AFRICOM: New Developments

Presentation to the Portfolio Committee on Foreign Affairs

Parliament, 20 February 2008Dr Michele Ruiters, IGD

micheler@igd.org.za

i n sti tu te for

globa l di a logu e

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US in Africa Africa in US policy – Cold War interests Post-Cold War – protecting economic interests, war

on terror, maintained military presence in Africa Africa Crisis Response Initiative (ACRI) –

humanitarian support and end to genocide African Contingency Operations Training Assistance

(ACOTA) – provide African troops with offensive materiel.

Africa Regional Peacekeeping Programme (ARP) Pan-Sahel Anti-terrorism Initiative (later known as

the Trans-Sahara Counter Terrorism Initiative)

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US in Africa cont.

Counter-Terrorism Initiative - $500 million over 6 years – programmes in Algeria, Chad, Mali, Mauritania, Niger, Senegal, Nigeria, and Morocco.

Builds upon the former Pan Sahel Initiative (PSI), which concluded in December 2004 (focus on weapon and drug trafficking, counterterrorism)

Previous U.S. military activities in sub-Saharan Africa have included Special Forces associated Joint Combined Exchange Training

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Plus: Camp Lemonier – Djibouti, Combined Joint

Task Force - Horn of Africa (CJTF-HOA), FOS (2000 personnel, operational since 2003)

Cooperative Security Location (CSL) – regional training in counter-terrorism, interdiction of drug trafficking, access to continent. Host nation facility, ‘lily pad’ to ‘leap frog’ into hotspots

Forward Operating Sites (FOS) – small permanent force or contract personnel, support sustained operations

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US activity in the Horn:

Somalia – 1993 ‘Black Hawk Down’, Mission Restore Hope failed

Jan 2007 – gunship attack against 3 alleged al-Qaida operatives, men thought to be involved in the 1998 Kenya and Tanzania bombings

US aims to help Somalia regain political and economic stability through good governance and counter-terror initiatives

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Importance of Horn to US

‘We are arriving there early enough with an opportunity to help shape the environment, work toward a more secure environment and hopefully allow people the opportunity to choose a direction to go in their lives that steers them away from extremism’

– Navy Rear Admiral James Hart

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Africa’s Arc of Instability: add Kenya, DRC and Central Africa Republic

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Current US Command system

CENTCOM – East Africa, Central Asia, Middle East (27 countries – est 1983)

PACOM – East, South, Southeast Asia, Madagascar, Oceana, Alaska, Pacific islands

EUCOM- Europe, Turkey, former Soviet Union (- 5 Asian republics), Greenland, rest of Africa (92 countries)

NORTHCOM – North America SOUTHCOM – South America

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AFRICOM’s configuration

First mooted by Rumsfeld mid-2006, Bush announcement 15 December 2006

General William ‘Kip’ Ward to head command No additional personnel, no base – official

US stance Crisis response configuration – but no

immediate response planned (US) Deepen military-to-military relations at

request of African partner

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Configuration cont.

AFRICOM to be based in Stuttgart, Germany under EUCOM until October 2008

Not including Egypt – will remain under CENTCOM

Pacific Islands – Cabo Verde, São Tomé and Principé, Equatorial Guinea islands, Comoros, Madagascar, Seychelles, Mauritius

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Rationale for AFRICOM

United States Africa Command to form part of the command structure across the world

AFRICOM to create synergies in US programmes (USAID, Depts of Defence, State, Energy, Treasury, Education, Health etc.)

Consolidation of 3 existing headquarters on continent – harmonising and rationalising US military.

Fear of China’s rise in Africa (India?) Middle East ‘lost’ therefore Africa closest ‘base’ for

US military interests

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US interests in Africa

‘War on terror’ counterweight – prevention of war Strategic importance of Africa Lily pad to the Middle East Protect oil interests (10% US oil from Africa – West

Africa could provide 25% of US by 2015) Humanitarian Rise of China Peace, democracy, prosperity, stability in Africa Total aid package = US$9 billion

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Consequences of US Militarisation of Africa

Guns not negotiations Exacerbate regional and cross-border tensions Most-favoured nation status Military only game in town Militarisation of communities/societies ‘Mission creep’ Hyper-masculinity within fragile societies Gender implications

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Country responses to AFRICOM

Morocco, Algeria Libya against Liberia initially welcoming Kenya has long history with US military but

reluctant to openly host AFRICOM Ethiopia implicated in Somali invasion now

reluctant to engage with AFRICOM idea Nigeria against SADC against – MP Lekota’s statement

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African Union’s (AU) position

General Ward met with AU November 2007 Peace and Security Council established to

secure peace on the continent Does not wish to violate sovereignty of

member states African solutions for African problems African Union Standby Force and SADC

Brigade

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New conception of AFRICOM

US takes a step back February 2008: ‘stabilising partner’

AFRICOM will be modified – focus on ‘added value’ and improved coordination of US assistance

Dept of Defence no longer lead, instead State Department will coordinate US departments

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Change in Plans

AU rejected US plans to find host nation with continental consensus

Bilateral approach – US to meet with fragile/weak states during Bush visit

Even if AU or RECs object to US in Africa, not much can be done because of bilateral nature of agreement

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Possible host/location:

Kenya – long term relationship with US training programme (listening posts)

Djibouti – Camp Lemonier Ethiopia – withdrew because of AU location Nigeria – not willing to give up space Gulf of Guinea – already there Rwanda – Kagame needs support for regime Weak/fragile states

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What’s to be done?

Unified position on AFRICOM via AU to be made public

AU Peace and Security Council to be strengthened to deal with outside ‘influences’

Govern the relationship with outside partners irt military assistance from Europe and US

Ensure sovereignty (political, economic, geographic)

Need to guard against EPAs-style fallout

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And….

Strengthen national, regional and continental institutions to deal with poverty, health, education, and other issues that could lead to conflict

Facilitate communities’ involvement in their own development rather than allowing external involvement

Strengthen civil society’s access to government (national, regional and continental) to facilitate transparent and accountable governments.

Thank you.