After Martial Law, What - BERNAS

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    After martial law, what?By Fr. Joaquin G. Bernas, S.J.Philippine Daily InquirerFirst Posted 23:42:00 12/13/2009

    Filed Under: Maguindanao Massacre, Martial Law

    NOW THAT MARTIAL LAW HAS BEEN LIFTED, what issues remain? Thereare remnants of the martial law declaration that remain to be sorted out.

    For one, rebellion and murder charges have been filed. What happens tothem? The lifting of martial law does not terminate these charges. Rebellionand murder are crimes under the Penal Code. Prosecuting them is distinctfrom the governments task of justifying the imposition of martial law.

    One question which is still being asked is whether the charge of rebellionabsorbs murder, such that a rebel can only be convicted of rebellion and notof a complex crime of rebellion with murder. (I was asked this questionprobably because an Inquirer item said I have been teaching criminal lawsince 1962even when I was not yet a lawyer!) At any rate, the establishedanswer to the question is that rebellion absorbs murder if murder wascommitted in furtherance of rebellion. However, if murder was committed for adifferent reason, such as in furtherance of reelection or for some othermotives, it is a separate crime.

    The meaning of rebellion in the Penal Code has been amply discussed in anumber of cases decided by the Supreme Court. If the rebellion chargescontinue to be pursued, I am hoping that there will be a clear statement of themeaning of armed uprising as an element of the crime. True, the currentjurisprudential literature says that for armed uprising to exist there must bepeople running around and actual fighting in the streets. But there is also theview that if a known hostile armed group is operating in an area, what mattersis not how the hostile forces are deployed but what effect they are achievingthat is, whether in fact they are achieving the aims of rebellion such asdepriving the president or the legislature in whole or in part of their powers.

    This is also related to the view I expressed that it is not at all clear thatrebellion in the Constitution is the same as the rebellion needed for convictionunder the Penal Code. It is not unheard of for the Supreme Court to give to aword in a law a meaning different from what it gives to the same word inanother law. For instance, in at least one decision the Court said thatdefamation, fraud, and physical injuries in Article 33 of the Civil Code are notthe same as the words defamation, fraud and physical injuries in thePenal Code. I am almost certain that there are other examples.

    Could the same be said of rebellion in the Penal Code and rebellion in theConstitution? After all, the two laws have different objectives. The Penal Code

    seeks to deter and punish; Article VII, Sec. 18 of the Constitution seeks tomaintain public safety. We have had decisions defining the meaning of

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    rebellion in the Penal Code as involving massive movements, but noneregarding rebellion in the Constitution. In the one instance that martial lawwas declared under the 1935 Constitution, our Court merely yielded to the judgment of the president. Moreover, in political and historical literature,rebellion is presented as a wide spectrum of varying levels of disturbances.

    With martial law lifted, however, there will be no occasion to discuss thisacademic issue.

    Incidentally, and this is now probably also an academic matter, I have alsomaintained that the power of the Supreme Court over a declaration of martiallaw is more limited than that of Congress. Aside from being able to interpretthe meaning of rebellion, the Court can only review the sufficiency of thefactual basis of the proclamation. The Court cannot determine whether thechoice of martial law is the correct solution to a factual situation.

    Congress has a broader power. Even if the factual basis for the proclamationis sufficient, Congress may still revoke the presidents decision. TheConstitution does not limit the grounds upon which Congress may baserevocation. However, the vote needed is a majority of all the members ofCongress voting jointly. This does not seem to be easy of achievement in thepresent Congress.

    But what is the reason for requiring joint voting? My recollection of thedeliberations of the Constitutional Commission is that the thinking was that theHouse of Representatives would be more libertarian than the Senate and thuswould be more likely to go against a president with authoritarian tendencies

    and, by superior numbers, would be able to revoke martial law. But assomeone has said, the wisest plans of mice and men have gone awry!

    There is also the speculation that President Macapagal-Arroyo might save herAmpatuan allies through amnesty. In fact, this is not the only speculationcirculating about what the President might do! Indeed, the fact of the matter isthat under the power of executive clemency the President can grant amnestygenerally to political offenders, but only with the conformity of a majority of allthe members of Congress. As to pardon, the President has almost unlimiteddiscretion to grant pardon, but only to those who have been convicted by finaljudgment.

    Finally, in a situation of martial law, there are quite a number of legallydisputable matters. To my mind, however, one thing is certain, namely thatthe intensity of the opposition to martial law today and the abundance of direspeculations are due, to a great extent, to the fact that the President does notenjoy high credibility. And her decision to run for the House ofRepresentatives has not served to enhance her credibility.

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