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Agency and Organ ization : Toward a
Cyborg-Consciousness
Martin Wood1,2
The presumption that age ncy is primarily the function or personification of a
naturalized human actant can be trace d through a Western intellectual tradition
which draws upon a dualistic conception of the self as a unified, productive,
sove re ign subject, and an independent, external, physical other. In this paper, I
problematize the prevalen ce of such Cartesian differentiation. I re view an
alternative, postfoundational actant ontology, then trace the resemblances in the
work on situated knowledges. These orientations challenge the hierarchical
division between the internal self and the external other and instead emphasize
the re lational, material, and performative nature of human being. Drawing on
the notion of proximal thinking, I sugge st that formal organizations can
productively be described as re lational spaces, containing multiple and complex
frontiers, frame s and interfaces, with(in) which ostensibly differentiated and
individualistic attitudes toward agency give way to the variety and possibility of
the self-in-between; a cyborg-consciousness able to withstand the tension of
partial identities and contradictory voice s.
KEY WORDS: actant ontology; cyborg epistemology; postfoundationalism;proximal organizing; situated knowledges.
The individual mind is immanent but not only in the body. It is immanent also
in the pathways and me ssage s outside the body; and there is a larger Mind ofwhich the individual mind is only a sub-system.
—Gregory Bateson: Steps to an ecology of m ind
INTRODUCTION
The fact that age ncy—the functions, actions, or forces through which
effects, events, or results are achieved—ubiquitously occurs in social sys-
tems, human socie ties, and work organizations is not disputed here. How-
Hum an Relations, Vol. 51, No. 10, 1998
1209
0018-7267/98/1000-1209 $15.00/1 Ó 1998 The Tavistock Institute
1Warwick Business School, University of Warwick, Coventry, England.2Requests for reprints should be addresse d to Martin Wood, Warwick Business School, Uni-
versity of Warwick, Coventry CV4 7AL, England; e-mail: [email protected]
ever, recent deve lopme nts in postfoundationa l theorizing have be gun to
challenge notions of agency as the property impute d to and unilate rally
brokered by privile ged human subjects. The prevale nce of this reductionist
person ification (lite rally the attribution of human form) toward age ncy in
Western discourse s can be traced to the Cartesian inte lle ctual tradition
which privile ges the fragmentary and dualistic nature of reality. For Bohm
(1980) , what began as the pragmatic attempt to distill agency into an ar-
rogate d form has re sulte d in the artificial division of the world into
bounde d entities: psychological and social, thought and action, theory and
practice , which have become more than convenient compartme nts for or-
dering, be ing taken instead as representative of how the world really is:
constituted of separate “things,” each with the ir own seemingly autonomous
existence.
It has been sugge sted that age ncy is a consequence of the situation
in which it occurs (Bate son, 1972; Blackle r, 1993; Brown, Collins , &
Duguid, 1989; Brown & Duguid, 1991; Lave & Wenger, 1991; Star, 1992) .
By emphasizing its constructe d and distribute d temper, this pape r posits
the idea that the inte ractions be tween networks of social, material, and
technical actants, performing in accordance with a multiplicity of situated
knowledge s, are integral to our understanding of agency in organizations.
It challe nges the Cartesian distinction that age ncy exists as what Lave and
Wenger term an “abstract representation,” arguing instead that its form
and utility is negotiable ; a practical and reversible matter of heteroge neous
performance.
The idea of performativity is closely tied to that of actor¯network theory
and its relation to weak (Vattimo, 1992) or proximal thinking (Coope r &
Law, 1995) and the associate d materialist thinking establishe d in science
and technology (Callon, Law, & Rip, 1986; Latour, 1987; Law, 1992) . These
actant ontologie s describe systems of heteroge neous “actors”—humans,
technology, information, environme nts—which embody a performance as
an inseparable whole , as if parts of a “seamless web” (Hughes, 1986) . The
implication of this approach for unde rstanding agency is the importance it
place s upon acting with the world. By resisting the temptation to reify
agency sole ly as the embodie d faculty of the human age nt, actant ontologie s
emphasize its distribute d nature : whereby agency is continually performed
by all—human and nonhuman—actants in an integrate d circuit.
What follows is an attempt to draw upon and weave toge ther the com-
plementary threads of situate d knowledge s, actant ontologie s, and proximal
thinking into an integrated approach, wherein all agency/structure distinc-
tions (mind and nature , social and technical, inside and outside ) are treated
as achievements, as privile ged effects or results and not as a priori resources.
1210 Wood
DECONSTRUCTING INSIDE AND OUTSIDE
The development of Europe an art since the Renaissance period pre-
sents us with a useful metaphor for tracing the historical roots of the frag-
me ntary We stern inte lle ctual tradition. The te chnique of pe rspective ,
unique to European Renaissance art, centers a representation of the world
upon the eye of the beholder. This representation is the process of visible
appe arance s conve rging on the eye of the beholder and subsequently be ing
calle d reality. In this way, the reality portraye d by Renaissance art is con-
structed for the single eye of the beholder, such that the beholder would
see themselve s as central to, yet outside and inde pendent of, that reality:
The inherent contradiction in perspective was that it structured all images of reality
to address a single spectator who . . . could only be in one place at a time. (Berger,
1972, p. 16)
It is the creation of the post-Renaissance nude, however, which best
illustrate s this point. According to Berger, the nude was almost always “ad-
dressed” to a spectator: “the principal protagonist” in such a way as to
resist description as a self-containe d “thing.” The image depende d upon
the owner/spectator for its meaning, which came as a result of the inter-
action between the two actors—the obje ct (the woman—for the original
owners were predominantly male), on the one hand, and the subject (the
owner/spectator) on the othe r—in an interdepende nt relationship. In Venus
and Cupid, Time and Love, an erotic 16th century allegory by Bronzino,
give n by the Grand Duke of Florence to the King of France , Berger ob-
serves how: “Her body is arrange d in the way it is, to display it to the man
looking at the picture ” (1972, p. 55) . The point here is that while perspec-
tive seeks to arrange a reality external to the beholder, the distinction be-
tween internal and external is artificially constructed. One cannot exist
without the other. The reality of the image only emerges through an in-
teraction between the obse rver and the obse rved; the spectator is part of
the meaning and cannot simply regard himself as outside of and separate
to it.
If we attend to how this distribution of meaning is produced, the dis-
tinction between the inside (self) and the outside (other) begins to appe ar
unsound. In rejecting such a dualism, both extremes are collapse d; there
no longe r be ing a privile ged position from which to judge the other de-
pendent. An exemplar of such postfoundational or postdualist (Parker, in
Knights, 1997) analysis can be found in the deconstructive work of Jacques
Derrida. According to Derrida (1978) , the search to secure a solid and
enduring reality, a praxis of locatable presence or unilate ral source, is a
result of what he calls an ontology of logocentrism . From the Greek Logos:
to give order and form to the world, logocentrism acts to position a domi-
Agency and Organ ization 1211
nant source of being—the human agent—at the center of the metaphysical
world. As Derrida points out, this idea presuppose s that the rational mind
can be individually posse ssed so that it “serves to control and direct the
extra-human world and thus provide the feeling of [human] mastery over
[it]” (Cooper, 1989, p. 482) .
Derrida asserts that the root of the division between inside /outside ;
self/othe r binarie s is the mistaken assumption of an existent source/supple -
ment hierarchy. He propose s that such oppositions can be analyze d in two
ways: by emphasizing the opposite s themselve s, or by placing the emphasis
upon the process by which those opposite s oppose and are yet combined.
It is the latter approach for which Derrida invents the term differance .
Differance is the embodiment of the two verbs: to differ, or disagre e in
space; and defer, or adjourn in time. The term represents a synthe sis of
constant referral, in which, for example , neither age ncy nor structure enjoys
a presence in and of itse lf, but is rathe r always already an effect, a trace
of an interweaving with the other.
Differance is inte nde d to conve y the idea that meaning cannot be
grasped through any dualist formulae , with its attendant ambitions of hi-
erarchical stability and material purity (e.g., manage r vs. worker, thought
vs. action, social vs. technical) , but is always mediate d between two differing
pole s, one of which must continually be deferred, awaiting the opportunity
to flow back into the medium from which it was marginalize d. Differance
argue s for a way of thinking and acting which collapse s duality and is ca-
pable of coping with the ambiguity of hybridization through which the self
and the othe r are able to flow into each othe r and merge , without sharp
separations or bre aks. That is to say that neither self nor othe r can be
je ttisoned; one cannot simply be chosen over the other, as is the case in
traditional dualistic thought. No, the relationship represents continuous
contact and motion, for one can only be known via an awareness of the
other. It is this approach which enable s us to see that:
Division is not just an act of separation but is also an undifferentiated state in
which its terms are actually joined toge ther . . . Paradoxically it is the act of
separation which cre ates the perception of something that is also whole. (Cooper,
1989, p. 488)
This theme is also followed by Bateson (1972) when he too argue s for
the deconstruction of the dualism between an internal self and an external
other. Taking the Mind as example , he illustrate s how logocentric language
seeks to separate the external “physical world” from the internal “mental
world.” If the Mind is treated as be ing separate from the external world
then it is logical that individuals will see themselves as being outside the
things around them and yet at the same time central to, and in control of
them—for the individual “is” the Mind. Bateson submits that this reduc-
1212 Wood
tionist distinction between the human age nt on the one hand and the physi-
cal world on the othe r is unsatisfactory. He argues instead that the Mind
be seen as immane nt in a wider total system of differences in which the
individual human mind is but one equal, and thereby decentered, part.
Central to this argument against the reductionist embodiment of Mind
is the principle of symmetry (Law, 1994). All social processes—including
human age ncy, as to exclude it is to fall into the trap of assuming that
agency is reducible to whate ver take s place outside the body—deserve ex-
planation, and that those explanations should be approache d in the same
way for all actants. This is the principle of symmetry. By positing the notion
that human actants cannot be separated from the ir environme nts, Derrida,
Bateson, and Law adopt a symmetrical view, away from dualisms like men-
tal/physical and inside /outside .
FROM DUALISMS TO THE INTEGRATED CIRCUIT
This is the focus of Callon (1986) , Latour (1987) , and Law’s (1992)
concept of the actor¯network. At its center lies the attempt to build a sym-
metrical account of the mutually constituting networks of social and tech-
nological resources and the ir colle ctive role in age ncy. Actors—human,
technical, and material—are seen as nothing othe r than orde red effects of
a network of heteroge neous interactions, where no a priori distinction exists
(Law, 1992) . For Callon, Latour, and Law, there is no given order of things;
agency doe s not exist in and of itself. By rejecting the dualist notion of its
embodime nt solely inside the human agent, they imply that, rathe r than
taking place in isolation, agency is distribute d in an integrate d circuit of
heterogeneous, social, technical, and material re lations. Its disembodied
and independent appe arance is an orde red effect; an achie ved structure ,
dependent upon the production and reproduction of networks of these re-
lations. This is as much as to say that there may indeed be privile ged place s,
hierarchies, and asymmetrical dualitie s, but that they are a result of inter-
relation not its cause.
But how are stable sets of relations produce d? And, how do they
achieve the privile ged structure of human agency? One answe r to these
que stions is to look at how a multiplicity of uncertain human, textual, and
material resources are able to come together for long enough to resemble
a meaningful and predictable structure . In Law’s (1994) ethnography of a
scientific laboratory in northwe stern England, he note s how the archite c-
ture , the machine s, and the social relations of the laboratory all go toge ther
with no possibility of separating them. He talks about the director of the
laboratory, though not simply—dualistically —in terms of a set of personal
characte ristics. Instead “director” is a privile ged effect, inscribed in and
Agency and Organ ization 1213
performed by a network of social, and material and technical relations: em-
bodied attribute s, preferences and skills, but also doors, a well-appointe d
office , secretary, phone , streams of paperwork, which when all arrange d in
a certain way all perform the effect of “director.” Similarly, Parker (1997)
following Law asserts that we could not do “manager,” “worker,” or “aca-
demic” without the props and accessorie s that support such performances.
So what is going on when we distinguish between the inside and the
outside , the process and the performance ? And why is it that we presuppose
that agency is personal and results solely from people s’ actions? In order to
formulate a satisfactory answer to these questions we have to rende r visible
that circuit of interrelations which is often left invisible ; of listening to rathe r
than screening out those heterogeneous agents, whose strategic integrations
perform the appearance of structured and inde pende nt homologie s.
Law (1986) illustrate s the importance of unde rstanding the integration
of stabilize d resources for bringing about desired effects in his popular expo-
sition of the Portugue se East Indies Company expansion, during the late fif-
teenth century. In order to be able to capitalize on, and gain control over the
trade in spice s between the Arab empires and the East Indie s, the Portuguese
realize d that new, heavily fortified and armored vessels had to be deve loped,
new sail patte rns, better able to harne ss the power of the trade winds, nee ded
to be designed, and improvements in navigation, using scaled representations
of the world in the form of models, maps, and charts, had to be made. All
of these innovations would eventually help the Portuguese secure safe pas-
sage to, and control ove r, the spice markets of the East.
In his account, Law invite s us to look at how these outcomes—better
vessels; new sail patterns; improve d navigational technique s; secure pas-
sage—were achieved. We see how heterogeneous actors—ships, sails, crews,
technologie s of navigation, and ocean currents—come (or are forced) to
relate their diffe rent skills, concerns, and uses in a certain way so as to
achieve a desired effect, a particular performance, or representable struc-
ture—safe passage and control over the spice marke ts. The (re)presentation
of this structure from one culture , system, language , or reality, into anothe r,
while still attesting to the expe rienced fact of each, is continge nt upon the
translation (Callon, 1986; Latour, 1987) of an equivale nce be tween that
structure and all the variant skills, concerns, and uses of a network of ac-
tors, whose self-interested relations hold that structure in place . Translation
can be define d as a contextual and practical mode of organizing, where
local positioning and resonance , not universality, are the condition and cur-
rency (Haraway, 1988) . That is to say that actors act in a manne r which
appe ars to meet the situated demands of the ir local environme nts: sails
will catch a wind; a navigator will read a chart and plot a course; seamen will
raise and lower sails; yet simultane ously remains faithful to the rubric of the
1214 Wood
propose d (re)presentation: sails catching the desired wind; the navigator
plotting the appropriate course; the crew trimming the right sails, in order
to achie ve safe passage .
What this type of theorizing demonstrates is how by attending to the
performativity and materiality of age ncy, the hard boundary separating
seemingly autonomous “things”: “organization, ” “director,” “sail patte rns,”“safe passage ,” etc., becomes blurre d and problematic, even unhe lpful, if
we try to utilize it in orde r to explain how future end products are achie ved.
Hence we expend much time and energy describing how “finishe d” things
affect or are connected to one anothe r (e.g., thought and action; manager
and worker) without ever questioning the process by which such effects
were produced or became disconne cted in the first place . Why should this
be so? Why do we favor fixedness, certainty, and purity ahe ad of relations,
movement, and emergence? Let us look more closely at process and effect,
or perhaps—at the risk of drawing on a common metaphor—journey and
destination.
HAPPENINGS AND ASSEMBLAGE
I have argued that an increasingly important dimension of agency is
a focus on the collective and performative practices of knowing and doing.
The work of Callon, Latour, and Law attempts to extend agency from an
idealized, individual commodity, whose utility is in the panoptical determi-
nation of what is seeable and sayable (Foucault, 1979) , toward a view of
agency as the concre tization or truncation of complex “circuits of continu-
ous contact and motion” (Coope r, 1992, p. 373) . This is not to say that
there is no such “thing” as age ncy. What is be ing advocate d here is a more
egalitarian manne r of talking about age ncy as a happenin g; an occurrence
or event, whose unity is depende nt upon the combining of appare ntly dis-
parate and unrelated elements into a sustainable assemblage.
Assemblage represents a colle cting instinct, a form of table au and
hotchpotch; a bit of this and a bit of that. It has a long history in the art
world, for example , Hans Hobe in the Younge r’s 16th century painting of
The Ambassadors, found in the National Gallery in London, wherein two
affluent looking gentlemen are depicted surrounde d by many obje cts that
have perhaps been colle cted by themselves, or might have been gifts, or
else tokens, symbolizing the worldly nature of the ir role . In either event,
these appare ntly disparate and unre lated artifacts have been assembled so
as to convey an impression of the subje ct. The Victorians too were dedi-
cated colle ctors and assemblers, with Darwinism being the exemplar. In
Samue l Butle r’s Mr. Hatherley’s Holiday from London’s Tate Galle ry, a Vic-
torian scientist is depicted assembling a human ske leton amid the bricolage
Agency and Organ ization 1215
of his laboratory. Modern art also exemplifie s assemblage : Picasso’s Bull’sHead made from bicycle handle bars and seat as well as his “papie r collés”;
Salvedor Dali’s Lobster Telephone ; Jasper Johns’ Target assembled using a
mixture of encaustic on newspaper on canvas. As too does writing, as a
glance at the bibliography (derived from the Greek biblia meaning books
and particularly the Bible —itse lf an assembled colle ction—and graph ia
meaning writing: a group or seque nce [assemblage ] of le tters) attached to
the end of this pape r will confirm.
In a similar sense , a postfoundational ontology argue s that social
happe nings: “director”; “acade mic”; “organization” are always alre ady ef-
fects of a previous process of assemblage . To negle ct the analysis of as-
se m blage is to ove rloo k the re lation al and proce ssual de tail of a
happe ning. In Coope r and Law’s (1995) analysis, for example , “organi-
zation” enjoys two, diffe re nt, yet comple mentary, syntactical refere nts.
For the m the take n-for-granted definite ness of a happe ning such as or-
ganization (noun) illustrates a predisposition toward glossing ove r the
provisiona l and uncertain assemblage of organizat ion (verb). The first
repre sents a legislative metanarrative of modernity which implie s a world
of inde pende nt “things”; a sure ty of finishe d eve nts and definite ness of
being. The se cond articulate s the need to look at relations, movement,
and emergence ; a becom ing ontology whe re in primacy is give n to the het-
eroge neous processes involve d in forging orde r out of disorde r (Coope r,
& Law, 1995) .
While the aim of a be ing ontology is to produce knowledge inde-
pendent of the processes of its production, a becoming ontology accepts
knowing as continge nt; a more or less partial and incomple te accomplish-
ment. As a be ing ontology treats the inde pende nt appe arance of a hap-
pening as unproble matic, in a becoming ontology we find a concern with
the assemblage through which that appe arance is created. The first term
is distal, the second proximal (Polanyi, 1966; Coope r & Law, 1995) . Ac-
cording to Polanyi we know the proximal only by relying on our awareness
of it for attending to the distal. We are aware of the proximal only in the
appe arance of the distal. The proximal has no meaning in and of itself.
When we use a tool or exercise a skill, we are only aware of their impact
or particular movement: their meaning, in relation to their effect on the
aim to which our attention is directed. We can only recognize the proximal
retrospectively from the distal. This theme has been explore d elsewhere in
a characte rization of biomedical evide nce as a provisional, negotiate d out-
come of heteroge neous occupational and agency interaction and not an
univocal nor transpare nt source (Wood et al., 1997) .
Reports of biome dical research point to the centrality of method in
producing formal, value -neutral accounts of knowle dge. Such accounts con-
1216 Wood
tinue to be dominate d by longstanding, epistemological assumptions of a
duality between research evide nce and clinical practice , in which knowle dge
is seen as a commodity whose better, quicke r, easier to access, usually elec-
tronic, increasingly portable transfer from the research pole to that of prac-
tice will lead to more effective clinical manage ment of patients (e.g., Smith,
1996) . While the appe al of this dualist mode l is its maintenance of stable
and secure boundarie s and identities (e .g., evide nce vs. practice , social vs.
scientific, researcher vs. clinician) such thinking has made possible a hier-
archical distinction between, for example , the analytical and disembodied
“facts” of research evidence and the “mere knowle dge” of clinical practice
(Haine s & Jones, 1994; Lomas et al., 1993) . Here an analytic and disem-
bodied (scientific) organization of knowledge can be seen to be privile ged
ove r more tacit and situated expe riences; a body of evidence, separated
from its social context, that can be unilate rally transmitted from a research
setting—where it is known—to the world of practice —where it is not.
Following Callon, Haraway, and Latour the representivity of research
is rarely, if ever, self-evident to the practitione r but varies according to the
context within which it is received. Hence, in promoting research evide nce
we are not dealing with the uncomplicate d dissemination of findings to a
large ly passive and receptive audie nce ; a simple “communications proble m”
in the hackne yed sense of the phrase , but with a problem of accessing lo-
cally validate d and collectively unde rstood conditions for knowing. Clini-
cians do not simply apply disembodie d facts to the situations around them
(Williamson, 1992) . While they may not necessarily deny the researched
phe nomena, they se ek to unde rstand the validity and usefulne ss of its
(re)presentation in accordance with the demands of their localize d, routine
practice s. In other words, people do not rely simply on unlocatable , global
theory; they are not foole d by “god tricks: promising vision from every-
where and nowhere” (Haraway, 1988, p. 584) but want to see the connec-
tions between what is advocate d and their own locally-situate d knowledges-
in-action; they look for a locatable position; a view from some where
(Haraway) . That is to say that no matte r how analogous to experience ,
knowledge—research findings—cannot be understood as a full and trans-
pare nt source explaining an existent clinical world and its motivating mecha-
nisms, but as an uncertain and negotiate d outcom e of interagency struggle s
and negotiations taking place in a specific situation, or place , and at a cer-
tain time. Its unifie d and entitative appearance (Hosking et al., 1995) is
not the result of any transce ndence of pre-existing divisions by researchers
acting unilate rally, but rathe r of the latte rs’ animation with( in) a loose
weave of situate d knowledges; as cyborgs existing in an assemblage of dif-
ferent voices.
Agency and Organ ization 1217
CYBORG: THE COATLICUE STATE
This is my home this thin edge of barbwire.
—Gloria Anzaldúa: Borderlands/La frontera
How can it not know what it is?
—Rick De ckard: Blade Runner
According to Donna Haraway (1991) “a cyborg is a hybrid creature ,
composed of organism and machine .” The cyborg image is one of a lived
high tension zone (Star, 1992) between inside /outside and human/nonhu-
man dualisms. It represents multivocal inclusivity and constant cross refer-
ral between (our)self and (an)other; a simultane ous concern with edge s or
frontiers, as the fulcrum where ways of seeing collide , but also the interface ,
the intersection, the synthe sis for a rejoining of partial and sometimes con-
tradictory voices (Anzaldúa, 1987) . This uncertainty produce s mixed up,
multiple or split selve s, who come to assimilate the situated knowledges
and perpetual ambiguitie s of at least two constitue nt fields:
[ T] he y are irre voca bly the product of se ve ral inte rlocking historie s and
cultures . . . . They must learn to inhabit at least two identities, to speak twocultural languages, to translate and negotiate between them. (Hall, 1992, p. 310)
The cyborg image is probably most familiar as a genre in science-fic-
tion films. Movie s such as Alien (1979), Blade Runner (1982, 1991) , Cyborg
(1989) , Metropolis (1926) , Predator (1987) , Robocop (1987) , The Termina-
tor/Terminator 2 (1984/1991) —the filmography is too numerous to be listed
here—are populate d with synthe tics, androids, simulants, replicants, living
machine s: “techno-gole ms manufacture d through the grafting of metal and
flesh” (Parke r, 1997, p. 8). The human/machine combination/mut ation plot
in these exemplars is easy enough to follow yet offers only a relative ly sim-
plistic, rathe r moralizing over-determination of the cyborg metaphor: as
programmed and obedient subhuman worker; or alte rnative ly, often viole nt
supe rhuman rebe l fighting socie ty/evil. While this might enable new mileage
to be contrived out of the old “what it take s to be human in an increasingly
te chnologically mediate d—that is to say virtual (Brigham & Corbe tt,
1997)—world” theme, it is this very search for and preservation of an es-
sential human spirit, come what may, which ultimate ly rende rs the majority
of celluloid cyborg images unsatisfactory for exploring the tensions and pos-
sibilitie s of the split self.
There are exceptions of course and one of the most celebrate d and
probably most written about is the Ridley Scott film Blade Runner (1991) .
The film describes a futuristic rebe l band of Nexus-6 replicants: superior,
human-like android workers utilize d on the off-world colonie s of Mars, who
have escaped to the streets of Los Ange les in search of the ir creator and
answers to que stions about their existence. Deckard is a blade runner: a
1218 Wood
specialist in identifying and destroying (retiring) replicants. He, rathe r
grudgingly, has to retire the itine rant androids. Deckard’s task is compli-
cated however when he falls in love with a replicant named Rachel who
believes she is human. Here Blade Runner distinguishe s itself from many
other films of the genre. Instead of seeking to fix humanity and firmly de-
fine human from nonhuman, the film continually juxtapose s the two, seek-
ing—or at any rate achieving in the eyes of this viewer—to collapse any a
priori foundation from which to distinguish one from the othe r.
Deckard, for example , is portraye d as a disconsolate and solitary fig-
ure, his family ties are represented merely by an unreliable jumble of pho-
tos. But the point is made that replicants also rely desperate ly on photos
to reinforce the ir “memories.” The self-in-be tween is exemplifie d here as
Rache l struggle s with the confusion of love and fear; with the alterity of
finding that her memories are not real memories, only implants. In her
words: “I’m not in the busine ss, I am the business.” The fragility of this
memory-mediated human/nonhuma n dualism is brought full circle in almost
the final scene of the film when Roy, the replicant leade r, recalls:
I have seen things you people wouldn’t believe : attack ships on fire off the shoulder
of Orion; I watched seabeams glitter in the darkness at Ten Howser Gate. All
those moments will be lost like tears in the rain. Time to die. (Roy Batty; Blade
Runner: The Director’s Cut, 1991)
In this moment, Deckard loses both his own analogue as human and
his one sure foundation for defining human from nonhuman. For Roy’smemorie s are not virtual nor artificial, but real and experienced. But the
cyborg is a creature of fact as well as fiction; it exists in live d experience .
In her extraordinary, semi-autobiographical book Borderlands/L a Fron-
tera Gloria Anzaldúa similarly argue s for the transgression of rigid concep-
tual de finitions. She e xplore s the possibility of a se lf-in-be twe e n, a
theoretical space characte rized by ambivale nce , perplexity, internal strife,
insecurity, inde cisive ness; a state of perpetual transition and of resistance .
For Anzaldúa, the self—herself—is and always has been multiple ; split be-
tween the alienating and arrogating oppression of both traditional Mexican
and Anglophone societies, yet at the same time resistant to the ir oppressive
predications for fixe dness and purity. It is the latte r she describes as the
self-in-be tween, the resistant self; the border-dwelling self, living between
culture s in a space she calls the Coatlicu e state. Coatlicue is one of the
deities of Coatalopeuh , the Mesoamerican creator godde ss and mother of
the celestial de ities. She had two aspe cts: the dark, Coatlicue ; and the light,
Tonantsi. But she was split by the male dominate d Azteca-Mexica culture
of the Nahuas and her dark aspe ct drive n underground and substitute d for
by male de itie s, while Tonantsi, split from her dark guises, became the good
mother. Later Spanish conque stors and the ir Roman Catholic church con-
Agency and Organ ization 1219
tinued this split when Tonantsi, de-sexed, became G uadalupe the chaste
virgin mother, while Coatalope uh/Coatlicue became la puta. And so the
consciousne ss of duality between light and dark, beauty and beast, se lf and
other, inside and outside , was complete and simultane ously forgotte n; the
uppe r world enjoying the privile ge of original unity, the dark, lower world
becoming shadow, taboo.
Anzaldúa rejects this mind/body split. She recognize s that the possi-
bility of resistance depends on the recreation of una raza cosmica, of re-
awake ning the recognition of the identity in-between, the identity in the
borders that emerges from the coatlicue state ; the cyborg-consciousne ss.
But while she argues for a movement away from a dualistic consciousne ss
which splits off parts of the self, represses the shadow, she too makes it
clear that remaining in the borders where rupture and hybridization take
place is and has always been a vulnerable and high-te nsive life .
So while the cyborg unde rmines the Cartesian predilection for agency
as a pure ly human preserve, it offers no simple nor comfortable alte rnative ,
only the realization of living day to day with multivocality. Cartesianism
privile ges structure s, categorie s and “hard” distinctions. It presuppose s that
agency is a human activity and gives the libe ral illusion of human control
ove r the metaphysical world (Blackle r, 1993) . The cyborg, however, sweeps
away notions of fixed identities, categorie s, distinctions, and purity. It rec-
ognize s the impossibility of holding habitual concepts, dominant points of
view or oppre ssive value systems in rigid boundarie s. Its image represents
the rupture of unitary paradigms. Instead the cyborg learns tolerance for
contradiction and ambiguity. It has a plural personality; it operates in a
pluralistic mode, as a zero point between dichotomie s (Star, 1991). The
cyborg is representative of an age-old borde r situation between a self and
its other(s); the social and the technical or mechanistic, in which one of
the territorie s at stake is the human subject as the site of agency. Ironically
it is here that we omnipre sent human agents, parsimoniously distinguishe d
from a heteroglossia of others, who actually recognize ourselves as the as-
sembled with( in) the oppositional voices we attempt to referee; that we
are , and always have been cyborg.
DO CYBORG MANAGERS DREAM OF UNITY?
In time I lost my sense of contradiction, just as I gradually abandoned any attempt
to distinguish the different race s in that land of age -old, unbridled hybridisation.
—Umberto Eco: Foucau lts pendulum
In the world without foundations, everyone is equal and the imposition of any
system of meaning on others is violence and oppression.
—Gianni Vattimo: The transparen t society
1220 Wood
The reified and complete appe arance or positioning of organizational
agency with the manage rial agent can be seen as an example of a successful
standardization of arrange ments; the connection and stabilization of mul-
tiply heterogeneous worlds, age nts and voices into a convergent form which
can be acted upon, classifie d, predicted, in short, represented. But how
doe s the manage rial agent join and aggregate ? Here manage rial agents are
confronte d with a dile mma: how to live with sociotechnical multivocality
and yet be legitimated as the representative of those multiple voices. On
the one hand there is a need to access the assemblage of historie s, culture s,
and knowledges. At the same time these hithe rto indexical practices must
be deferred in favor of a conne cted, predictable , and generalizable order
(cf. Garfinke l, 1984) . One answer is to look for ever stronge r bastions of
knowledge ; to find the transcendent and unde rlying nature of a phenome-
non. This is the distinctive character of diale ctic thought; from here it is
only a practical difficulty that prevents the obje ctive substitution of inde xi-
cal expression (Garfinke l). But there is a second possibility.
I wish to suggest that while formal organizations are traditionally theo-
rized as being dependent upon the de limitation of set boundarie s—strategy,
R&D, personne l, marketing, operations—leading to the achie vement of pre-
conceived goals, they may be more productive ly recognized as interactive and
unstable cyborg assemblages; as site s or meeting places where fiction and fact
no longer enjoy any a priori distinction. Manage rs can refuse to discard any
of their hybrid, cyborg selves; to eschew purity and instead to see themselve s
as executive s presenting many faces (Star, 1991). This implie s making visible
that which is often le ft invisible ; of listening to, rather than screening out,
the multivoice d—proximal—assemblage s, which constantly perform the uni-
fied—distal—appearance of organize d outcomes; of refusing the distinction
between the tire less, embodie d practice s backstage and the heroic accom-
plishments presented frontstage (Goffman, 1971; Law, 1994). According to
Star (1991) and Law (1994) this entails the heuristic flattening, though not
ignoring of differences; of breaking down reified boundarie s, acknowle dging
the primacy of dwelling in multiple worlds and weaving inside the “exciting
spaces” that are created between them.
Selander (1996) , following Giddens, recognize s this shift. He describes
a move away from discursive closure in which certain discourse s become
dominant by being regarded as natural and neutral; conside red supe rior
and more legitimate than others. In contrast he points to discursive openin g
as representative of a contextual domain in which use is made of a plurality
of actors, interests, and concerns; a domain in which no one discourse can
guarante e supre macy through its purity, but must combine with diffe rent
discourse s in order to gain legitimacy. This position may be instructive for
a contemporary exegesis of manage rial agency; to become ope n to the va-
Agency and Organ ization 1221
rie ty and possibility of uncertainty by drawing upon diffe rent traditions,
diffe rent identitie s, at the same time. This raises the question of connection.
No objects, spaces, or bodies are sacred in themse lves; any compone nt can beinterlace d with any other if the prope r standard, the proper code , can be
constructed for processing signals in a common language. (Haraway, 1991, p. 163)
Thus in seeking to unde rstand the situation of age ncy in organizations,
we might expect to concentrate on edge s and interfaces; on flows across
boundarie s and not the integrity of natural objects. Two concepts might
usefully serve to extend our understanding of the processes of interdepend-
ence , inte rpenetration, and hybridization, in which differences become thor-
oughly blurre d. Star and Griesemer (1989) demonstrate how multiple
voices can achie ve a possible unity through the production and structuring
of boundary objects. Boundary objects represent node s of intersection be-
tween and within situate d practices; they can be objects, actions, and ar-
te facts: facilitat ion, teaching, meetings, personal contacts, rewards and
guide lines, whose form is robust enough to be common across several bor-
ders, but whose coding and resonance emerges through local inte ractions
and mutual conve rsations. While boundary objects are omnipre sent, the ir
representation—their meaning—can remain indexical and contested.
Joan Fujimura (1992) deve lops this concept furthe r when she describes
how, by linking an obje ct to other heteroge neous objects, package s of ob-
jects, theorie s, technique s, measure ments, instruments, and social relations
can be come routinized—black-boxe d—across boundarie s. Standardized
packages simultane ously account for the production and structuring of col-
lective social relations: by helping to reconcile conflicting view points and
enabling agre ement over definitions, and fact stabilization; by tying the
work of several actors toge ther in what appe ars to be a solid whole , capable
of allaying skepticism and dissent from the outside world (Mol and Berg,
1994) . Standardize d package s therefore act as an interface between situated
knowledge s, facilitating the representation of boundary obje cts both locally,
in specific sites; and globally, through theories, which because they are con-
structed using recognized technologie s and materials of representation, can
more easily be translate d across contexts; from multiple , local practice s to
produce a standardize d form.
But standardize d for whom? Whose voice shall be heard? Gibson Bur-
rell (1997) argue s that historically as well as contemporarily, notions of civi-
lization have rested upon acts of extreme viole nce. The multivoice d, those
who transgress Euclidean inspired boundarie s have always been punishe d,
executed, silenced by dominant perspectives that have been “drive n like a
straight highway through the past” (1997, p. 2). Similarly, modern managers
are commonly asked to ascribe themselves certain ascendant characteristics:
I am a visionary; I communicate well; I encourage participation; I build
1222 Wood
teams; I am clear what needs to be achieved; etc. It is the dominance of
the prefix “I” in these statements which epitomize s the world of the post-
renaissance nude, the Portugue se East Indie s Company, or the contempo-
rary work organization: an emphasis on the reality of the single viewer, a
perspectival world, a unitary world. History tells us not of sails, winds,
course s, or crews who “must be silent and keep no record of the ir own”(Burrell, 1997, p. 3). No. As Burrell note s, the multivoice d seldom speak
but are spoken for, represented, reinterpreted. In this way, multiplicity is
collapse d into monopoly, heteroglossia into homology, labyrinth into line ar-
ity, and the cyborg manage r becomes a unifie d being.
Great divide s between inside and outside , oppre ssor and oppressed
are continuously being assembled. According to Brown and Duguid (1991) ,
the existence and function of the multivoice d goe s large ly unnotice d in for-
mal organizations, who often try to supplant formal work groups, whose
boundarie s tend to be both full and explicit, onto informal conne ctions,
whose identity remains partial and continge nt and may include peripheral
voice s from outside the organization, serving to furthe r blur its formal
boundary. The imposition of formal groups, departments, teams, cells, cir-
cles, etc., may be seen as the search for permanence , predictability, es-
sences, nouns; as an attempt to fix an identity. But it can also be read as
a bid to mark human bodie s by attributing membership to one discrete
group or anothe r, this team or that. Such domination is built into an or-
ganization’s coherence around an identity, for only the marked are repre-
sented, only unifie d selve s are seen. The multivocal self, the assembled self,
the self-in-be tween remains in shadow, unseen, marginalize d.
But for the cyborg manager being is problematic and continge nt. S(he)
subve rts the unifie d be ing of organization for s(he) is never finished, never
whole , but always constructe d, stitched together. S(he) is able to see and
conne ct with anothe r, yet never in all or any position wholly. This hybrid
proge ny no longe r stands on one bank of the river or the other, for rigidity
means death (Anzaldúa, 1987) . Her/his identity and affiliations lie at the
cusp and on the margins; s(he) learns to balance an identity that is both
multiple and marginal; her/his age ncy is situated at the zero point between
positions (Star, 1991) . The figure of the cyborg, the hybrid, requires a weak-
ening (Vattimo, 1992) of dualist rigiditie s for thinking about agency in or-
ganizations; a dissolution of conve rgent and analytical reasoning, which
tends to use rationality to move toward a single (privile ged) goal, in favor
of an egalitarian modesty, characte rized by a rejection of oppressive pat-
terns and set goals. Within such a weak dimension of dissolution (Vattimo)
there is a recognition of the need to look at relations, movement, and emer-
gence in which age ncy cannot easily be fixe d, instead having to be continu-
ally and continge ntly located, positione d, and situated.
Agency and Organ ization 1223
This is the suggestion for acting in an assembled world, to embark
upon that uncertain journey, to leave the opposite bank in search of new
and possibly foreign ways of seeing and thinking. To move away from the
narrow determinism and set patterns of monovocality and unification, to-
ward the ability to deconstruct and reconstruct, to accept contradictions
and tole rate ambiguity, partiality, and contradiction. This is the challenge
for cyborg manage rs, to remain open to the varie ty and possibility of be ing
cyborg while acknowle dging the tension of maintaining such a dislocate d
identity. To find ways of recognizing their materially assembled selves; of
recovering the ir cyborg-consciousne ss rather than assuming a priori the om-
nipotence of godde sses (Haraway, 1985) .
CONCLUSIONS
In this paper, I have sought to explore some current and related ap-
proache s to thought and action, suggesting that they can be take n as an in-
dication of a need to change our thinking about agency in organizations.
Privile ging managers as be ing in posse ssion of the organizational Mind has
led to the notion of managers as somehow separate from and yet unilate rally
in control of a necessarily external, physical organization. Law (l994) argued
that this misconce ption arose from the need to define precisely what some-
thing was or was not. In this way, the mental and the physical (and everything
within them) gave the illusion of being reducible to a simple locatable place
with a single and unambiguous meaning. By resisting the idea that the or-
ganizational Mind can be sole ly locate d within the managerial body, actant
ontologie s treat agency as an effect of participation in heterogeneous net-
works, wherein agency is situated, and distribute d among all of its heteroge-
neous parts. Avoiding a focus upon finished events through which the world
can easily be thought of as a distal construction of separate , coded things, is
to avoid glossing over an invisible , rathe r disorde rly, proximal reality. In con-
clusion, as Star (1991) notes, while we cannot work without splitting, dividing,
and substituting, our images of splitting and technologie s of division are too
impoverished. Manage rs need to move away from a consciousne ss of duality,
with its attendant ambitions of hierarchical stability and material purity and
instead to become open to the varie ty and possibility of their cyborg-con-
sciousness; not fixed nor entitative but hybrid, poised in transition between
positions; as the product of mélange ; as cyborg selve s simultane ously situate d
in and between local experiences.
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BIOGRAPHICAL NOTE
MARTIN WOOD is Rese arch Fe llow in the Centre for Corporate Strategy and Change at
Warwick Business School. After undergraduate studies in Bradford, he completed postgraduatework at Lancaster Unive rsity in 1994. His research interests currently include studying the
heterogeneous processes, strategies and materials of organizing change within the U.K. Na-tional Health Service; particularly the translation of knowledge in relation to new organiza-
tional forms and practices.
1226 Wood