorphology.

The poetical allusions on the region under study mainly appear in the

Kurinji and Palai songs of Akam literature; occasionally it also appears in the

Neital and Marutham songs.40 Like Kurinchi, Mullai, Marutham and Neital, the

Palai or parched land did not exist as a separate geo-economic zone. Instead, it

was formed naturally owing to the draught or decline of the hilly forest tracts

(Kurinchi), or the bushy grazing zones (Mullai) in the top or slopes of hillocks.41

Since the representations of the region under discussion mainly appears in the

Palai songs, the entire region under the predatory control of Nannan of Ezhimalai

must have been the Kurinji or Mullai dominated tracts and occasionally it

transformed into the non productive barren zone (Palai).

The region, according to the literary references, has an undulated landscape

which comprised of hillocks, slopes, narrow wet land in the valley between the

hilly tracts, the narrow passes in the hillock slopes to the valley, parched zones

either in the hillocks or in the slopes, productive garden lands, wet land cultivation

units in the elevated terraces, streams and fresh water channels etc. The poetic

expressions like nedum perum kunraththu,42 arumchuram iranta43, aruviyaarkkum

40

Tinai is a poetical conception of the contemporary geo- eco zones. There appears five tinais

(aintinai); Kurinchi (hilly tracts), Mullai (Pastoral tracts) Palai (parched zones), Marutham (wet

plain field), and Neital (coastal zones) For details, Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural

history of Kerala, Pp 165-173 41

Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, p 172 42

Means the big mountain or hillocks, Akananuru, 258:6 (hereafter A.N), (Malayalam

Translation), Nenmara. P. Visvanathan Nair, (ed),Three volumes, Trissur 1981, 1983, 1984 43

Get down the risky passes, A. N. 97:8

118

maynthikazh chilambil,44 poraiya chiru vellaruvi45 etc have shown the features of

undulated terrain. Ezhimalai is the important mountain of this undulated

landscape. It is a resourceful mountain and the references indicate that primitive

production units and pastoral tracts were widely distributed in the surroundings of

Ezhimala. The mountain appears as forest tract where the venga tree has grown

abundantly.46 Ezhimala which refers to as Ezhilkunram47 was under the predatory

control of a Velir chief Nannan. It is jutting into the Arabian Sea and its valley is

often washed out by the waves of the sea. According to literature, foreign trade

ships or canoe often faced misfortunes in the natural coastal port due to the hard

laterite formation in the valley of the Perumthurai, which seems to have

represented a harbor near to the mountain Ezhimalai.48 This geographical setting

itself was very much helpful to the pirates and the coastal plunder groups, which

will be discussed later. In another song Pazhi appears as the adjacent mountain to

Ezhimalai.49 Pazhi was the center of the predatory chief Nannan and also the core

of the resource accumulation and its redistribution.50

The mountains are the natural aquifers. The term Chinai or Irumchinai

which frequently appears in the Kurinji songs shows the presence of the water

source in the hilly forest tracts. The terms Parainedumchinai, Perumchinai,

Nirachunai etc. are the direct indication on the presence of water in the laterite

hillocks plains.51 The bushes growing in the surroundings of the water-body

44

Represents the streams that are flowing in the hillock slopes, A. N. 262:14 45

Means the small streams of the hillocks, A. N. 345:15 46

“Ezhir kunrathukkarunkalu vengai chempumi”, A.N. 345: 7-8, “Ezhir kunrathu kkava aru

kezhkolathiruntharai nivantha karunkal vengai” A.N. 349: 9-10 47

A.N. 349:9 48

“Nirankuneerparappiru kanalam perumthurai” A.N. 152:6 49

Ezhil neduvarai pAzhi chilampil, A.N. 152:13 50

It has been argued that Pazhi was the capital city Kingdom of Ezhimalai of Nannan.

Elamkulam. P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala History, Kottayam, 1970, p. 43. 51

A.N. 2:4, 178:3, 345:16

119

occurs in the hillock plains (Kurinji).52 Such features are visible even in the

present geography. The ponds with full of fresh water, which are not evaporated

even in the summer season, have been found at Ezhumvayal, Ettukudukka,

Alathatta Mavicheri , Madayi etc very close to the Iron Age burial sites.

There were passes and narrow ways with full of stones and gravel in the

hillock slopes. The poems referred to the movement of heroes through the risky

passes of the hillock slopes.53 Such references have shown the possible spread of

pathways in the slopes of the mountains. These passes must have been an active

route of the reciprocal relationship between various eco-zones. The landscape of

the present Kannur district has very much resemblance with the references in the

literatures. The region has natural elevation and its corresponding depressions like

the simile used by the poet Mamulanar regarding Viyalur.54 The slopes of each

hillocks ends at a narrow wet plain and it end at the valley of another mountain or

hillocks. The wet plains are located between two hillocks. The productivity of

such wet regions was depended on the flood water from the mountains. The flood

water in the rainy season from the hillocks and its slopes (peyalu Alai kalangiya

malai) 55 seems to have brought all natural deposits including soils, dry leaves etc

to the valley. These natural fertilizers caused the formation of fertile swampy plots

in the valleys. This natural process itself was the principal factor behind the

formation of resourceful and productive units in the region. The term aruvi 56 has

52

A.N. 178, “aaru chernthu anna ooru nirpata ar” 53

“Arunchuram Irantha Kodiyor”, A.N. 97:8 54

“Viyalur anna ninna alamulair” A.N. 97:13-15, Mamulanar says, Viyalur hill is like the bosom

of the heroine. The simile leads us to make a possible assumption that the mountain has slopes and

it ends at a narrow valley (the poet seems to have used this simile to describe the existing

topography). Such geographical features are almost visible in the contemporary landscape of north

and north eastern part of Ezhimalai. 55

A.N. 142:23, 208:18 56

A.N. 262:14, 345:15

120

indicated the existence of streams in the slopes. According to the poetical

references all these streams were originated from the mountains and flow down

the mountain slopes, into the valley, and finally constituted a water body.57 This

flood water, which comes down from the mountains, also transformed into a big

water body in the valley. Such perennial water bodies were formed in the valley of

Kurinji zones. The formation of non fertile sandy belt (Varmanal)58 after rainy

season in the river banks is another geographical feature which appears in the

poem.

Formation of turai was also significant in the landscape under discussion.

Turai seems to be an opening space between land and water channels; rivers or

sea. It is a confluence of emotional space and social requisites to the kurinji

dominated landscape of the nadu. It developed as a center of surplus exchange and

cultural transaction. The rivers have such openings to large water bodies. The term

Munturai and Keezhturai seem to have indicated the formation of such openings in

a single water body.59 Or it could be an indication of two distinct exchange spaces

of the same water channel existed in a confined distance. Some priority could be

attributed to the setting of these Turai. It could be the availability of products or

the frequency of the distribution of settlements. The frequency of the exchange

seems to have also been different. Turai also appears as a coastal village where the

57

“Aruviyarkkum mayanthi kal chilampilu nunpa ruvalai puthanmichai nanakkum”, shows the

streams of the hillock slopes which joins together and fall into the slopes. The presence of

waterfall in the hillock slopes is evident here. A.N. 262:14-15. “Kanmichai yuzhi zhipuyaru

chernthu anna Uru Neerpadar” A.N.178:6-7, shows that the drop by drop water fall from the

rocky plains of the hillocks region becomes a big water body like river. 58

“vArmanal akal atalyattu atai karai” , means on the banks of the sandy river bed. A.N.97:18 59

A.N. 356:1,18

121

fishing communities were settled.60 Such villages are set up on the banks of river

or such perennial water channels.

A few hints on early historic climate

It is a complex endeavor to make a discussion on the nature of climate in the early

phase of human life as it is unrecorded. It is not clear whether this society had

developed astronomical notions or calculations of the cyclical seasonal changes.

The literary references in the Akananuru have clearly shown that the society was

conscious about the seasonal changes. The spread of drought owing to the high

temperature and consequently the evaporation of the water sources and resourceful

units are testified by the terms like Tirankutham, (drained plot) and varumchunai,

(evaporated water body).61 The arrival of rainy season in the region is apparent in

the usage of the terms tanmazhai 62 inamazhai thavazhum ezhil kunrathu (cluster

of clouds above the mountain Ezhil or visible from the Ezhimala hillock).63 The

cloudy climate gradually follows lightning and thunder (chelmakkal) and leads to

incessant rain.64 The turbulent flood water from the hillock which flows by the

streams has shown the frequency of rains in the region.65 Thus the water

evaporated plots became wet and ready to vegetate and the atmosphere also

became cool and pleasant.66 The term mamuri inru marakompu akaippa 67 means

the tiny tips of water spread on branches and leaves of the tree may show the end

60

The coastal fishermen settlement, which seems to have developed on the river banks, appears in

the marutham pattu, A.N. 196:1-7 61

A.N. 119 62

“Thanmazhai thavazham neer thazh nananthalai kadunkattu, edukkum nedum perum kunathu”

A. N. 258:5-6 63

A.N. 345:7 64

“Kallena kkanamazhai pozhintha kanmadiyiravil”, A.N. 392:11-12 65

“Peyalu alai kalangiya malai” A.N. 142: 23 66

“mazhaipozhintha, vijumtali pozhinthu vemmai neengi than potham pathul chelkena” A.N.

345:1-2 67

Ibid 345:13

122

of rain and the arrival of another state of nature, probably the beginning of spring

season. The term uraikazhinthu ulantha pintai 68 (after the end of rain) has also

indicated the arrival of the same. The beginning and end of each season are

represented in the poems. On the basis of the references, a cyclical chart can be

prepared on the climate of the region; as follows;

Nature of climate of the region under study as represented in the Akam literature

The evaporation of water in the land, the decline of fertility, seasonal flood

owing to the rain and the consequent formation of the fertile tracts in the valley,

the arrival of a spring season etc were cyclically occurred in the region. This

cyclical change of weather itself was the main factor behind the formation of early

settlement in the region under study.

68

Ibid 345:14

Cloudy sky

Lightening /

Thunder

Rainy

Drizzle

Incessant

Flood

Abatement

Ends

Moisture Dewy

Coolness

Tepid

climate

High temperature

Drought

Sultry climate

Water evaporated lands

123

On the basis of the aforesaid available source materials, the residuary

segment of this chapter will examine the process of the social formation of the

region under study in the iron age early historic period.

Socio- economic Geography

The archaeological traces from the field and the poetical expressions that

appear in the early Tamil literatures have revealed the possible evolution of a

society with agro-pastoral subsistence forms in which the hunting and food

gathering were also sustained.69 The integration of multiple means of subsistence

forms seem to have resulted in the formation of different forms of occupational

groups and the possible development of their settlements. The reciprocal

relationships between these settlements and the development of exchange network

in the cultural landscape have been constituted in the backdrop of the agro-pastoral

economic system. Various knowledge forms and technologies have also formed

and they became the constituent element to facilitate the process of the evolution

of the society. All these process have corresponded to the development of surplus

accumulation systems, which can be termed as chiefdom.

69

Regarding the subsistence base of megalithic people, there are different theories among the

South Indian scholars. B.K. Gururaja Rao, Ramachandran, T. Sathyamurthy etc argued that they

were settled agrarian community. Leshnik, Sontheimer, Narasimhaiah , S. B. Deo etc argued that

the megalithic people were Pastoral nomadic., J.R. Mclntosh, The Megalithic Culture of India: A

chronological study, PhD dissertation, Cambridge University of Cambridge. All these arguments

are cited in R.K. Mohanty and V. Selvakumar, “The archaeology of the Megaliths in India:1947-

1997” in S Settar and Ravi Korisettar, Indian archaeology retrospect ,Pre History Archaeology of

South Asia, I.C.H.R, Manohar, New Delhi, 2002, p 330. According to Udayaravi .S. Moorti, the

megalithic people practiced a mixed economy based on agro-pastoral production. Udayaravi. S.

Moorti, Megalithic Culture of South India, Ganga Kaveri Publishing house, Varanasi, 1994, p 44,

Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier ed. Cultural History of Kerala, Chapter V

124

Means of subsistence

Various kinds of subsistence forms were developed in the aforesaid geo-

economic landscape. It includes hunting and food gathering, cattle keeping,

plunder or robbery, slash and burn cultivation, craft production and fishing and

salt making. None of these were autonomous in any pure sense and had

considerable overlap among them depending upon the nature of the eco-zones

(Tinai).70 The archaeological and literary evidences revealed the development of

such subsistence forms in the hillock slopes and the forest tracts of the region. The

hunting and food gathering were the most primitive modes of subsistence. The

arrival of hunters in the forestland and the scared situation of the faunas are

appeared in the poem.71 The hunters used primitive tools like Kavanai 72 (catapult

or a stone used in a sling) and Vel or trident.73 The cultural artifacts unearthed

from the Iron Age burials like trident, arrowheads and such other iron implements

have also proved the existence of hunting gathering subsistence forms in the

region.74 The tribal kin groups collectively gathered their daily food from this wild

and resourceful forest region and then redistributed it among the tribe.75

From the topographical features and evidences related to the region under

study, it is clear that the cattle keeping developed as an important subsistence

form. The cattle herds used to graze in the pastoral tracts of the region.76 The

70

For instance, pastoral means of subsistence was substantially supplemented by shifting

cultivation. Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural History of Kerala, p 228 71

“ thinai mey yanai inan irunth oda..” A.N. 392:13. Such reference seems to have represented

the terrible condition in the forest at the time of hunting. 72

“Kal Uyar kazhuthin chenon eruntha Valvaaykkavanin Katuvati Ollena”, A.N. 392:15 73

A.N. 152:10-11, 392:21 74

K. J. John, “Unpublished excavation report of Naduvil, Kannur district” 75

A.N. 178:4, 5, 12. This poem has given a clear picture of food gathering. They collected roots,

Kizhangu (tuber), Chembu (colocasia) and drank water from the streams and ate tina, (millet). 76

A.N. 97:4

125

grazing tracts, which appear in the Tamil songs, are mainly spread in the hillock or

hillock slopes. The herds of cows and deers grazing in the slopes of the hilly forest

were often threatened by leopards.77 The natural aquifers and water bodies

(Chinai) of the hillocks are also a constituent element in the formation of grazing

land.78 The Iron Age burial monuments especially the rock-cut sepulchers were

widely distributed in the nearby areas of the grazing land. Naturally, this area was

not useful for cultivation and the plots remained non productive. Such fresh water

sources, which refer to the Tamil literature as Chinai , are found in the hard

laterite table lands and they seem to have been used by the cattle herds and the

group of shepherds of the region. The availability of water was the crucial factor

in the selection of settlement sites.79 A wide area in and around the present

Ezhimalai, including the laterite plateau of Ettukudukka, Naduvil, Alathatta,

Ezhumvayal, Talipparamba, Madayi, Sreekandapuram, Alathatta, Kunneru,

Echilamvayal, Korom, Payyannur, Kunjimangalam, Pilathara etc, contained

grazing tracts. These regions, the main areas of the nadu under study, have been

occupied by the cattle and cattle keepers for a long period.

The shifting slash and burn cultivation was widely performed in the hilly

kurinji zones of the region. Such production units have been mentioned in the

poem as nadu. It has been stated that nadu appears widely in the Kurinji songs,80

which means it originates in the hilly forest tracts where the affluent water sources

exist. The nadu, as productive space and settlement unit, got separate entity from

the kadu or resourceful forest region.81 The terms kadu and nadu denoted the

77

A.N. 392:11-18 78

See the table of the water aquifers, Echulikunnu, Mavicheri, Madayi, Ezhumvayal,

Ettukudukka, Cheemeni etc 79

Udayaravi. S. Moorti, Megalithic Culture of South India : Socio-economic perspectives, p-12 80

Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier, Cultural History of Kerala, p 174 81

Ibid, Pp 174-175

126

conversion of natural space into productive space and the nadu included

habitational and productive spaces.82 The term Nalmalainadu shows the formation

of prosperous productive units in the mountain tracts and also the settlement

areas.83 The term punanadu has shown the punam cultivated production unit in

slope or valley of the hillocks.84 Punam involved slash and burn cultivation, which

extended to both forest and grassy lands.85 Such punam cultivating agrarian units

were developed in Ezhimalai and its surrounding hillocks. The swampy areas and

the bushes growing hillock plains seem to have also reclaimed and transformed

into cultivable tracts. The land was prepared by burning the dry leaves and bushes.

Then they tilled the plot by using plough pulled by cows and used natural

fertilizers like the mixture of cow-dung and leaves of plant.86 However, the

references indicate that the early cultivation units were spread mainly in the hilly

tracts and the garden land areas in the valleys of the mountain. The terms like

Chiruthinaipperum Punamvechanadu87(millet cultivating agrarian unit),

Chiruthinai nalmalainadu88 (millet cultivating prosperous agrarian unit in the

hillock), Nannan punanadu 89(millet cultivating unit under the sway of Nannan),

Nannan nalnadu90 (the prosperous agrarian unit of Nannan) etc have shown the

82

K.N. Ganesh, “Lived spaces in history: A study in human geography in the context of Sangam

texts” in Studies in History – 25,2,n.s (2009), Sage Publication, New Delhi, p 173 83

A.N. 178:13 84

A.N. 396:2. Elankulam. P.N. Kunjan Pilla has identified Punanadu with Punnad located

somewhere in Malabar, or probably the present Coorg area. Elankulam. P.N. Kunjan Pilla,

Keralam Anchum Arum Nuttandukalil, National Book Stall, Kottayam, 1961, p 68, Studies in

Kerala history, National Book Stall, Kottayam, 1970, P 42. 85

K.N. Ganesh, “Lived spaces in history: A study in human geography in the context of Sangam

texts” p 173 86

“Muthaipadu pachunkaattarirupavar mayakki-ppaktupala punda vuzhavura chennchey

idumurai nirampi aakuvinai kkaliththu paachilai yamanta payara pukkane”, A.N. 262:1-4 87

A. N. 148:6 88

“….Chiruthinai vilaikuran meythu kanninithupadukku nanmalai nadanu..” A.N, 178:12-13 89

A. N. 396:2 90

A. N. 349:8

127

formation of agrarian tracts in the Kurinji region. The term Nannan Parambu has

denoted the spread of garden lands in the hillock slopes or the valleys under the

predatory control of Nannan.91 All these have shown that early nadu was

completely slash and burn Punam cultivated units. Nannan, the chief of the region,

has actually come out from the backdrop of the surplus of these cultivation areas.

The cultivation process seems to have gradually extended from the hillock

region to the wet fertile plains in the valleys. The discoveries of the black and red

wares from the burial monuments, mentioned earlier, have represented the gradual

shift from the hunting and food gathering to the sedentary agriculture.92 They were

widely found from the rock-cut sepulchers, which seem to have represented the

advanced settlements, of the region. There is no evidence for precisely associating

the Iron Age megalithic people with irrigated agriculture which is not unlikely in a

later phase of their culture.93 The wet lands seem to have developed in the river

valleys and the valleys of the hillocks.94 The fertility of these tracts has entirely

depended on the monsoon. After each monsoon the valleys of the hillocks became

fertile due to the deltaic deposit.

The formation of paddy cultivation units in the Marutham tracts is evident

in the literature. Nannan had predatory control over the paddy production unit.95

91

A. N. 356:8. As this term occurs in the Marutham song, it seems to have an elevated space near

to wet lands. Elankulam. P. N. Kunjan Pilla has referred it as the garden unit, which seems to have

located somewhere in the hillocks or its slopes. Elankulam P N Kunjan Pilla, Keralam Anchum

Arum Nuttandukalil, Pp 79-80 92

Rajan Gurukkal, The Kerala Temple and early medieval agrarian system, Pp 16-17 93

Ibid, p 17 94

The wet lands of the region under study are located in the valley between two laterite hillocks,

from where a number of megaliths are discovered. The fields are too narrow and completely

depended on the monsoon. 95

“Nedunkathir Nellin Vallam Kizhavon”, means the chief of the paddy grown Vallam, seems be

an Ur. A.N. 356:13. “Nedungathir nellin” means the long spike of rice corn. It shows that the rice

was not unknown to the contemporary society.

128

The term Nedunkathir Kazhani shows the formation of rich paddy field in the river

valley.96 The productive units were distributed in the surrounding zones of the

Naravu.97 Unfortunately we do not have tangible archaeological remains such as

rice husks or grains to substantiate the presence of rice in the early historic context

from the region. There is oral information regarding the discovery of a pot full rice

husk in a rock cut near Cheemeni.98 This find might have shown the possible

spread of the paddy cultivation in the hillock plateaus of the northern Kerala

during the Iron Age.

Cattle keeping was another important means of subsistence of the people.

The cattle seem to have been fostered for domestic and agrarian purposes.99 The

engravings and hoof prints of cattle seem to have shown the pastoral potential of

the region and that the region has a long tradition of cattle keeping. The

availability of wide pastoral tracts seems to be the reason behind the continuity of

this process.100 A number of ponds with sloping surface or steps which enabled the

cattle to access the water were found from the region. This feature could only be

96

“Nedunkathir kazhani than chaykanathuyanar thanpanai.” A. N. 220:18. As this term occurs in

the song related to archaic Brahmin settlement Chellur, it can be assumed that this ur seems to

have developed in the Kuppam river belt. 97

Pathittupathu, 6-10 (hereafter P.p.6-10), edited by G.Vaidyanatha Ayyer (ed), Kerala Sahutya

Academy, Trissur, 1961 98

A person, who opened a rock cut sepulcher at Cheemeni, near Cheemeni town, Kasargode

district, has given trustful information regarding the findings of rice husks in a red pot. Cheemeni

is hillock region which is the part of Ettukudukka hillock belt. A cluster of megalithic sepulchers

were found at the plot of Adukkadi Kunjatha Maniyani of Chemeni Padinjarekkara. About three

sepulchers discovered from there were demolished. This site is not systematically documented.

The site was documented by the present researcher on 16-10-2008 and submitted a report as part

of the UGC-SAP project “Historical Geography of Malabar” in the Department of History

University of Calicut. 99

“pakadupala poondauzhavura chenchey itamurai…”, shows that the cattle were used for

plowing the land. A.N. 262:2-3 100

The cattle keeping was one of the dominant subsistent forms in the region, which has its origin

from Iron Age early historical phase. There is a community called Maniyani with cattle keeping

as the dominant subsistence form in the present Kannur and Kasarcode districts.

129

particular to this region. The threat of plunder on the cattle wealth also occurs in

the literature. The cattle were usually plundered as they were one of the food items

of the tribal groups,101 which revealed that the cattle wealth was fundamental part

of the early historic economy.

The cattle and the itinerary caravan groups were plundered since plunder

was a means of subsistence developed in the region. The Palai, parched geo-

economic zones, which formed due to the seasonal changes in the Kurinji or

Mullai zones, was the core area of the robbers. Armed clans like Maravar and

Eyiner used to plunder the people passing through the Palai tracts.102 The cattle

lifting of the Maravas, which was termed as Vetchi, and the fight to recover the

same were part of the Sangam society.103 The cattle herds were frequently

plundered by the Adavar.104 The cattle were killed for food and the flesh or cooked

meat redistributed among the kin groups. The mazhavar or maravar, the plunders,

were active in the Palai eco-zone and according to the reference in the Akananuru,

they were used by the abandoned hearth of itinerary caravan merchants to cook the

plundered cattle flesh.105 The travelers, especially the merchant groups, were often

accompanied by the armed personages to protect them from accidental

misfortunes. Both plunder and protection were part of the possible means of

subsistence of the Palai.106 The memorial stones were erected in memory of such

warrior groups.107 The wealth appropriated through the plunder was also the vital

101

A.N. 119: 8-9 102

Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, Pp 172-173 103

M.G.S. Narayanan, “Cattle raiders of the Sangam Age”, in Foundations of South Indian

society and culture, Bharatheeya Book Corporation, Delhi, 1994, Pp 83-96 104

“Iravukkurumpu Alara Noori nirai pakuththu irunkalu mutakkar thitti kentum kolaivilu Atavar

”, A.N. 97 :4-6 Atavar seems to be plunder tribal group similar to the Vetchi Maravar. 105

“Umanchathirantha Ozhikal Atuppin Nonchilai Mazhavar Unpuzhukkayarum” A.N. 119:8-9 106

Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier, Cultural History, Pp173-73 107

K. Rajan, South Indian Memorial Stones, Manoo Pathikam, Tanjavur, 2000

130

constituent of the surplus of the region. Nannan appears in the literature as the

chief of the Ezhi mountain with sumptuous amount of resources, which seems to

have gathered from wild forest through plunder and predatory marches.

The coastal piracy was its utmost condition as evidenced in the Greco-

Roman travelers‟ accounts. The pirates were concentrated in the southern side of

the Ezhimalai, the space which is not easily visible from the sea owing to the

natural jutting of the mountain, and therefore it was a lurking place to plunder the

travelers or traders. According to Pliny, the robbers must have been active in the

first two marts of Damirice, namely Naura (Cannanore / Narath ?) and Tyndis

(Ponnani?).108 Ptolemy refers to the pirates of Nitria, a port which seems to have

been located in the northern part of Ezhimala.109 The active presence of Maravas,

the plundering tribal groups, in the coastal port city Naravu is referred to in the

Patitupathu.110 All these have shown that the pirates were active in the port cities

of the region.

Fishing was also developed as a dominant means of subsistence in the

nearby coast of the occupied productive units of the nadu. In a marutham song, a

heroine appears unhappy because of the irresponsible attitude of the hero who

expressed reluctance to engage in fishing.111 As it appears in the marutham songs,

the region represented in the song must have been a productive unit which existed

on the river banks, where the fishermen settlements were also developed. Even

now the coastal villages are distributed in the Pazhayangadi, Kunneru, and Kavvai

108

E.H. Warmington, The Commerce between the Roman Empire and India, Munshiram

Manoharlal Publishers, New Delhi, First Indian edition 1995 (1928), p 57 109

J.W. Mc Crintle, Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, Today‟s & Tomorrow‟s Printers and

Publishers, New Delhi, 1884, Pp 47-50 110

P.p. 6-10 111

A.N. 196:1-7

131

and most of them still remain as fishing coasts. The term Uppuchirai112 has also

hinted at the existence of salt pans and the possible development of salt making as

another subsistence form in the region. It further indicates the possible

development of a reciprocal exchange relation between the settlers of the sea coast

and the hilly tracts.

Formation of settlements

As the archaeological evidences are silent about the early historic

habitation sites, it is necessary to turn to the contemporary Tamil literatures.

However, the wide distributions of Iron Age burial sites in the non productive

hillock slopes have hinted at the possible spread of Iron Age habitations. The

megalithic people had dispersed settlement pattern. Though the evidences of the

habitation or habitation cum burial are absent, the distribution pattern of the burial

sites in the aforementioned river belts of the region under study has shown the

possible spread of settlement units. The settlement units seem to have been

scattered in the nearby area of the burial sites and the surroundings of these river

and their tributaries belts. Thus, the Iron Age (Megalithic) burials and its

assemblages and literatures, have given few signifiers on the possible development

of various labour forms and their settlement sites in the region.

The basic geographic and settlement unit was Ur that meant a kin based

settlement consisting of few kutis.113 Kuti is the standard name of the settlement,

which is found in all Tinai.114 Viyalur 115 (agrarian units were under the sway of

112

A.N. 208: 19 113

Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, p 173 114

K.N. Ganesh, “Lived spaces in history: A study in human geography in the context of Sangam

texts”, p 168 115

A. N. 97:13, Elamkulam. P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Keralam Anchum Arum Nuttandukalil, p. 74.

132

Nannan) and Chirur116 (literally means small settlement) have appeared in the

poems as the prosperous agrarian or resourceful settlement units. Urs were the

archaic geographical units where the cultivation started. Muthur or Chemmal

Muthur 117, Unur seems to have been the traditional settlements and the Chellur, at

Talipparamba, was one of the archaic Brahmin settlements of the region under

discussion.118 Similarly kunru or malai, and turai or pattanam seem to have

indicated the occupied area in the hillocks or its slopes and the development of

exchange centers in the coast. The craft group settlement units like teru or

neduntheru became the significant constituent of the region under study and

developed the nearby areas of the productive lands.119

It is very complex to disclose the space management of the early historic

people. The settlement units seem to have spread in the slopes of the hillocks and

close to the productive settlements. But no clear archaeological signs are available

to delineate their notion of space for each settlement units. It can be said that they

had separate space for the disposition of the dead or the cremation which has been

reflected in the setting of the monument in the non-productive hillock slopes.

However, the following part will delineate various types of occupational groups

and possible formation of their settlements in the region of Kolathunadu in the

early times.

It is argued that “a majority of the habitation or habitations cum burial sites

are situated on the major tributaries of major river streams and not on the major

river banks. It seems that the danger of recurrent floods in the major rivers was

116

“Kunruzhai nanniya cheerur”, A.N.152:2 117

A.N. 15:7-8 118

A.N. 220 : 3 119

A.N. 356:5

133

probably the main hindrance.”120 It is clear that the burial monuments are mainly

distributed in the belts of the tributaries of Perumba, Kuppam and Valapattanam

rivers.121 The distribution of the megaliths have shown the possible spread of

distinct occupational groups and they were formed on the basis of the surplus

extracted through the slash and burn and shifting cultivation and resource

accumulation.

The megalithic monuments and the unearthed cultural materials have

revealed the possible entity of various skilled occupational groups like stone

cutters, masons, pot makers, iron smiths, braziers, gold smiths etc. Iron was the

most prominent metal used by the people. The iron working was the central

feature of contemporary technology and the iron smelting was a specialized craft

which is evidenced by the iron objects or implements unearthed from the

burials.122 Iron sword, dagger, tridents, knives, chisel, saucer lamps and tripod

were recovered from Naduvil.123 But no traces of the iron smelting like crucibles

are found from the Iron Age burial context. Instead, some poetical expressions on

the process of metal (iron or gold) tool making are available in the literature.124

The decorated and finished rock cut sepulchers and the decorated slabs of the

multiple hood stone circles in the hard iron rich laterite plateaus have indicated the

use of sharpened iron chisels or axes or such tools by the masons. The door jambs,

the port holes, its lids (plate No.3) and the roof represented the accuracy and the

technological sophistication of the megalithic masonry. Highly figurative square

and arch type doors of the rock cut sepulchers are found from Kunneru, Chunda,

Alathatta Mavicheri and Ezhilode and the circular port holes, which vary in its

120

Udayaravi S Moorti, Megalithic Culture of South India : Socio economic perspectives, p 12 121

See the graphical representation of the megalithic site distribution in the major river belt 122

Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, Pp 133-34 123

K.J. John, “Unpublished Excavation report of Naduvil stone circle” 124

“Eri Iyalponnin konku chorppu Uraipa”, A.N. 142:24

134

thickness and diameters, have shown the multiplicity of the technological skills

and the possible use of different kinds of tools for its construction. The masons

must have based on certain calculations or plans for the construction of such

monolithic monuments and it is tangible in the accuracy of stone dressing and the

aesthetic beauty of monuments. They must have developed tools for both rough

works and more meticulous finishing works. The huge burial monuments

presuppose their builders‟ knowledge and technology regarding a variety of things

such as identification, cutting, shaping and transporting of the raw material for

construction.125 However, the study of megalithic technology still remains a virgin

area and it requires more scientific analysis.

The melting of gold and copper base alloy seems to have developed. The

bronze vase or the unidentified bronze equipment from Naduvil and the allusions

regarding the manufacturing units of gold smith or silver smith in the

Akananuru126 have underlined the necessary development of a specialized craft

group in the region under study.

We have some clues on beads and toys manufacturing units among the

craft groups. The references like uruvukilar ervinaipolintha pavai127(a doll or

figurine made of wood, clay, stone etc) and thathucheypavai128 (a doll or figurine

made of metal) indicated that the poet had known about such manufacturing

activities in the region he belonged. The crystal and quartz beads from the stone

circle at Naduvil have shown either the presence of the bead making crafts or the

inland exchanges that flourished in the region.129 The possible development of

125

Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, p. 141 126

“Pon urai kattalai katuppakkanvara”, A.N, 178 127

A.N.142:21 128

A.N. 392:6 129

K.J. John, “Unpublished Naduvil excavation report”

135

bead manufacturing units in the west coast of Kerala, especially in the Periyar

river belt, has proved by the extensive excavations at Pattanam.130 This site could

be contemporary to Naura in the Northern part.131 According to E H Warmington,

the beryl from Punnata in the south west of Mysore would be sent to Naura.132

However, all these have shown that a specialized group either for bead making or

for bead exchange developed in the region.

The ceramics consist of Black and Red ware, Red slipped leg wares, Black

ware and Russet Coated painted wares, which yielded from the burial monuments,

indicated the possible spread of the some kind of ceramic technology and the

potter‟s settlements. A large number of potteries were unearthed from the rock-cut

sepulchers at Ezhilode, in the Perumba river belt and the Alathatta Mavicheri at

Talipparamba in the tributary of Kuppam River belt. Distinct variety of potteries

has also been found from a rock-cut sepulcher at Sreekantapuram.133 The

megalithic people must have used the pots for storing water and cooking food

130

Pattanam Excavations unearthed a number of evidences relating to bead manufacture. The

debitages and rough outs of the precious stones like carnelian, chalcedony, quartz, amethyst,

agate, garnet, beryl etc have shown the development of the bead making in the early historic time,

For detail, V. Selvakumar, P.K. Gopi and K.P. Shajan, “Trial Excavations at Pattanam :a

preliminary report, Journal of Center for Heritage Studies, Trippunithara, India 1:83-88, 2005.

P.J. Cherian V. Selvakumar, K.P. Shajan and K. Rajan, Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports,

2007, 2008 & 2009, K.C.H.R, Thiruvananthapuram. P.J. Cherian, Nambirajan, V. Selvakumar,

K.P. Shajan and K. Rajan, Pattanam Excavations: Interim Reports, 2010, 201, K.C.H.R,

Thiruvananthapuram. 131

It has been argued that Pattanam could be a part of ancient Muciri which referred to the Greek-

Roman literatures and early Tamil texts. If so, Naura could be contemporary to the Pattanam site,

i.e. ancient Muziri. K.P. Shajan, P. J. Cherian and V. Selvakumar, “Pattanam Mussiris Thanneyo”,

in AdhAram: a journal for Kerala Archaeology and History, Vol 1, Keraleeya Purathathva Samiti,

M.G. University, Kottayam, 2006, Pp 50-59 132

“Beryl was one of the most demandable maritime goods of South India which was available in

the Coimbatore region. Three important Indian mines are recorded: at Padiyur, at Punnata in the

South West of Mysore and at Vaniyambadi in the district of Salem. The beryl of Coimbatore was

at least partly controlled by the Cheras- they would be sent down the Ponnani to Tyndis and so to

Muziris; those from Punnata would be sent to Naura and so to Muziris; those of Salem would go

to the Chola coast and then round.” E.H. Warmington, The commerce between the Roman, p 251 133

For details, Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, p 138

136

items. The pots were also used for storing toddy.134 The making of burial urn was

also quiet significant in the contemporary society.135 Both the handmade and

wheel made technology have been developed as it testified the well burned fine

quality pots and rough made urns unearthed. The pot makers must have acquired

skills of inverted burning and furnace making technology.136 The perfection of

vessels and pots testifies the increased use of wheel in making small objects.

However, the well fired and rough pots have indicated the proliferation of the

skilled pot making craft group settlements in the nadu.

The merchants were another group, who bought the goods from various

eco-zones covering the coastal zones (salt or fish), the resourceful forest region

(spices and wild meats), the fertile agrarian food production spaces (millet or

paddy), formed in the region under study. The term umanchath represents the

itinerary salt merchants of the region.137 It also indirectly proves the possible

existence of various knowledge forms of salt making and a group of skilled

labourers who executed the salt pans (uppuchira). The presence of people, who

spoke another language (Mozhipeyar) and wore strange dresses, and the settlement

unit (Teyam) are referred in the literature. 138 Such references seem to have shown

the movements of the people from different regions. It is not clear whether they

were traders or immigrant communities. But the frequent movements of the

134

A.N. 356:1-2 135

Purananuru, (hereafter P.N.) 187, 228: 1, 10-15, 256:1-7, edited by V.R. Paramesvaran Pilla,

Kerala Sahitya Academy, Trissur, (1969),1997 136

The wide distribution of black and red wares, which recovered from the burial monuments, has

shown the inverted burning technological skill of the potters of the region. A large number of such

potteries were unearthed from Ezhilode and Alathatta Mavicheri. 137

A.N.119:9 138

A.N. 31:14-15,67:12-13,127:17,205:24,211:9,295:17,349:14, “Chelpeyar theyetha churan

Iranthor”

137

people, which seem to be part of predatory marches, caravan groups, cattle lifting

etc, are clearly represented.

The eulogizing bard, one of the dependent occupational groups, was spread

over the region.139 The bards were often depicted as the poor section of the

community and they lived at the mercy of the chiefs. They eulogized the

splendors of their heroes and this became the means of their subsistence. In turn

they received gifts which range from millet to elephants as reward from the

chieftains.140

However, the above discussion bears out the formation of agro-pastoral

units along with the development of the complex form of kinship labour forms.

The surplus either from production units of the hilly tracts or accumulated through

hunting gathering and plunder were redistributed among the tribe. The creation of

surplus was the foremost factor behind the formation of various occupational

groups and persuaded the formation reciprocal relation between the tribal

settlements.

The exchange

The surplus from the aforementioned slash and burn cultivation and

resource units and growing agro-pastoral settlements had been corresponded to the

development of the reciprocal exchange relations in the society. It has already

been scholarly approved as the existence of different kinds of exchange forms in

the early historical time.141 The redistribution of accumulated surplus among the

members of tribe under the supervision of chiefs was the most primitive form of

139

A.N. 208:1-5. 349:5-9, K. Kailasapathy, Tamil Heroic Poetry, Pp 94-134 140

Gift from Ay Eyinan, A.N. 208:1-5 141

Reciprocity, goods to goods exchange, salt and paddy as medium, mercantile circulation and

transmarine contacts were the mode of exchanges. This theory adopted from Karl Polyani. For

details, Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier, Cultural History of Kerala, Pp 176-183

138

exchange. Similarly goods to goods exchange or the reciprocal surplus exchange

within the kin based tribal settlements, according to which each groups had to give

something and collect certain other goods in return, also developed. It has been

suggested that the producers of each Tinai or eco-zones were exchanged with

those of other tracts.142 Reciprocity was the basis for the development of such

practice. Hence the givers and the takers would be the same person as everyone

engaged in the exchange networks. The term noduthu/noduthal that appears in the

songs shows that the internal exchange network was active in the Ezhimalai and

its surrounding agrarian units.143 The reciprocal exchange between the hilly tracts

and the river valley coastal fishing or salt making zones of the region is evidenced

by the term uppuchirai, which was mentioned earlier. As Kurinji being a hilly

forest tract, it is impossible to develop a salt pan there, so the term Uppu which

appears in the Kurinji song seems to be referring to the presence of itinerary salt

merchants from the coastal plains in the Kurinji zone.144 The term Nedutheru,

which appears in the Marutham song, indicates the formation of internal exchange

spaces in the region.145 The salt and paddy were the medium of exchange.146

According to a Neital poem, different types of paddy were exhibited in the

exchange space called Unur.147 This reference indicates that the paddy seems to

have been brought to the coastal area from the hillocks plains and also from the

142

Ibid, p. 177 143

A.N. 196:3 144

The salt exchange was executed by a group of professional merchants called umanar. The

poems refer to carts of umanar waiting near pans with huge heaps of salt ready to be loaded for

carting to distant places through difficult and inhospitable terrain. The different modes of

movement of salt from the coastal pans up to the hill regions in the far interior are referred to in a

large number of songs with great picturesque details. For details, Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava

Varier, Cultural History of Kerala, p. 180 145

A N, 356:5 146

Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural History of Kerala, p 179 147

A N. 220:13

139

wet Marutham tracts. Toddy was one of the items of exchange.148 The fish and salt

circulation took place in various places.149These exchanges must have been based

on certain standard traditional weight and measurement. The term like njerman

terikkol indicates that the contemporary society had certain instruments for

measuring weights of the goods.150

Inland itinerary mercantile circulation was another important form of

exchange.151 The itinerary merchant groups passed through land where they were

threatened by robbers and so were often accompanied by the armed protection

groups. They carried food items and prepared their daily meals on the way. The

abandoned hearth, used by the itinerary merchant groups for cooking, mentioned

in the literature,152 has shown the continuous movements of itinerary traders

through the region. The poem indicates that the salt merchants (Umancattu)

passed through the evaporated zones (thiranku tham).153 The non local ceramics

like russet coated ware, black and red ware, which yielded from the Iron Age

burial monuments, have also pointed out the possible development of exchange

relation with the northern parts of Ezhimalai, i.e. modern Karnataka region. The

merchants seem to have collected the products from the interior exchange centers

and brought it to the wide exchange networks.

148

A.N. 196:1-3, 356:1-3 149

The Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier, Cultural History of Kerala, p.180 150

A.N. 349: 3-4 For details, M.R. Raghava Varier “Neital tinai : A Socio-economic Analysis”,

Unpublished article, Calicut University, 1996. Cited in Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier,

Cultural History of Kerala, p 179. According to Nenmara. P. Viswanathan Nair, this could be a

weighing tool made of silver. Nenmara P Visvanathan Nair, Akananuru Vol. 3, Kerala Sahitya

Academy, Trissur, 1984, p144 151

Rajan Gurukkal & Raghava Varier, Cultural History of Kerala, Pp 179-181 152

Ibid 153

“Umanchattu irantha ozhikal aduppu”- means the stone made oven which was given up by the

itinerary merchants. A.N.119:8-9

140

Certain hints are available on the development of transmarine contacts of

the region with outside, especially the Mediterranean world.154 Tamil literature

says about the arrival of wooden canoe with gold, which often faced misfortunes

at the confluence of valley of laterite hillocks, to the Perumthurai , probably near

to Pazhi, of Ezhimala Nannan.155 They seem to have collected the wild good

including spices, ivory and woods that were gathered in the coastal ports of the

region. The earlier communities of the region had brisk transmarine contacts, by

which they seem to have obtained gold or such non-local precious things, with the

outside world. Nannan of Ezhimalai described in the poems as a chief who was

always decked up in gold and his city Pazhi was full of splendor for its gold

treasure.156 Elamkulam. P.N. Kunjan Pillai has pointed out that there was a

pattanam in Pazhikkunnu.157 It is argued that the Pazhi was the capital or sub

capital of Nannan and it was located on the hill top somewhere in the Ezhimalai.158

But, according to the literatures, especially in the Akananuru, Pazhi seems to have

been a street where immense wealth was accumulated and redistributed and

located in the plains at the valley of hillocks.159 It could also be a space of internal

exchange.160 Similarly, the presence of Turai (Munturai, Kizhturai, Perumthurai

154

The recent archaeological evidences from Pattanam Excavation (Peiyar river belt, Ernakulam,

Kerala) proved that the Malabar Coast had brisk trade relation with North Africa (Egypt) and

West Asian regions even during pre-Roman phase. For details P.J. Cherian, V. Selvakumar and

K.P. Shajan et.al, Interim Report of Pattanam Excavations 2007-11. 155

A.N.152: 4-7 156

A.N. 15:10-11, 396:1-3 157

Elankulan.P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Samskarathinte Nazhikakkallukal, Kottayam, 1967,p 58,Keralam

Anchum Arum Nuttantukalil, Pp 74-76, Studies in Kerala history, Pp 45-47 158

Ibid, Pp 45-47 159

Most of the references on Pazhi occur in the Kurinji, Palai and Marutham songs which seem to

have shown that it could be located somewhere in the slope of hillocks. A. N. 15 (Palai ), A. N.

208 (Kurinji), A. N. 396 (Marutham). 160

Since the core settlement area of the early historic time discovered in the Perumba river belt,

the Pazhi Street seems to have existed in the same belt and most probably it could be located in

the present Payyannur area. According to the Payyannurpattu, it was a major street, where the

141

etc) in the west coast of the region has also indicated the possible development of

river based exchanges.161 Most of these seem to have existed in the west coast of

Arabian Sea in the vicinity of Ezhimalai.

The unearthed gold remains of Naduvil 162 and the Roman gold coins of

first century A.D from Kottayam Poyil near Koothuparamba163 in Kannur district

have also validated the flourished brisk trade relation between the west coast of

northern Kerala and the Mediterranean world in the early historic times. Periplus

of Erithrian Sea and Ptolemy‟s work refer to the port city Naura and the

threatening of the pirates of Nitria, located to the north of Naura, in the northern

part of Malabar Coast. According to Periplus Maris Erythraei (Periplus of

Erithian Sea) Limyrike (Malabar) started at Naura, an emporium which did not

belong to the Chera Kingdom, but at the same time was situated outside the area

controlled by the pirates.164 Naura is identified with somewhere around coast of

present Cannanore165 or Narath.166 Pliny says that Naura was not a desirable port

of call on account of the neighboring pirates, who occupy a place called Nitriae.167

Nitria, according to him, lay immediately to the north of Tyndis; it has been

internal and external exchanges have taken place, even in the medieval time. However, it is also

argued that etymologically Pazhi has some connection with Pazhayangadi T. Pavithran, “Naravum

Pazhiyum”, Chirakkal T Balakrishnan Nair, Prabandhangalum Samaharangalum, cited in N.V.P.

Unithiri, Studies in Sanskrit Literature, Calicut University Press, 2004, p. 96. But owing to the

absence of the solid evidences we are not able to reach a concrete conclusion. 161

A. N. 152:6, 196:2, 199:19-20, 356:1, 18 162

K. J. John, “Unpublished Reports of Naduvil Excavation.”

163 T. Sathyamurthi, Catalogue of Roman Gold coins, Department of Archaeology Kerala,

Thiruvananthapuram, 1992, p.13,33

164 Federico de Romanis, “Rome and the Notia of India: Relations between Rome and Southern

India from 30 BC to the Flavian Period” in F. De Romanis & A. Tchrnia (edited), Crossings;

Early Mediteranian Contacts with India, Manohar, New Delhi,1997, Pp 90-98. 165

Elankulam. P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Studies in Kerala history, 166

M. P. Kumaran, Kolathupazhama, Kerala Sahitya Academy, Trissur, 1998, Pp24-29 167

Federico de Romanis, “Rome and the Notia of India: Relations between Rome and Southern

India from 30 BC to the Flavian Period,” p.91

142

thought, therefore and with good reason that if Nitria is not exactly the Naura

mentioned in the Periplus Maris Erithriae it must have been situated very close to

it.168 Naravu appears in the Patittupathu as the coastal port where the maravas

(looters) were active.169 If so, it can be seen that the pirates‟ concentration of the

region seems to have been found in the nearby areas of Ezhimalai. The

geographical position of Ezhimalai, which is jutting to the Arabian Sea, was most

favorable to the pirates to loot the travelers and turn back to the concealed plot.

The traders from Mediterranean region who were moving to the Roman trade

center at Muziris of the Cheras , were often attacked and looted by the Nitrias. As

we have no tangible proof to identify the exact location of Nitria and the identity

of pirates, it is possible to assume that these people might have belonged to

Nannan‟s region.170 Nannan was depicted as a plunder chief and his prosperity was

actually based on the resources accumulated from the plunder marches. However,

all these indications proved that the interior exchange and coast based maritime

trade were active in the region.

IV. Formation of Early Chiefdom

The above discussion reveals that an agro-pastoral society with complex

forms of occupational groups and reciprocal exchange relations have been

developed in the region. These complexities seem to have corresponded to the

evolution of a system of surplus accumulation and its redistribution. The available

archaeological remains and literary evidences have pointed out that this system

could be chiefdom. Various forms of surplus accumulation such as plunder, cattle

lifting and tribute from the regions that were under the predatory control of the

168

Ibid 169

P.p. 6-10 170

We don‟t know whether the Nitriae is the Greek version of the river Neytara, another name of

the Valapattanam river or the term Neerthurai of Nannan‟s regions.

143

chief were evident in the literatures. It is suggested that “plunder was the

institutional means to extract resources from the centers beyond the network of

redistributive social relationships for every chieftain, and appears to be

fundamental to the maintenance of the contemporary redistributive system.”171 The

plundered items were redistributed among the members of the tribe according to

their requirements. Thus the process of redistribution in chiefdom was

concentrated on one point: the chief.172 There are instances of redistribution of the

accumulated surpluses by Nannan to the members of the tribe.173 It is already

stated that Ezhimalai was the most prominent hill chiefdom of Kerala during early

historic times.174 Our knowledge regarding the early chiefdom of the region is

based on the early Tamil literatures in which the name Nannan of Pazhi or

Ezhilkunram occurs in several contexts.175

The formation of Nannan‟s chiefdom represented the early political

evolution of the region of Kolathunadu.176 Ezhimala was the core region of the

chiefdom and Pazhi appeared as the important space of the chief Nannan. The

above discussion proves that the early chiefdom seems to have extended to the

Perumba river belt in the valley of Ezhimala. However, the available evidences

indicate that Nannan‟s region did not belong to the Cheras, the early political

entity of Kerala. It is stated that slightly to the north of the Ezhimalai from

171

Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, p 177 172

Elmen R Service, Profiles in Ethnology, p 230 173

A.N. 349:3-14 174

Rajan Gurukkal and Ragava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, p. 200 175

A N, 15:10-11,97:12-13,142:9, 152:13-14, 173:16, 199:20, 208:14, 349:8-9, 356:8, 392:27,

396:1-6, P.N. 151, 154, Kuruntokai 73,292,(hereafter K.T), (Malayalam translation) by

Melangathu Narayanankutti, Kerala Sahitya Academy, Trissur, 1983, 176

There are two theories on the political system of Nannan ; „Kingdom‟ theory of

Elankulam.P.N. Kunjan Pillai, and ‟Chiefdom‟ theory of Rajan Gurukkal, Raghava Varier, K.N.

Ganesh. Elankulam P.N. Kunjan Pillai, Keralam Anchum Arum Nuttantukalil, Pp 64-82, Studies in

Kerala history, Pp 41-52, Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, Pp

199-213, K. N. Ganesh, Keralathinte Innalekal, Pp 344-348

144

Nannan‟s country began the Mozhipeyar Desam or the land of a non-local

tongue.177 In Akam 349 the poet Mamulanar alludes that the hero was crossing the

mountain pass to the land of another language.178 According to Ptolemy, the

Nitrias, who seem to belong to the Nannan‟s territory, was not part of Cheras who

were the custodian of the Roman trade center at Muziris while the Cera‟s country

started from the port Tyndis.179

Nannan belongs to the chiefly lineage called Velir.180 The Velir seems to be

the most archaic and lineage conscious and the Velir chieftains held sway over the

Kurinji and Mullai tracts, i.e. pastoral forest hill.181 The Velir chiefs also tried to

control the maritime exchanges.182 Nannan also had predatory control over the

slash and burn Punam cultivating units of the hillock plains and wetland agrarian

tracts in the valley of hillocks. As mentioned earlier, Nannan plundered cattle

wealth and gold frequently. He seems to have obtained gold or such precious

metals and stones through the plunder marches. Pazhi was famous for its gold

treasure and considered as the core of Nannan's chiefdom. The accumulated

surplus seems to have been stored in this city. Similarly, Vakai Perumturai which

seems to have been a coastal port under Nannan, also had a significant role in the

making of the chiefdom.183 Nannan had collected Tirai, which seems to be similar

to bali or some kind of voluntary gift, from the conquered region.184 It was another

form of surplus accumulation.

177

Elankulam. P.N. Kunjanpillai argues this land is Kannada speaking area; Karnataka region

Studies in Kerala History, p. 41 178

“Cholpayar desam”, A N, 349: 4, 15 179

J.W. Mc Crintle, , Ancient India as described by Ptolemy, Pp 48-50 180

Nannan Venman, A.N. 97:12, Velirompinar vaithu, A.N. 258:1-3 181

Rajan Gurukkal and Raghava Varier, Cultural history of Kerala, Pp 199-200 182

K.N. Ganesh, Keralthinte Innalekal, p 345 183

A.N. 199:19-20 184

A.N. 142 : 8-9

145

'Vaka',(Albizia Lebbeck) was the guardian tree of Nannan and he is

referred to as Vakaiperumturai (the chief who had vakai as totem and control over

the port city in the region).185 The totem may represent power of the entire tribe

and when chopped by the opponents the power of the chief would decline. Thus

the totem is the symbolic representation of chief‟s power. Narmudicheralathan, the

Chera chief, chopped the vaka of Nannan and this incident was considered to have

brought the end of Nannan. In some occasions 'Venga' (Pterocarpus Marsupiens)

is also mentioned as the important tree in connection with Nannan.186 The poems

signify the existence of Vaka tree throughout the region of Nannan. The

importance of Vaka tree could be seen in the later phase of the formation of

Kolathunadu, especially in the Mushika period.

In a chiefdom society, the chief was central to the entire matters of the

tribe.187 Thus the chiefdoms have centralized direction, hereditary hierarchical

status arrangements with an aristocratic ethos, but no formal, legal apparatus of

forceful repression.188 But unlike the references on Nannan, no mentions are in the

literatures on the existence of any kind of chiefly hierarchy in the chiefdom of

Ezhimala. The existence of the huge and highly decorated megalithic burial like

rock-cut sepulchers, umbrella stones, the stone circle and urn burials have shown

the possible existence of some kind of socio-political hierarchy in the society.

They have indicated the possible entity of the multiple forms of power systems,

which seems to have represented the possible existence of minor chiefs in the

Nannan‟s region. Nannan had a warrior group as companion under the supervision

185

A.N. 142, 199, pp. 4-10 186

A.N. 349:8-10 187

Elman. R. Service, Origin of the State and Civilization: The Process of Cultural Evolution,

New York, 1975, p16 188

Ibid

146

of Jnimili, a warrior girl, including cavalry and elephants.189 There are few hints

on the succession line of the Nannan in the literature.190 It is stated that after the

demise of Nannan of Ezhimala his son Nannan Uthiyan took control over Pazhi.191

However, the Nannan‟s successors seem to have survived in the region for a long

period. The possibility of such a continuation is represented by the name of

Nandana that occurs in the Mushikavamsakavya, the 11th century A.D literature,192

which will be discussed in the next chapter.

Nannan faced the frequent threat from the Cheras. The main reason of the

conflict between Nannan and the Cheras was the predatory control over the Pazhi

and Vakai Perunthurai. Both these port cities as the poems referred were famous

for its gold treasure and they were under the control of Nannan. The second major

reason was the activities of the pirate in the port Nitrias. They looted the wealth of

the Roman fleet which moved through the west coast of the sea and this gradually

affected the brisk trade between the Cheras and the Mediterranean world. Thus,

the ceasing of the piracy and the capture of the predatory control over this coastal

chiefdom was a necessary factor to the Chera. This conflict led to the demise of

Nannan by Narmudicheralathan.193 However, the above discussion revealed that,

according to the available evidences, the Velir chiefdom of Nannan was the initial

form of political entity of the region under study.

189

A.N. 148:5-8, 196:12, 208:1-14 190

“Nannan Uthiyam arunkati Pazhi”, 258:1-15 191

Elankulam. P.N. Kunjan Pilla, Studies in Kerala History, Pp 50-51 192

It is argued that the Nannan of Ezhimala and the Nandana of the Mushika seem to be the same.

M.G.S. Narayanan, Re-interpretation of South Indian history, College book house, Trivandrum,

1977, Pp 63-64 193

A. N. 199:19-24

147

Conclusion

It is stated that, in the early historic context, the social formation was the

aggregate of coexistence and interaction of different forms of subsistence

including hunting, gathering, herding cum shifting cultivation, plough agriculture

and craft production structured by the dominance of agro-pastoralism.194 They

practiced hunting and food gathering along with primitive cultivation and cattle

keeping. The undulated topography and the lack of middle land formation caused

in the formation of wide pastoral tracts in the hillocks and hillock slopes. The

grazing tracts were spread over the plateau and the slopes of the hillock. Even now

the grazing fields are widely distributed in the present Kannur district, i.e the area

of the nadu under discussion.

The wide distributions of the burial monuments, especially the rock-cut

sepulchers, and the engravings at Ettukutukka and Ezhumvayal in the Perumba

river belt have shown that it was the first core settlement area of the region

comprising Kolathunadu. The distribution pattern of the rock-cut sepulchers

revealed the formation of advanced form of human settlement in the hillock

slopes. Almost all literary allusions indicated that the forest land reclaimed for

slash and burn cultivation. Such Punam cultivating units, which termed as nadu in

the early Tamil literatures, were widely occurred in the hilly region and its slopes.

They were mostly the millet and paddy cultivation units. Cattle keeping continued

as the dominant form of subsistence. Such agro-pastoral subsistent systems

resulted in the evolution of a complex form of redistributive economy with the

complex division of labour. The different types of burial structures have testified

the existence of a society with some kind of socio-political hierarchy.

194

Rajan Gurukkal, “Social Formation from the Ancient to Early Medieval” in his Social

Formation of Early south India, Oxford University Press, New Delhi, 2010, p 205

148

The early political form of the region was developed from this material

background. It was a chiefdom polity evolved under the Velir chief Nannan.

Nannan accrued surplus through predatory marches to the Punam cultivation units

and resourceful forest tracts, through the looting of cattle and caravan merchant

groups and also through collecting Tirai (probably voluntary gifts or tribute) from

the chief of the region on which Nannan had predatory control. The redistribution

of accumulated surplus was also done by the chief.

From the above discussion it is clear that the valleys of the hillocks were

not under cultivation during the early period. Instead, the nadus developed in the

hilly forest and in the slopes of the hillocks. The wet lands in the valley were not

widely under cultivation. But the evidences of the later time like Malaipatukatam,

a post Sangam literature, Mushikavamsakavya and a few epigraphs of 11th and 12th

century have shown the extension of the wet land cultivation and the formation of

the agrarian settlements in the region under study. This will be the center theme of

the next chapter.